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' 


JBcquest  of 

IRev.  lb.  <L  Scaling,  2>.2>, 

to  tbe  library 
of  tbc 

ITlnivereit^  of  Toronto 

1901 


HANDBOUND 

AT  THE 


university  of 

toronto  press 


HliistiMtivr  oitli«'  chief  plac< 
mentionedinthe  History  of 

FRANCE. 


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the 


HISTORY  OF  FRANCE. 


PART  I. 


FROM    THE   FINAL  PARTITION   OF  THE   EMPIRE   OF 
CHARLEMAGNE,  A.  D.  843,       . 


PEACE   OF   CAMBRAY,  A.D.  1529. 


PUBLISHED  UNDER   THE  SUPERINTENDENCE  OF  THE 

SOCIETY  FOR   THE  DIFFUSION  OF 

USEFUL  KNOWLEDGE. 


fair 


r 


LONDON: 
BALDWIN  AND  CRADOCK,  PATERNOSTER  ROW. 

1836. 


COMMITTEE. 

Chairman— The  Right  Hon.  LORD  BROUGHAM,  F.R.S.,  Member  of  the  National  Institute  of  France. 
Viee-Chairman— JOHN  WOOD,  Esq. 
Treasurer  -WILLI  AM  TOOKE,  Esq.,  M.P.,  F.R.S. 
Sir  Henry  Ellis,  Prin.Lib.Brit 


W.  Allen,  Esq.,  F.R.  &  R.A.S. 
Capt.  W.  Beaufort,  R.N.,  F.R. 

and  R.A.S.,  HydrogTapher  to 

the  Admiralty. 
O.  Burrows,  M.D. 
P.  Stafford  Carey,  Esq.,  M.A. 
William  Coulson,  Esq. 
R.  D.  Craig,  Esq. 
Wm.  Crawford,  Esq.  " 
J.  F.Daniell,  Esq.,  F.R.S. 
J.  F.  Davis,  Esq.,  F.R.S. 
H.T.  DelaBeche,  Esq.,  F.R.S, 


T.F.Ellis,  Esq.,M.A.,F.  R.A.S. 
John  EUiotson,  M.D.,  F.R.S. 
Thomas  Falconer,  Esq. 
I.L.  Goldsmid,  Esq.,  F.R.  and 

R.A.S. 
B.  Gompertz,  Esq.,  F.R.    and 

R.A.S. 
G.  B.  Greenough,  Esq.,  F.R.  5t 

H.  Hallam,  Esq.,  F.R.S.,  A.M. 


The  Right  Hon.  LordDenman.'M.  I).  Hill,  Esq. 

Samuel  Duckwonh,  Esq.  iRowland  Hill,  Esq.,  F. R.A.S. 

The  Right  Rev.  the  Bishop  of  JEdwin  Hill,  Esq. 

Durham,  D.D.  ,The   Rt.    Hon.  Sir  J.  C.  Hob- 

Right  Hon.  Viscount  Ebring-     house,  Bart.,  M. P. 

ton,  M.P.  David  Jardine,  Esq.,  A.M. 


Henry  B.  Ker,  Esq. 

Rt.  Hn.the  Earl  of  Kerry ,M. P. 

Th.  Hewitt  Key,  Esq..  M.A. 

J.  T.  Leader,  Esq.,  M.P. 

George  C.  Lewis,  Esq.,  M.A. 

T.  H.  Lister.  Esq. 

James    Loch,   Esq.,    M.P., 

F.G.S. 
George  Long,  Esq.,  M.A. 
J.  W.Lubbock,  Esq.,F.R.,R.A, 

and  L.S.S. 
H.  Maiden,  Esq.,  M.A. 
A.  T.  Malkin,  Esq.,  M.A. 
James  Manning,  Esq. 
J.HermanMerivale,Esq.,  M.A. 

P.A.S 
.Tames  Mill,  Esq. 
The  Rt.  Hon.  Lord  Nugent 


W.H.  Ord,Esq.,M.P. 

The  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  H.  Pamell, 

Bart,  M.P. 
Dr.  Roget,  Sec.  R.S..F  R.A.S. 
Edward  Romillv,  Esq  ,  M.A. 
Ri#ht  Hon.  Lord  J.  Russell, 

M.P. 
Sir  M.A.  Shee,  P.R.A.,  F-R.S. 
J.  .Abel  Smith,  Esq., M.P. 
Rt  Hon.  Earl  Spencer. 
John  Taylor,  Esq.,  F.R  S. 
Dr.  A.  T.  Thomson,  F.L.S. 
H.  Waymouth,  Esq. 
J.Whishaw,  Esq., M.A. , F.R. 3. 
John  Wood,  Esq. 
John  Wrottesley,  Esq.,   M.A. 

FRA.S. 
J.  A.  Yates,  Esq. 


LOCAL  COMMITTEES. 


Alston,    Staffordshire— Rev.  J 

P.  Jones. 
AngUsea.— Rev.  E.Williams. 
Rev.  W.  Johnson. 
Mr.  Miller. 
Ashburlon—J.  F.  Kingston, 
Esq. 

Barnstaple. Bancraft,  Esq' 

William  Gribble,  Esq. 
Belfast — Dr.  Drummond. 
Biltton.— Rev.  W.  Leigh. 
Bir  «ii'n^/ia»n.— JohnCorrie,Esq 
F.RS.,  Chairman. 
Paul    Moon   James,  Esq., 
Treasurer. 
Bridport.—Wm.  Forster,  Esq. 

James  Williams,  Esq. 
Bristol— J.  N.   Sanders,    Esq. 
Chairman. 
J.  Reynolds,  Esq.,  Treas. 
J.    B.  Estlin,  Esq.,  F.L.S  , 
Sec. 
Calcutta— Lord  Wm.  Bentinck 
Sir  Edward  Ryan. 
James  Young,  Esq. 
Cambridge — Rev.  James  Bow- 
stead,  M.A. 
Rev.  Prof.  Henslow,  M.A., 

F.L.S.  &  G.S. 
Rev.  Leonard  Jenyns.  M.A., 

F.L.S. 
Rev.  John  Lodge,  M.  A. 
Rev.  Geo.    Peacock,  M.A., 

F.R.S.  &  G.S. 
R.  W.  Rothman,  Esq.,M.A. 

F.R.A.S.,  &  G.  S. 
Rev.  Prof.  Sedgwick,  M.  A., 

F.R.S.  &  G.S.   I 

Professor  Smyth,  M.A. 

Rev.  C.Thirlwall,  M.A. 

Canterbury— John  Brent,  Esq  , 

Alderman. 

William  Masters,  Esq. 

Sardign  —  Rev.   J.   Blackwell 

M.A. 
Carlisle— Thos.  Barnes,  M.D., 

F.R.S.E. 
Carnarvon.— R.  A.  Poole,  Esq. 
William  Roberts,  Esq. 


Chester.—  Mayes  Lyon,  Esq. 

Henry  Potts,  Esq. 
Chichester— Forbes.M.D.F.R.S. 

C.  C.Dendy,  Esq. 
Corfu— John  Crawford,  Esq. 

Mr.  Plato  Petrides. 
Coventry.— Art.  Gregory,  Esq., 
Denbigh— John   Madocks,  Esq 

Thos.  Evans,  Esq. 
Derby— Joseph  Strutt,  Esq. 

Edward  Strutt,  E>q.,  M.P. 
Devonport  and  Stonehause. 
John  Cole,  Esq. 
—  Norman,  Esq. 
Lieut-Col.   C.      Hamilton 
Smith,  F.R.S. 
Dublin— T.  Drummond,   Esq.,, 

R.E.,  F.R.A.S. 
Edinburgh-Sir  Charles    Bell.i 
F. R.S.I,   and  E. 
truria—Jos.  Wedgwood,  Esq. 
Exeter — T.  Tyrrell.  Esq. 

John  Milford,  Esq.(Coarer.) 
Glasgow—  K.  Finlay,  Esq. 
Professor  Mylne. 
Alexander   McGrigor,   Esq. 
Charles  Tennant,  Esq. 
James  Cowper,  Esq. 
Glamorganshire — 

Dr.  Malkin,  Cowbridge. 
W.   Williams,  Esq.  Aber- 
pergwm. 
Guernsey.— V.  C.  I.ukis,    Esq. 
Hull.— J.C.  Parker,  Esq. 
Keighley,  Yorkshire  — Rev.   T. 

Dury,  M.A. 
Launceston— Rev.  J.  Barfitt. 
Leamington  Spa—  Dr.  Loudon, 

M.D. 
Leeds— J.  Marshall,  Esq. 
Lewes— J.  W.  Woollgar,  Esq. 
Limerick— Wm.  O'Brien,  Esq. 
Liverpool  Local  Association. 
W.W.Currie,  Esq  .Chairman. 
J.  Mulleneux,  Esq.,  Treas. 
Rev.  W.  Shepherd. 
J.  Ashton  Yates,  Esq. 


Ludlow— T.  A.   Knight,  Esq. 
P.H.S. 


E.  Moore,  M.D.  F.L.S.  Sec 
G.Wightwick,  Esq. 
Maidenhead-R.  Goolden,  Esq.,  Prtstcign-br.  A.  W.  Daviee, 

Maidstone^  \Ri™0'\-£eV~  S'jT"  H"m!!L0n' 

Clement  T.  Smyth,   Esq.  £.M  •J,FiR-4»- *"?. **• 

John  Case,  Esq!  L  ,•   K"pP*!£"&  HLf_» 

Malmcsbury.-B.    C.  Thomas,  B»  then. -Rev.  the  \\  arden  of. 
E  ■*  Humphreys  Jones,  Esq. 

Manchester  Local  Association.      R-"di\1\l<%.Wi*>,t--  , 

G.W.Wood,  Ksq..Chai,man. I.  ifcj^**?****™*''  *P 
Beni.Heywood,  Esq.,  Treas.  f^'W-J:.H/  ^b'aham,  *•*! 
T.  "W.    Wrinstanley,    Esq.,  Shepto- 


Hon.  Sec. 
Sir  G.  Philips,  Bart.,  M.P. 
Benjamin  Gott,  Esq. 
Masham— Rev.   George  Wad- 

dington,  M.A. 
Merthyr  Tydvil—J.  J.  Guest, 

Esq.,  'M.P. 
Minchinhampton.—3.  G.    Ball, 

Esq. 
Monmouth  —  J.  H.  Moggridge, 

Esq. 
Neath-  John  Rowland,  Esq. 
Newcastle—  Rev.  W.  Turner. 

T.Sopwith,  Esq.  F.G.S. 
Newport,  Isle  of  Wight— 
Ab.  Clarke,  Esq. 
T.  Cooke,  Jun.,  Esq. 
R.  G.  Kirkpatrick,  Esq 


Mallet. 
G.  F.  Burroughs,  Esq. 
Shrewsbury  —  R.    A.     Slanev, 

Esq.,  M.P. 
South  Petherton— John   Nicho- 

letts,  Esq. 

St.  Asaph. —  Rev.  Geo.  Strong. 

Stockport — Henry    Marsland, 

Esq.,  Treasurer. 

Henry  Coppock,  Esq.,  Sec. 

Tavistock— Rev.  W.  Evans. 

John  Rundle,  Esq. 
Truro— Richard  Taunton. M.D 
Henry  Sewell  Stokes,  Enq. 
Tunbridge  Wells.— Dr.  Yeats, 


n  bridge 
M.D. 


Uttoxeler— R.  Blurton,  Esq. 
Warwick—  Dr.  Conolly. 

The   Rev.    William   Field, 
(Lei 


Newport  Pagncll— J.Millar.Esq.  .„   .     *i""'-).      T,       -. 
NeJtown,  Montgomeryshire- *    »'atcrford-i>lt  John  Newport, 
William  Pugh,  Esq.  '„,     "arU  .  .      _ 

■  ■      ,.■  ,       ,  .>  ^        "  oherhampton  —  J.     Pearson, 

horwich — Richard  bacon,  Lsq.j  Esq. 

Rich.  Bacon,  Esq.  \Worcester-Dr.  Hastings,  M.D. 

Orseit,    Essex— Dr.  Cotbett,  C.  H.  Hebb,  Esq. 

M.D-  '.Wrexham— Thomas  Edgworth, 

Oxford— Dr.  Daubeny,  F.R.S., I  Esq 

Professor  of  Chemistry .      I        j.  K>  Bowman.Esq.,  F.L.S. 
Rev.  Professor  Powell.  Treasurtr. 

Rev.  John  Jordan,  B.A.  Major  William  Llovd. 

E.  W.  Head.  Esq..  M.A.        {Yarmouth -C.     E.      Kumbold, 
Penang— Sir  B.H.  Malkin.  Esq.,  M.P. 

Pesth,    Hungary— Count    Sze-,         Dawson  Turner,  Esq. 

chenyi  \\'ork—  Rev.  J.  Kennck,  \  M. 

Plymouth  —  H.     Woollcombe.i      J.  Phillips,  Esq.,  F.R.S. , 
Esq.,  F.A.S.,  Chairman.  I  F.G  8, 

Snow  Harris,  Esq.,  F.R.S.   ' 


THOMAS  COATES,  Esq.,  Secretary,  69,  Lincoln's  Jnn  Field*. 


CONTENTS    OF    PART   T. 


CHAPTER  I. 
From  a.  d.  843,  to  a.  d.  987. 


Page 

Partition  of  the  Empire  by  the  sons  of  Louis  le  Debonnaire— The  Kingdom  of 
France  allotted  to  Charles  le  Chauve — Ravages  of  the  Northmen.  Reign  of 
Louis  II.  le  Bt'gue — Of  Louis  III.  and  Carloman — Of  Carloman  singly — Of 
Charles  le  Gros — Of  Eudes — Of  Charles  le  Simple — Conversion  of  Rollo,  and 
his  settlement  in  Normandy — Reign  of  Robert — Of  Raoul — Of  Louis  IV. 
fOutremer — Of  Lothaire — Of  Louis  V. — Termination  of  the^Carlovingian 
dynasty    .........       1 


CHAPTER  II. 

From  a.  d.  987,  to  a.  d.  1 108. 

Vision  of  Hugues  Capet — His  usurpation — Struggle  with  the  great  Feudatories 
— History  of  Gerbert  (Pope  Silvester  II.) — Robert  II. — His  divorce  from 
Bertha — His  weakness — Impetuosity  of  his  second  Queen,  Constance — In- 
terview with  the  Emperor  Henry  II. — Association  and  rebellion  of  his  sons — 
Henry  I. — Great  Famine — Transactions  with  Normandy  —  Annexation  of 
Sens — Philip  I. — Institution  of  Chivalry — Quarrel  with  the  Pope — Civil  War 
in  Flanders — Defeat  of  Philip  at  Cassel — Hostilities  with  Normandy — Adul- 
terous connexion  of  Philip  with  Bertrade — Death  of  Philip  I.         .  .10* 


CHAPTER  III. 

From  a.  d.  1108,  to  a.d.  1180. 

Louis  VI.  le  Gros — War  in  Normandy — Battle  of  Brenneville — Peace  of  Gisors 
— Association  of  Louis  le  Jeune — Unsuccessful  attempt  of  William  Clito  on 
Flanders — His  death — Acquisition  of  Poitou — Death  of  Louis  le  Gros — Louis 
VII.  le  Jeune — Quarrel  with  Rome — Interdict — Burning  of  Vitry — Parliament 
at  Vezelay — Preaching  of  St.  Bernard — Second  Crusade — Disasters  and 
Return  of  Louis  VII. — His  Divorce  from  Eleanor,  who  marries  Henry  Plan- 
tagenet — Rivalry  between  Louis  VII.  and  Henry  II.  of  England — Birth  of 
Philippe-Auguste — Treaty  of  Montmirail — Martyrdom  of  a  Becket — Louis 
encourages  the  Sons  of  Henry  in  Rebellion — Defeat  of  the  French  at  Verneuil 
— Failure  of  an  Attack  on  Rouen — Peace  of  Moutlouis — Pilgrimage  of  Louis 
VII.  to  Canterbury — His  death      •  .  •  .  .  .37 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

From  a,  d.  1180,  to  a.  d.  1223. 

Page 
Philippe  Auguste— War  with  the  Count  of  Flanders— Peace— Disputes  with 
England— Death  of  Henry  II. — Affairs  of  the  East — Third  Crusade — Return 
of  Philip — His  perfidious  invasion  of  Normandy — Death  of  Richard  I. — 
Philip's  marriage  with  and  separation  from  Ingeburge  of  Denmark — Interdict 
— Arthur  of  Bretagne — Conquest  of  Normandy  and  Poitou — Condemnation 
of  John  of  England  by  the  Court  of  Peers — Duplicity  of  Rome — The  Legate 
insists  upon  a  Peace  with  England,  and  suggests  a  War  with  Flanders — Philip 
relieves  Dam,  but  is  compelled  to  burn  his  Fleet — Battle  of  Bouvines — Truce 
— Crusade  of  Children — Crusade  against  the  Albigenses — Joined  by  Louis  of 
France — Establishment  of  Simon  de  Montfort — Louis,  invited  by  the  Barons, 
invades  England — Death  of  John — Retirement  and  Treaty  of  Louis — Tyranny 
and  death  of  Simon  de  Montfort — His  Son  Amaury  repulsed  from  Toulouse 
— Character,  Death,  and  Will  of  Philippe  Auguste  .  .  .57 


CHAPTER  V. 

From  a.  d.  1223,  to  a.  d.  1248. 

Louis  VIII — Conquests  in  Poitou — Baldwin  of  Flanders — Crusade  against 
Raymond  VII.  of  Toulouse — Siege  and  capture  of  Avignon — Retreat  and 
Death  of  Louis  VIII. — Blanche  and  Thibaud  of  Champagne — Louis  IX. — 
Disaffection  of  the  chief  Nobles  during  his  Minority — Siege  and  capture  of 
Toulouse — Subjugation  of  Raymond  VII. — War  against  Thibaud  of  Cham- 
pagne— His  elevation  to  the  Throne  of  Navarre — Majority  of  Louis  IX. — 
Purchase  of  the  Crown  of  Thorns — Foundation  of  La  Saint e  Chapetle — En- 
mity of  Gregory  IX.  against  the  Emperor  Frederic  II. — The  Imperial  Crown 
tendered  by  the  Pope  to  Robert  of  Artois — Reply  of  the  French  Court — The 
English  invade  Poitou — Their  disasters — Truce — Innocent  IV.  elected  Pope 
— Fixes  his  residence  at  Lyons — Illness  of  Louis  IX — He  assumes  the  Cross 
— Marriage  of  Charles  of  Anjou  with  Beatrice  of  Provence — Stratagem  prac- 
tised by  the  King  to  increase  the  number  of  Crusaders — Prolongation  of'  the 
Truce  with  England — Louis  embarks  for  the  Crusade  .  .  .81 


CHAPTER  VI. 

From  a.d.  1248,  to  a.d.  1270. 

Personal  history  of  Joinville— The  Crusaders  arrive  at  Cyprus — Landing  at  Da- 
mietta— Occupation  of  that  City — Long  delay  in  it — Advance  of  the  Army 
— Batttle  of  Mansourah— Death  of  the  Count  D'Artois— Second  Battle- 
Sickness  and  distress  of  the  Crusaders— Their  retreat — The  King  is  taken 
prisoner — Negociation — Revolution  in  the  Saracen  Government — Great  dan- 
ger of  the  Prisoners— Renewal  of  the  Treaty — Release  and  embarkation  of 
the  King — Distress  of  Queen  Margaret— The  King  disembarks  at  Acre  ;  and 
resolves  to  continue  in  the  Holy  Land — Operations  during  his  stay  in  Pales- 
tine— Internal  state  of  France  during  the  Regency  of  Blanche— Crusade  of 
Shepherds— Death  of  Raymond  of  Toulouse— of  Queen  Blanche— Louis  re- 
turns to  France — His  domestic  administration — Dearth  of  contemporary  autho- 
rities— Cession  of  Aquitaine  to  Henry  III.— Death  of  the  Heir-apparent,  Louis 
— Edict  suppressing  private  Wars — Treaty  with  Aragon— Reforms — Prag- 
matic Sanction — Arbitration  between  Henry  III.  and  his  Barons — Affairs  of 
Italy— Charles  of  Anjou  accepts  the  Crown  of  the  Two  Sicilies— Disasters  of 
the  East — Louis  projects  a  new  Crusade — Expedition  to  Tunis — Pestilence — 
Sickness  and  death  of  Louis  IX,    .....  •   10° 


foi 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAPTER  \'ll. 

Fiom  a.  n.  1270,  to  a.  d.  1314. 

Page 
Philip  III.  (7r  llardi)—  Treaty  with  the  Kin-,'  of  Tunis— Return  of  the  Cru- 
saders— Failure ot an  expedition  against  Castile — Pierre  I)e  La  Brosse — The 
Sicilian  Vesper* — Projects  against  Aragon — Death  of  Charles  of  Anjou — 
Capture  of  Gerona — Disasters  of  the  French — Retreat  and  Death  of  Philip 
III.— Philip  IV.  {le  Bel)— Affairs  of  Spain  aud  Italy  till  the  Treaty  of  Anagni 
— Causes  of  dispute  with  England — Citation  of  Edward  I. — Duplicity  of 
Philip — Seisure  of  Aquitaine — War — Arrest  of  the  Count  of  Flanders — Al- 
liance with  Scotland — Zeal  of  Boniface  YTII. — The  Bull  Clcricis  Luicos — Ca- 
nonization of  St.  Louis — Treaty  of  Montreuil — Treacherous  annexation  of 
Flanders  —  Rising  at  Bruges — Massacre  of  the  French — Total  defeat  at 
Courtrai — Fruitless  campaigns  in  Flanders — Defeat  of  the  Flemings  at  Mons- 
en-Paelle — Great  exertions  of  the  Flemings — -Acknowledgment  of  their  In- 
dependence—  Jnhilee — Arrogant  pretensions  of  Boniface  VIII.  —  Philip 
arrests  the  Legate — The  Bull  Ausculta  Fili— First  meeting  of  the  States- 
General — Excommunication  of  Philip — Accusation  of  Boniface  before  the 
Court  of  Peers — His  seizure  at  Anagni — His  release  and  Death — Intrigue 
for  the  election  of  Clement  V. — The  Papal  Court  transferred  to  Avignon — 
Suppression  of  the  Templars — Final  decree  of  the  Council  of  Vienne  respect- 
ing Boniface — Latter  years  and  Death  of  Philip     IV.         .  .  .128 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
From  a.d.  1314,  to  a,  d.  1343. 

Louis  X.  le  Hittin — Power  of  Charles  of  Valois — Execution  of  Enguerrand  de 
Mariguy — The  King's  Marriage  with  Clemence  of  Hungary — Fruitless  at- 
tempt upon  Flanders — Famine  and  Pestilence — Death  of  Louis  Hutin — 
Regency  of  Philip  V.  le  Long — His  Accession — The  Fief  of  Artois  adjudged 
to  Matdda  of  Burgundy — Establishment  of  the  Silic  Law — Expedition  of 
Philip  of  Valois  into  Italy — Crusade  of  the  Pastoureaux — Persecution  of  the 
Lepers  —  Death  of  Philip  V. — Charles  IV.(le  Bel) — His  Second  Marriage 
— Project  of  a  Crusade — Revival  of  the  Floral  Games  at  Toulouse — Third 
Marriage  of  Charles — Transactions  with  England — Death  of  Charles  le  Bel — 
Regency  and  Accession  of  Philip  VI.  de  Valois — Edward  III.  of  England 
performs  Homage  for  Aquitaine — Victory  over  the  Flemings  at  Cassel — 
Condemnation  and  Banishment  of  Robert  D' Artois — He  finds  an  Asylum  in 
England — War  with  Edward  III. — Alliance  of  Edward  with  Jacob  d'Arte- 
veldt — Edward  assumes  the  Title  of  King  of  France — Sack  of  Cadsand — 
Edward  is  appointed  Vicar  Imperial — The  French  destroy  Southampton — 
Inconclusive  Campaign  in  Flanders — The  Flemings,  openly  declare  for  Eng- 
land— First  mention  of  Fire-arms — Great  Naval  Victory  gained  by  Edward 
at  Sluys — His  Failure  before  Tournai — His  Challenge  of  the  King  of  France 
— Truce — Dispute  for  the  Succession  of  Bretany — Edward  espouses  the 
cause  of  De  Montfort — De  Montfort  taken  prisoner — Gallant  defence  of  Hen- 
nebon  by  his  Countess — Death  of  Robert  d'Artois — Truce  of  Malestroit         .   155 


CHAPTER  IX. 

From  a.  d.  1343,  to  a.  t>.  1356. 

Financial  exactions — Executions  of  Breton  Noblemen — War  renewed  with  Eng- 
land— Successful  Campaign  of  the  Earl  of  Derby  in  Guyenne — Escape  and 
Death  of  De  Montfort — Assassination  of  James  von  Arteveldt — Edward  treats 
with  the  Flemings — Invades  Normandy — Danger  of  the  English — They 
force  the  Somme  at  Blanchetache— Battle  of  Crecy — Investment  of  Calais — 


V1U  CONTENTS. 

Page 
Its  relief  ineffectually  attempted  by  Philip— Its  surrender— Truce— Pestilence 
— Brigands — Acquisition  of  Dauphine — Treacherous  attempt  upon  Calais — 
Second  marriage  and  death  of  Philip  of  Valois — John— Assassination  of 
Charles  of  Spain  by  Charles  le  Mauvais,  King  of  Navarre — Arrest  and  Im- 
prisonment of  the  King  of  Navarre — Combat  of  the  Thirty  in  Bretany 

Operations  of  the  English— Battle  of  Poitiers— Defeat  and  Captivity  of  John  176 


CHAPTER  X. 

From  a.  d.  1356,  to  a.  d.  1380. 

Miserable  condition  of  France — Meeting  of  the  States-General — Their  constitu- 
tion— Their  second  meeting — Truce — Removal  of  John  to  England — Third 
meeting  of  the  States — Escape  of  the  King  of  Navarre— He  joins  the  popular 
faction — Tumults  and  murders  in  Paris — The  Dauphin  declared  Regent — 
Great  power  of  Etienne  Marcel — He  prepares  to  defend  Paris — Treachery  of 
the  King  of  Navarre — Violent  death  of  Marcel — Campaign  against  the  King 
of  Navarre — Siege  of  Melun — Treaty  of  Pontoise — Rejection  of  the  Terms 
proposed  for  the  release  of  John — Ravages  of  the  Free  Companies — Insur- 
rection of  La  Jacquerie — Invasion  by  the  English — Treaty  of  Bretigny — John 
returns  to  England — His  death  and  character — Charles  V. — The  King  of 
Navarre  claims  the  Fief  of  Burgundy — Rise  of  Bertrand  du  Guesclin — The 
Duke  of  Anjou  breaks  his  parole — Battle  of  Aurai — Death  of  Charles  of  Blois 
— Treaty  of  Guerande — Civil  war  in  Castile — Employment  of  the  Free  Com- 
panies— Battle  of  Najara — Guyenne  rebels  against  the  Black  Prince — Charles 
defies  Edward  III. — Close  of  the  Civil  war  in  Castile — Edward  III.  reassumes 
the  title  of  King  of  France — Capture  and  massacre  of  Limoges — Retirement 
of  the  Black  Prince — Naval  defeat  of  the  English  by  the  Castilians  off  La 
Rochelle — La  Rochelle  won  by  stratagem — Expulsion  of  the  English  from 
Poitou — Clisson's  inhumanity  in  Bretany — John  of  Gaunt  marches  across 
France — His  misery  on  arriving  at  Bordeaux — Truce  of  Bourges — War  re- 
newed on  the  accession  of  Richard  II. — War  with  the  King  of  Navarre — 
Insurrection  in  Languedoc — Severities  at  Montpellier — The  Duke  of  Anjou 
removed  from  bis  Government — Troubles  in  Bretany — Return  of  De  Mont- 
fort— Death  of  Du  Guesclin— Expedition  of  the  Earl  of  Buckingham— Death 
of  Charles  V.         .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .199 


CHAPTER  XL 

From  a.  d.  1380,  to  a.d.  1393. 

Accession  of  Charles  VI. — Projects  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  upon  Naples — Mise- 
rable state  of  France — Insurrection  of  the  Maillotins — Punishment  of  Rouen 
— The  King  enters  Paris — The  Duke  of  Anjou  quits  France  for  Italy — 
Troubles  in  Flanders — Philip  von  Arteveldt — His  embassy  to  England — Pas- 
sage of  the  Lys — Defeat  and  Death  of  Arteveldt  at  Rosebecque — Pillage 
and  burning  of  Courtrai — Severities  inflicted  in  Paris — Execution  of  De  Marets 
—Crusade  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich — Gallant  defence  of  Bourbourg — Truce 
of  Lelinghen — Death  of  the  Count  of  Flanders — Marriage  of  Charles  VI. 
with  Isabella  of  Bavaria — Expedition  into  Scotland — Capture  of  Damme — 
Peace  of  Tournai — Great  preparations  for  the  invasion  of  England — Aban- 
donment of  the  enterprise — Death  of  Charles  of  Durazzo,  and  of  Charles  le 
Mauvais — Fresh  projects  for  the  invasion  of  England — Frustrated  by  the  im- 
prisonment of  Clisson — War  with  the  Duke  of  Gueldres — Charles  assumes 
the  government  and  dismisses  his  uncles — Luxury  of  the  Court— Crusade 
against  Tunis — Charles  projects  an  invasion  of  Italy — Peace  of  Tours — Ne- 
gotiation with  England — First  notice  of  the  King's  malady — Attempted 
assassination  of  Clisson — Charles  arms  against  the  Duke  of  Bretany — His 
madness  .........  230 


CONTENTS.  IX 

CHAPTER  XII. 

From  a.  d.  1392,  to  a.  d.  1412. 

Pact 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  seizes  the  Government — Accident  at  the  Masquerade — 
Reconciliation  of  Clisson  and  De  Montfort — Marriage  of  Richard  II.  of 
England  with  Isabelle  of  France — The  King's  Physicians — Battle  of  Nico- 
polis — (ifiioa  places  itself  under  the  protection  of  France — Deposition  of 
Richard  II.  and  Accession  of  Henry  IV.  in  England — Death  of  Philip  of 
Burgundy — Rivalry  between  Louis  Duke  of  Orleans  and  Jean  Sans  Peur  of 
Burgundy — Assassination  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
occupies  Paris — The  Council  resume  their  ascendancy  in  his  absence — Battle 
of  Hasbain — Peace  of  Chartres — Expulsion  of  the  French  from  Genoa — Bur- 
gundy again  in  power — Fall  of  Jean  de  Montaigu — Treaty  of  Gien — of  the 
Bicetre — Renewal  of  Civil  war — St.  P61  embodies  the  Butchers  of  Paris — 
Burgundy  marches  on  Paris — Retreat  of  the  Flemings — Negotiation  with 
England — Armagnac  enters  Paris — Retreat  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Peace 
ofBourges  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .261 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

From  a.  ».  1413,  to  a.  v.  1422. 

Death  of  Henry  IV.  of  England — Outrages  of  the  Cabochiens — Treaty  of  Pon- 
toise — The  Duke  of  Burgundy  retires  from  Paris — Tyranny  of  Armagnac — 
Treaty  of  Arras — Power  seized  by  the  Dauphin — Capture  of  Harfleur  by 
Henry  V. — His  march  to  Calais — Battle  of  Azincourt — Death  of  the  Dauphin 
Louis,  and  of  the  Duke  of  Berri — Defeat  of  Armagnac — Death  of  the  Dau- 
phin John — Armagnac  imprisons  the  Queen  at  Tours,  and  re-establishes  his 
despotism — The  Duke  of  Burgundy  assists  the  Queen's  escape — Paris  be- 
trayed to  L'Isle  Adam — Massacre  at  the  Prisons — Murder  of  Armagnac — 
Burgundy  and  the  Queen  in  Paris — Renewal  of  the  massacre— Capture  of 
Rouen  by  Henry  V. — Conference  between  the  Dauphin  and  Burgundy  at 
Pouilly — Assassination  of  Burgundy  at  Montereau — Treacherous  seizure  of 
the  Duke  of  Bretany — Peace  of  Troyes — Marriage  of  Catherine  of  France  to 
Henry  V. — Courts  of  the  two  Kings — Process  against  the  Dauphin — Siege 
of  Meaux— Death  of  Henry  V.  — Of  Charles  VI.  — Sketch  of  the  Great 
Schism.  ........  296 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

From  a.  d.  1423,  to  a.  d.  1435. 

Henry  VI.  proclaimed  King — Coronation  of  Charles  VII. — Miserable  anarchy 
of  France — Defeat  of  the  French  at  Crevant — Bravery  of  the  Scots — Meeting 
at  Amiens — Richemont  appointed  Constable — He  removes  the  Armagnacs, 
and  assassinates  Giac — Camus  de  Beaulieu  substituted  as  Favourite — His 
treachery  and  assassination — Ascendancy  of  La  Tremouille — He  supplants 
Richemont — Siege  of  Orleans — Capture  of  Les  Tournelles — Death  of  the 
Earl  of  Salisbury — Battle  of  Herrings — Proposed  conditional  surrender  of 
Orleans — Refused — Great  danger  of  the  City — Fanatical  excitement — 
Arrival  of  Joan  of  Arc  at  Chinon — Her  early  history — She  is  sent  to  Orleans 
— Effect  produced  by  her  appearance — Les  Tournelles  retaken — The  siege  is 
raised — Her  interview  with  Richemont — Battle  of  Pataye — Joan  accompanies 
Charles  VTI.  to  his  coronation  at  Rheims — She  declares  that  her  mission  is 
at  an  end,  and  solicits  leave  to  retire — She  is  persuaded  to  remain  with  the 
army — The  Duke  of  Bedford  takes  the  field — The  armies  in  presence,  but 
combat  declined  at  Epiloy — Charles  beaten  back  from  Paris — Retires  to 
Chinon — The  Duke  of  Bedford  resigns  the  Regency  to  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy— Capture  of  Joan  at  Compiegne — Process  against  her — Her  exe- 
cution—Truce with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy — Henry  VI.  crowned  in  Paris — 
Fall  of  Li  Tremouille — Congress  at  Arras — Quitted  by  the  English — Death 
of  the  Duke  of  Bedford— Peace  of  Arras— Death  of  Isabelle  of  Havana        .  333 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

From  a.  d.  1435,  to  a.  d.  1461. 

Page 
Dissatisfaction  of  the  English — The  French  recover  Paris — Failure  of  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  at  Calais — Public  Entry  of  Charles  into  Paris — Famine  and 
Pestilence — The  Pragmatic  Sanction — Conference  at  Gravelines — Change  in 
the  Character  of  Charles  VII. — Military  Reforms — Discontent  of  the  Aristo- 
cracy—  La  Praguerie — Headed  by  the  Dauphin  Louis — Suppressed — The 
English  capture  Harfleur — Release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Charles  punishes 
the  Ecorcheurs — Besieges  and  captures  Pontoise — Continued  successes  of  the 
French — Remonstrance  of  the  Princes  from  Nevers — Activity  of  the  Dauphin 
— Armistice — Marriage  of  Henry  VI.  with  Margaret  of  Anjou — Dissolution 
of  the  Ecorcheurs — Establishment  of  the  Companies  of  Ordonnance — And  of 
the  Franc  Archers — The  Dauphin  Louis  withdraws  to  Dauphine — Hostilities 
against  England  renewed — Siege  and  capture  of  Harfleur — Death  of  Agnes 
du  Sorel — Defeat  of  the  English  at  Fourmigny — Fall  of  Cherbourg — Expul- 
sion of  the  English  from  Normandy — And  from  Guyenne — Affairs  of  Bretany 
— Murder  of  Prince  Gilles — Death  of  the  Duke — Injustice  of  the  French 
Tribunals — Disgrace  of  Jacques  Cceur — Marriage  of  the  Dauphin  with  Char- 
lotte of  Savoy — Revolt  of  Guyenne — Suppressed — The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
vows  a  Crusade — Process  against  Armagnac — The  Dauphin  Louis  retires  to 
Flanders  —  Hungarian  Embassy — Process  against  the  Duke  of  Alencon — 
Persecution  at  Arras — Affairs  of  Italy — Sickness  and  miserable  death  of 
Charles  VII 354 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

From  a.d.  146 1,  to  a.  d.  1475 

Accession  of  Louis  XI. — Changes  in  the  Government — Personal  character  and 
unpopularity  of  the  new  King — Revocation  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction — Ac- 
quisition of  Rousillon  and  of  Cerdagne — Redemption  of  the  cautionary  Towns 
in  Flanders — League  for  the  Public  Weal — Escape  of  Chabannes  from  the 
Bastile — Illness  of  Philip  Duke  of  Burgundy — Battle  of  Montlhery — Louis 
retreats  to  Paris — Visits  Normandy — Temporizes — Confers  with  Charolois — 
Defection  of  Normandy — Peace  of  Conflans — Its  disgraceful  conditions — 
Louis  gains  over  the  Duke  of  Bourbon — Foments  a  quarrel  between  the 
Dukes  of  Berri  and  of  Bretany — Refuses  to  cede  Normandy — Insurgency  of 
Flanders — Charolois  razes  Dinant  to  the  ground — Death  of  Philip  the  Good 
— Accession  of  Charles  the  Rash  as  Duke  of  Burgundy — He  is  wholly  occu- 
pied by  troubles  in  Flanders — Treaty  of  Amiens — Pacific  policy  of  Louis — 
The  Cardinal  Ballue  encourages  his  design  of  conference  with  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy — Conference  at  Peronne — Insurrection  at  Liege — Fury  of  Charles 
— Danger  of  Louis — He  swears  Peace  on  the  Cross  of  St.  Laud,  and  accom- 
panies the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  punish  Liege — Louis  returns  to  Paris — Pre- 
vails upon  the  Duke  of  Berri  to  accept  Guyenne  instead  of  Champagne — 
Treachery  of  Ballue — His  imprisonment  in  an  iron  cage — Meeting  between 
Louis  and  the  Duke  of  Berri  —  Transactions  with  England — Birth  of  a 
Dauphin,  afterwards  Charles  VIII. — Convention  of  Notables  at  Tours — They 
annul  the  Treaty  of  Peronne — The  Constable  St.  Pol  persuades  Louis  to  de- 
clare War — Peace  of  Crotoy — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Guyenne — Louis  refuses 
to  ratify  the  Peace — War  renewed  with  great  cruelty — Lescut  and  Commines 
engaged  in  the  interests  of  Louis — Punishment  of  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  and 
of  the;  Count  of  Armagnac— St.  Pol's  destruction  negotiated — Postponed— 
His  interview  with  Louis — The  Duke  of  Burgundy  raises  the  Siege  of  Neuss 
— Edward  IV.  invades  France — Want  of  co-operation — Louis  negotiates  by 
a  false  Herald — Peace — Large  disbursements  of  France — The  English  sol- 
diery feasted  at  Amiens — Interview  between  the  Kings  at  Pequigny — The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  consents  to  Peace,  and  bargains  for  the  surrender  of  St. 
Pol— Execution  of  St.  Pol  .  ..  .  .  .  .380 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

From  a.d.  1475,  to  a.d.  1483. 

Page 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy  engages  in  War  in  Swisserland — Is  defeated  at  Granson — 
Richness  of  the  booty — Louis  acquires  Anjou  and  Maine — Arrest  of  the  Duke 
of  Nemours — Battle  of  Morat — Wild  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy — He 
seizes  the  Duchess  of  Savoy — She  is  released  and  entertain^  hy  Louis; — The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  besieges  Nancy — Is  betrayed  by  Campo  Basso — Battle 
of  Nancy — Defeat  and  death  of  Charles  le  Tcmeraire — Louis  immediately 
claims  the  Fiefs  of  Burgundy — He  intrigues  with  the  Flemish  Nobles,  and 
likewise  with  the  Burghers — Obscurity  of  his  Policy — He  betrays  the  auto- 
graph Letter  of  Mary  of  Burgundy — Fury  of  the  Ghenters — Hugonet  aud 
d'Himbercourt  beheaded — Embassy  of  Oliver  le  Dain — Cruelty  of  Louis  to 
the  Deputies  from  Arras — Marriage  of  Mary  of  Burgundy  with  Maximilian 
of  Austria — Cruel  execution  of  the  Duke  of  Nemours — Pacific  policy  of 
Louis — He  engages  Swiss  mercenaries — Renewal  of  the  War  in  the  Nether- 
lands— Battle  of  Guinnegate — Truce  with  Flanders — Misery  of  Louis  at 
Plessee  la  Tours — His  first  apoplectic  seizure — His  great  jealousy  of  en- 
croachment upon  his  power — He  releases  Ballue — His  superstition  and  desire 
to  prolong  life — Death  of  Mary  of  Burgundy — Murder  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege 
by  William  de  la  Marck — Peace  of  Arras — Negotiation  for  the  Marriage  of 
Margaret  of  Burgundy  with  the  Dauphin — Consequent  resentment  of  Edward 
IV. — His  death — Continued  decline  of  Louis — His  anxiety  to  conceal  it— 
His  passion  for  Relics — The  Hermit  Robert  of  Calabria — Last  illness  and 
death  of  Louis  XL  .  .  .  .  .  .  .416 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

From  a.  d.  1483,  to  a.  d.  1498. 

Death  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  of  Savoy — State  of  Parties — Anne  of  Beaujeu — 
Louis  of  Orleans — The  Council  of  Regency — Punishment  of  the  late  King's 
menials — States  General  at  Tours — Ascendancy  of  Anne — Intrigues  with 
Bretany — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon — Battle  of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier — 
Capture  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Peace  of  Sable — Death  of  Francis  II.  Duke 
of  Bretany — Great  peril  of  the  Duchess  Anne — Her  alliance  with  Henry  VII. 
— Her  Marriage  by  proxy  to  Maximilian — Release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — 
Retirement  of  the  Bourbons — Marriage  of  Charles  VIII.  with  Anne  of  Bre- 
tany, and  repudiation  of  Margaret  of  Burgundy — Siege  of  Boulogne  by  Henry 
VII. — Rousillon  and  Cerdagne  abandoned  to  Spain — Peace  of  Etaples  with 
the  English — Treaty  of  Senlis  with  Maximilian — State  of  Italian  Politics — 
Lodovico  Sforza  invites  Charles  VIII.  to  claim  the  Throne  of  Naples — Illness 
of  Charles  at  Asti — Engagement  at  Rapalle — Terror  excited  by  the  French 
Soldiery — Death  of  Galeazzo  Sforza — Lodovico  seizes  the  Duchy  of  Milan — 
Dangerous  March  of  the  French — Revolution  in  Florence  and  overthrow  of 
the  Medici — Charles  enters  Florence— Discontent  of  the  Florentines — Treaty 
with  them — Charles  in  possession  of  Rome — Omens  of  the  Fall  of  Naples — 
Abdication  of  Alfonso  II. — Remonstrance  of  the  Spanish  Ambassador — Flight 
of  Cesare  Borgia — Trivalzio  deserts  to  the  French — Ferdinand  withdraws  to 
Ischia — Charles  at  Naples  —  Unpopularity  of  the  French  —  Confederacy 
against  them  in  the  North  of  Italy — Retreat  of  Charles — Savanarola — 
Danger  of  the  French — Laborious  passage  of  their  Artillery  over  the  Moun- 
tains— Battle  of  Fornovo — Charles  continues  his  retreat  unmolested  to  Asti 
Distress  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  at  Novarra — Treaty  of  Vercelli  with  Lodo- 
vico Sforza — Arrival  and  dismissal  of  the  Swiss  Mercenaries — Charles  returns 
to  France — Ferdinand  reconquers  Naples — Charles  surrenders  himself  to 
pleasure — Treacherous  design  between  Franceand  Spain  for  the  partition  of 
Naples — Beneficial  change  in  the  disposition  of  Charles — His  sudden  death     436 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

From  a.  d.  1498,  to  a.d.  1515. 

Page 
Accession  of  Louis  XII. — His  Divorce  and  second  Marriage  with  Anne  of  Bre- 
tany — Conquest  of  Milan — Return  of  Lodovico  Sforza — His  betrayal  by  the 
Swiss  at  Novarra — Captivity  and  Death — Treacherous  conquest  of  Naples — 
Expidsion  of  the  French  by  the  Spaniards — Illness  of  the  King — Treaty  of 
Blois — Recovery  of  the  King — He  is  saluted  a  Father  of  his  Country  "  by 
the  States  General — Insurrection  in  Genoa — League  of  Cambrai — Battle  of 
Agnadello — Death  of  the  Cardinal  d'Amboise — Continued  hostility  of  Julius 
II.  against  France — His  personal  service  at  Concordia  and  Mirandola  — 
Failure  of  the  pseudo-Council  of  Pisa — The  Holy  League — Gaston  de  Foix 
killed  at  tbe  Victory  of  Ravenna — The  French  again  expelled  from  Italy — 
Dissensions  in  the  Holy  League — Defeat  of  the  French  at  Riotta — Restora- 
tion of  Maximilian  Sforza  to  Milan — Descent  of  Henry  VIII.  on  Picardy — 
Battle  of  the  Spurs — Capture  of  Theroanne — The  Swiss  invade  Burgundy, 
and  are  bribed  into  retreat  from  Dijon — Capture  of  Tournai — Death  of  Anne 
of  Bretany — Re-marriage  of  Lotus  XII.  with  Mary  of  England — His  death      470 


CHAPTER  XX. 

From  a.d.  1515,  to  a.d.  1529. 

Accession  of  Francis  I. — The  Ministry — Renewal  of  the  War  in  Italy — Battle 
of  Marignano — Capture  of  Milan — Bourbon  appointed  Governor — Concordat 
with  Leo  X. — Francis  returns  to  France — Accession  of  Charles  V. — Charles 
V.  and  Francis  I.  Candidates  for  the  Empire — Success  of  Charles  V. — Inter- 
view of  "the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold" — Treaty  between  Francis  and  Leo 
X.  for  the  partition  of  Naples — Treachery  and  death  of  Leo  X. — Misfortunes 
of  Lautrec — Battle  of  Bicocca — Execution  of  Semblancay — Disgrace  and 
revolt  of  the  Constable  Bourbon — Expedition  of  Bonnivet  to  Italy — Death  of 
the  Chevalier  Bayard — Bourbon  invades  the  South  of  France — Besieges 
Marseilles — His  retreat — Francis  invades  Italy — Siege  and  Battle  ofPavia — 
Captivity  of  Francis — Energy  of  the  Queen  Mother — Transfer  of  Francis  to 
Madrid — Ungenerous  conduct  of  Charles — Illness  of  Francis — His  interview 
with  Charles — Reception  of  Bourbon — Francis  threatens  to  abdicate — Is 
released  by  the  Treaty  of  Madrid — Violation  of  its  terms  by  Francis — The 
Holy  League — Storm  of  Rome  by  Bourbon — His  death — Unfortunate  cam- 
paign and  death  of  Lautrec — Doria  and  the  Genoese  renounce  alliance  with 
France  and  engage  with  the  Emperor — Francis  challenges  Charles — The 
French  defeated  at  Landriano — Peace  of  Cambray  ,  .  .   492 


the 

HISTORY     OF     FRANCE- 


CHAPTER  i. 

From  a.d.  843,  to  a.d.  987. 

Partition  of  the  Empire  by  the  sons  of  Louis  le  Dehonnaire — The  Kingdom  of  France 
allotted  to  Charles  le  C/iauve— Ravages  of  the  Northmen.  Reign  of  Louis  II.  le 
Bigue—Oi  Louis  III.  and  Carloman— Of  Carloman  singly— Of  Charles  le  Gros— 
Of  Eudes— Of  Charles  le  Simple — Conversion  of  Rollo,  and  his  settlement  in 
Normandy— Reign  of  Robert— Of  Raoul— Of  Louis  IV.  fOutremer—Ol  Lothaire 
— Of  Louis  V. — Termination  of  the  Carlovingian  dynasty. 

CARLOVINGIAN   DYNASTY. 

1.  Charles  the  Bald,  (le  Chauve) ,Louis,  King  of  Germany  (le  Germanique). 

2.  Louis  II.,  the  Stutterer,  ((e  B/gw.) • 


!3.  Louis  III.  and  Carloman.     4.  Carloman  •     ' 5.  Charles  II.,  the  Fat,!     :6.  Eudes.*     j 7.  Charles  III.  the  Sirupl.-,: 

:  singly.    :    :  (leGros).         :    : :    :  (le  Simple).  : 


10.  Louis  IV.,  the  Ultramarine, 
(rOutremer.) 


11.  Lothaire. 


12.  Louis  the  Slothful, 
(le  Faineaut.) 


When  Lothaire,  Louis,  and  Charles,  the  three  grandsons  of  Charle- 
magne, in  order  to  terminate  a  short  but  bloody  quarrel,  agreed  to  a 
final  participation  of  the  Empire  which  the  valour  and  wisdom  of  their 
great  ancestor  had  consolidated,  the  portion  which  fell  to  the  last-named 
Prince  became,  for  the  first  time,  an  independent  Kingdom.  From  that 
epoch  may  be  dated  the  complete  separation,  from  their  German  and 
Italian  neighbours,  of  the  People  who  spoke  the  mixed  dialect  which  has 
generated  the  modern  language  of  France ;  and  thence,  accordingly,  it 
is  not  only  most  convenient,  but  also  most  correct,  to  trace  their  pecu- 
liar History. 

By  the  Treaty  of  Verdun,  to  which  the  above-named  competitors  agreed 
in  the  year  843,  after  a  diligent,  although  probably  not  a 
very  accurate,  survey  of  the  Imperial  dominions  by  three     a.d.  843. 
hundred  Commissioners,  Charles  the  Bald  (le  Chauve},  the 


2  PARTITION  OF  THE  EMPIRE.  [CH.  I. 

youngest  of  the  three  brothers,  obtained  by  lot  his  supposed  third  of 
the  Empire.  It  is  not  easy  to  state  the  boundaries  with  precision ;  but 
it  is  generally  assumed  to  be  the  Country  embraced  by  the  Scheldt,  the 
Meuse,  the  Saone,  the  Rhone,  and  the  Ebro ;  from  this,  however,  we 
must  exclude  Brabant.  From  Germany  it  was  divided  by  the  narrow 
tract  forming  the  Kingdom  of  Lorraine,  so  named  after  its  Sovereign 
Lothaire*,  and  from  Italy  by  the  small  Kingdoms  of  Cisjurane  and 
Transjurane  Burgundy;  territories  set  apart  for  little  other  purpose, 
as  it  would  seem,  than  first  to  excite  and  afterwards  to  gratify  the 
rapacious  ambition  of  the  more  powerful  borderers  by  whom  they  were 
ultimately  absorbed. 

We  may  hasten  with  rapid  steps  over  the  century  and  a  half  occupied 
by  the  remainder  of  the  Carlovingian  or  Second  Line  of  French  Kings. 
The  annals  of  semi-barbarism  afford  little  that  is  instructive.  We  are 
ill  repaid  for  the  trouble  of  oppressing  the  memory  with  facts  barren  of 
result ;  of  extricating  from  the  darkness  in  which  they  are  enveloped 
events  for  the  most  part  fruitless  and  unconnected,  and  concerning  the 
authenticity  of  which  considerable  doubt  must  be  after  all  entertained. 
The  attention  of  Charles  the  Bald  appears  to  have  been  chiefly  en- 
grossed by  irruptions  of  the  Northmen, — savage  hordes  which,  pouring 
from  their  Scandinavian  hive,  tracked  their  course  in  blood  through  the 
fairest  regions  of  Europe.  In  France,  scarcely  a  river  which  could  admit 
their  barks  escaped  piratical  invasion ;  and  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  the 
Somme,  the  Scheldt,  the  Loire,  the  Garonne,  and  the  Rhone,  were  suc- 
cessively devastated  with  unrelenting  fury.  The  district  contained  be- 
tween the  Atlantic,  the  Loire,  and  the  Seine,  was  especially  subjected  to 
the  outrages  of  these  maritime  freebooters.  Paris,  -Orleans,  Bourges, 
and  Clermont  d'Auvergne,  were  repeatedly  burned  and  plundered,  and 
not  a  village  nor  even  a  hut  in  their  neighbourhood  escaped  attacks 
from  the  marauders.  Occasionally  they  wintered  in  cabins  rudely 
erected  near  their  anchorage ;  and  that  they  did  not  advance  these 
temporary  military  stations  into  permanent  colonies,  or  rather,  that  they 
did  not  attempt  and  achieve  the  entire  conquest  of  the  Countries  which 
they  contented  themselves  by  ravaging,  must  be  attributed  far  more  to 
their  own  restlessness  and  passion  for  change,  than  to  the  resistance 
opposed  to  them  by  the  dispirited  and  miserable  People  whom  they 
invaded. 

Charles  the  Bald,  indeed,  in  his  efforts  to  relieve  himself  from  this 
scourge,  appears  to  have  relied  on  the  efficacy  of  gold  rather  than  on  that 
of  the  sword f,  and  to  have  erroneously  believed  that,  by  gratifying  ava- 

*   Lohier-regne,  easily  contracted  into  Lorraine. 

f  The  writer  of  the  Annates  Fuldenses  uses  similar  and  very  contemptuous  ex- 
pressions relative  to  the  policy  of  Charles  on  another  occasion,  his  expedition  into 
Italy  on  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Louis.  He  calls  him  "more  timid  than  a  Hare," 
and  speaks  of  his  "  habitual  cunning."  Bouquet,  Recueil  des  Hist,  des  Gau/es,  torn, 
vii.  p.  180 ;  and  again  when,  not  long  before  his  death,  he  hears  of  Carloman's 


A.  D.  855.]  CHARLES  THE  BALD.  .'5 

rice,  lie  could  purchase  its  abstinence.  More  than  once  did  he  confis- 
cate the  treasure  of  Religious  Houses  which  had  escaped  inviolate,  for 
the  ransom  of  others  suffering  under  spoliation.  In  order  to  disengage 
Melun,  which  the  Pirates  had  occupied  after  defeating  one  of  his  Generals, 
he  agreed  to  pay  4000  pounds  weight  of  silver ;  either  to  restore  every 
French  captive  who  might  have  escaped  from  slavery,  or  to  redeem  him 
at  whatever  price  his  master  should  fix ;  and,  as  a  compensation  for  the 
loss  of  such  Northmen  as  had  been  killed  in  battle,  to  pay  a  mulct  for 
their  blood,  assessed  according  to  the  number  of  heads*.  The  sum 
required  for  the  completion  of  this  most  disgraceful  compact  was  not 
raised  without  considerable  difficulty,  and  the  details  of  the  impost  levied, 
still  remaining  to  us,  afford  clear  evidence  both  of  the  poverty  and  of  the 
depopulation  of  the  Kingdom. 

In  his  family  relations,  also,  Charles  was  most  unfortunate.  Of  his 
four  sons,  two  died  before  himself,  and  none  of  them  evinced  much  filial 
obedience  or  affection.  The  story  of  the  youngest,  Carloman,  is  emi- 
nently piteous.  He  had  been  devoted,  against  his  inclination,  to  a 
religious  life ;  and  when  he  emancipated  himself  from  his  vows  by  flight, 
the  vengeance  of  a  National  Synod  of  Bishops  condemned  him  to  the  loss 
of  his  eyesf.  The  Pope,  Adrian  II.,  when  appealed  to,  espoused  his 
cause ;  but  the  Rescript  of  the  Holy  Father  to  Charles  was  couched  in 
terms  so  arrogant  and  so  offensive,  that  it  was  plainly  dictated  not  by 
humanity,  but  by  ambition.  Even  the  weak  and  timorous  Prince  to 
whom  it  was  addressed  resented  the  affront,  and  found  sup- 
port in  his  Clergy.  In  the  conference  which  terminated  a.  d.  873. 
this  dispute,  Carloman  was  abandoned  by  his  protector, 
and  he  underwent  the  savage  punishment,  administered  at  his  father's 
command  J. 

On  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Lothaire  in  855,  the  Crown  of  Italy  and 
the  empty  Imperial  title,  which  did  not  convey  with  it  any 
real  superiority,  had  passed  undisputedly  to  his  eldest  son  a.  d.  855. 
Louis.  After  a  reign  of  twenty  years'  duration,  that  Prince 
expired  without  leaving  male  issue  ;  and  Charles  the  Bald,  disregarding 
the  pretensions  of  his  elder  brother  of  Germany,  profited  by  a  short 
interval  of  tranquillity  in  France,  and  hastening  to  Rome,  received  the 
Crown  of  the  Empire  from  the  hands  of  Pope  John  VIII.§,  who  arrogated 

advance :  "  according  to  his  custom  he  instantly  ran  away,  for  at  all  seasons  of  his 
life,  whenever  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  face  his  enemies,  he  was  used  either 
openly  to  turn  tail,  or  secretly  to  withdraw  from  his  soldiers."  Ibid.  183.  The  Re- 
cueil  mentioned  above,  having  been  commenced  by  Bouquet,  is  always  most  conve- 
niently cited  under  his  name. 

*  Annal.  Bertiniani,  ibid.  92. 

f   Chron.  de   St.   Detiis,   ibid.   138.         Annal.  BerUn.    116. 

\  Chron.  Flodoardi,  ibid.  214.  Chron.  Sigeberti,  ibid.  251.  Chron.  S.  Bertini. 
ibid.  269.  All  these  authorities,  however,  speak  very  strongly  of  the  young  Prince's 
criminal  acts. 

§  Ann.  Berlin.,  ibid.  119.  In  the  Annal.  Fuldenses,  it  is  said  that  he  distributed 
large  bribes.     Ibid.  181. 

b2 


4  LOUIS  THE   STUTTERER. LOUIS  III.  AND  CARLOMAN.  [CTI.   I. 

to  himself  its  disposal.  Charles,  after  his  Coronation,  affected  the  ef- 
feminate style  of  the  Greek  Court,  and,  laying  aside  the  usual  habits  of 
Frankish  Royalty,  adopted  the  long  and  flowing  robes,  the  silken 
turban,  and  the  jewelled  diadem  of  the  East.  He  was  loud  also  in  his 
boast  of  the  great  deeds  which  he  proposed  to  achieve  in  Germany. 
So  numerous  a  cloud  of  horsemen  was  to  be  assembled  by  him  for  the 
invasion  of  that  Kingdom,  that  the  waters  of  the  Rhine  having  been 
exhausted  in  the  passage,  he  himself  would  cross  it  dry-shod*.  But  the 
vaunt  was  idle;  and  in  an  attempt  which  he  really  made  on  the  death 
of  his  brother  Louis,  to  whom  the  Kingdom  _of  Germany  had  fallen 
at  the  partition  of  the  Empire,  he  was  signally  frus- 
a.  d.  876.  trated.  The  three  sons  of  the  recently-deceased  King  shared 
his  dominions  among  them ;  and  after  Louis  of  Saxony  had 
defeated  his  uncle  at  Andernachf,  Carloman  of  Bavaria  terrified  him 
into  a  retreat  beyond  the  Alps.  Among  the  passes  of  Mount  Cenis,  at 
a  spot  named  Brios  by  the  Chroniclers,  but  which  it  is  idle  to  look  for 
under  that  name  at  present,  he  was  attacked  by  fever;  and,  although 
popular  rumour  attributed  his  death  to  the  treachery  of  an  attendant 
Jewish  Physician,  by  whom,  it  was  said,  he  was  poisoned,  it  is  more  pro- 
bable that  fear,  chagrin,  and  agitation  contributed  to  accelerate  his  end, 
than  that  it  was  produced  by  a  crime  for  which  no  adequate  motive  was 
assigned  by  contemporaries.  The  hated  Race  and  Country  to  which  the 
Physician,  Zedechias,  belonged,  exposed  him  as  a  mark  to  superstitious 
jealousy;  and  the  rapid  decomposition  of  the  King's  remains  increased 
the  suspicion  thus  excited  J.  Charles  expired  in  a  peasant's 
a.  d.  877.  cottage,  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  his  reign,  and  the 
fifty-fourth  of  his  age. 
The  short  sway  of  Louis  the  Stutterer  (le  Begue),  the  only  son  left 
by  Charles  the  Bald,  is  wholly  devoid  of  incident.  That  Prince,  weak 
in  health,  and  probably  also  in  intellect,  succeeded  to  greatly  curtailed 
dominions.  Neither  the  title  of  Emperor  nor  the  Crown  of  Italy  de- 
scended to  him  from  his  father;  and  Neustria,  Aquitaine,  and  Provence, 
the  only  three  districts  of  France  which  acknowledged  him  as  their 
nominal  King,  were  virtually  divided  among  Feudatory  Lords.  The 
Northmen  continued  their  ravages  unopposed,  and  anarchy,  the  most 
frightful,  marked  the  eighteen  months  of  this  unhappy  reign. 

With  Louis  III.,  to  whom  the  throne  legitimately  belonged  by  primo- 
geniture on   the   death   of  his  father,  a  younger  brother, 
a.  d.  879.     Carloman,  was  joined  as  assessor  by  the  influence  of  his 
father-in-law,  Boson,  Duke  of  Provence.     Nor  was  it  long 
before  that  ambitious  Noble  claimed  regality  for  himself  also,  and,  dis- 

*  Ann.  Fuld.  ibid.  181.          f  ^nn.  Berlin,  ibid.  122. 
"    *  Ann.  Berlin.,  ibid.  124.    Chron.  de  St.  Denis,  ibid.  147.  The  writer  of  the  Anna/. 
Fuld.  does  not  allude  to  poison,  but  speaks  only  of  dysentery,  ibid.  1S3.   In  the  Annal. 
Mtttenses,  the  Jew  is  still  further  stigmatized  as  a  sorcerer.  Ibid.  203. 


A.  D.  885.]  CHARLES  THE   FAT.  5 

metnbering  liis  Fief  from  France,  erected  it  into  the  inde-  a.d.  880. 
pendent  Kingdom  of  Aries  or  Provence.  The  brothers 
resorted  to  the  aid  of  Charles  the  Fat  (/e  Gros),  youngest  and  only 
surviving  son  of  Louis  le  Germanique,  to  whom,  in  consequence  of  the 
failure  of  the  elder  branches  of  the  family,  the  Imperial  sceptre  had  de- 
volved, and  from  him  they  purchased  the  defeat  of  Boson,  by  a  surrender 
of  all  real  power.  Scarcely  four  years  had  elapsed  from  this  alliance, 
before  the  death  of  each  of  the  French  Kings,  by  unlooked- 
for  accidents,  placed  their  Crown  itself  within  the  grasp  of  a.  d.  884. 
Charles*. 

Almost  the  entire  dominions  of  Charlemagne  were  reunited  under  the 
single  rule  of  this,  perhaps,  the  most  unworthy  of  his  descendants,  who 
easily  put  aside  the  clahns  of  that  posthumous  son  of  Louis  the  Stutterer 
by  a  second  marriage,  subsequently  known  as  Charles  the  Simple. 
France,  however,  might  have  derived  quite  as  much  protection  from  the 
government  of  this  infant  as  was  afforded  her  by  the  unwarlike  and 
indolent  Prince  to  whom  she  resigned  herself.  The  Northmen,  scatter- 
ing destruction  as  they  advanced  and  gathering  larger  force 
than  heretofore,  invested  Paris,  which,  however  greatly  a.  d.  885. 
diminished  both  in  wealth  and  population  under  the 
Carlovingian  dynasty,  was  still  reputed  the  Capital  of  the  Kingdom. 
Three  Barons  (two  of  them  Ecclesiastics),  of  whom  Eudes,  Count  of 
the  city,  was  the  most  distinguished  for  rank  and  valour,  maintained 
a  gallant  defence  against  these  Barbarians ;  but  more  than  a  year 
was  allowed  to  pass  before  the  Emperor,  who  held  his  Court  in  Pavia, 
could  be  induced  to  make  any  effort  for  the  relief  of  his  western 
metropolis.  Even  when  he  put  his  troops  in  motion,  it  is  by  no  means 
certain  that  they  would  have  continued  their  advance,  but  for  the 
heroic  daring  of  Count  Eudes,  who,  despairing  of  producing  effect  by 
couriers,  made  his  way  in  person  through  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  and 
penetrated  to  the  quarters  of  Charles  at  Metz.  To  return  was  a  yet 
more  hazardous  enterprise;  for  the  Northmen,  discovering  his  absence, 
vigilantly  sentinelled  every  approach  to  the  city.  Eudes,  however, 
cleared  a  passage  with  his  sword,  and  again  inspirited  the  garrison  by 
reassuming  command  f. 

Yet,  even  when  the  Emperor  at  length  directed  his  tardy  steps  to  the 
Seine,  and,  descending  its  right  bank,  was  admitted  into  Paris,  his  pur- 
pose was  not  to  fight,  but  to  negociate.  The  Northmen  were  bribed 
to  retreat,  and,  by  the  payment  of  7000  pounds  weight  of  silver  and 
the  guarantee  of  a  free  passage  for  the  huge  booty  which  they  had 
amassed,  they  were  prevailed  upon  to  leave  an  exhausted  country, 
and  to  transfer  the  seat  of  war  to  Burgundy,  which  offered   to  their 

*   Louis  III.  was  killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  in  802  ;    Carloman  by  a  wound 
from  one  of  his  attendants  in  a  hunting-party.    Cant.  Annul.  Fttid,  Bouquet,  viii,  4o. 
f  Anna!.  Fedaslini,  ibid.  85. 


6  EUDES CHARLES  THE  SIMPLE.  [CH.  I. 

avarice  the  untouched  wealth  of  a  defenceless  population.  The  sub- 
sequent deposition  of  a  Prince,  who  could  conclude  a  Treaty  thus  dis- 
graceful, does  not  excite  surprise.  His  death,  within  a  few 
a.  d.  888.  weeks  after  his  surrender  of  the  Crown,  left  France  without 
a  leader. 
The  presumptive  successor  was  again  passed  over.  There  were  cir- 
cumstances indeed  which  rendered  the  legitimacy  of  Charles  the  Simple 
doubtful.  His  father  had  been  compelled  to  repudiate  his  first  wife, 
and  there  was  a  strong  party  by  which  the  second  was  on  that  account 
esteemed  a  concubine.  The  valour  of  the  Count  of  Paris  pointed  him 
out  as  the  most  fitting  champion  against  the  Northmen;  and  while 
almost  every  other  Feudal  Lord  seized  some  portion  of  the  distracted 
Country,  Eudes,  having  secured  the  important  alliance  of  the  Germans, 
was  proclaimed  King  of  France,  with  dominions  very  narrowly  circum- 
scribed by  the  cessions  of  his  predecessor ;  and  presenting,  even  within 
these  contracted  limits,  little  else  but  the  wreck  of  towns  desolated  by 
the  Northmen.  The  ten  years  of  the  reign  of  Eudes  were  passed  by 
him  for  the  most  part  in  the  field ;  yet  even  that  warlike  Prince,  after 
repeated  and  frequently  successful  conflicts,  found  himself  compelled  to 
purchase  the  retirement  of  the  marauders ;  and  when  he  ceased  to  be 
victorious  he  ceased  also  to  retain  the  chief  merit  which  had  induced 
his  partisans  to  raise  him  to  the  throne.  Charles  had 
a.  d.  893.  now  completed  his  fourteenth  year,  and  when  he  was  pre- 
sented to  an  assembly  of  discontented  Nobles,  his  right, 
acknowledged  by  acclamation,  received  support  from  the  powerful  sword 
of  Heribert,  Count  of  Vermandois,  and  was  confirmed  by  the  Eccle- 
siastical sanction  of  Fulk,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  who  solemnly  per- 
formed his  Coronation. 

The  imbecility  of  Charles  soon,  however,  became  apparent;   and  so 
feebly  was  he  aided  by  his  friends,  that  instead  of  persisting  in  a  vain 
contest  for  the  throne,  he  gladly  admitted  a  compromise  from  the  gene- 
rosity of  Eudes.     We  are  nowhere  informed  what  portion  of  his  territo- 
ries that  King  granted  as  a  provision  for  his  rival;  but  their 
a.  d.  898.     quarrel  was  terminated,  and  with  so  great  sincerity,  that  Eudes 
Jan.  3.       not  long  afterwards,  on  his  death-bed,  advised  the  Nobles 
in  attendance  to  acknowledge  Charles  as  his  successor*. 
Contemporary  authorities  are  altogether  wanting  for  the  transactions 
of  the  first  fourteen  years  of  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Simple ;  but  our 
loss  is  probably  small;  for  the  annalists  could  have  had  little  to  record 
excepting  the  ravages  of  Barbarians,  and  the  passiveness  of  those  whom 
they  invaded.     At  the  close  of  that  troubled  period  occurred  an  event 
teeming  with  importance  to  future  History. 

Rollo,  or  Raoul,  a  Northman  Chief,  who  first  touched  on  the  coasts  of 

*  Annal.   Fedastini.    Bouquet,  viii.  92.     Sigeberti  Chron.  ibid.  310. 


A.  1).  911.]  CONVERSION  OF  ROLLO.  7 

France  in  876*,  by  a  long  series  of  daring  exploits  had  ele-  a.  d.  911. 
vated  himself  to  supremacy  among  his  comrades ;  and  on  his 
ni urn  from  a  successful  expedition  to  England,  he  directed  his  eager 
ami  numerous  host  to  the  investment  of  Paris.  A  defeat,  which  a  body 
of  his  troops  received  before  Chartres  f,  served  only  to  increase  his 
fury,  and  he  avenged  the  reverse  by  cruelty  the  most  unmitigated. 
Charles,  unable  or  unwilling  to  meet  so  formidable  an  enemy  in  the  field, 
offered  him  the  hand  of  his  daughter  Gisla,  with  a  large  district  of  the 
Kingdom  as  her  portion,  provided  he  would  consent  to  abstain  from  any 
•further  molestation  of  the  remainder,  and  would  acknowledge  the  Feudal 
sovereignty  of  the  Crown  of  France. 

The  territory  thus  proposed  to  the  acceptance  of  the  Northman  Chief 
was  the  whole  of  Maritime  Neustria,  extending  from  the  sea  to  the  river 
Epte ;  and  its  cession,  although  most  alluring  to  the  savage  hordes  to 
whom  it  was  proffered,  wras  in  truth  but  a  slight  renunciation  on  the  part 
of  the  French.  So  completely  had  it  been  rendered  desert,  so  entirely 
was  its  face  uncultured,  that  one  main  condition  which  Rollo  deemed  it 
necessary  to  require,  stipulated  that  the  new  settlers  should  be  provided 
with  food  by  the  neighbouring  Lords.  Little  difficulty  was  made  either 
by  the  rude  warrior  or  by  his  ignorant  followers  when  a  profession  of 
Christianity  was  required  from  them ;  for  the  dark  mythology  of  Scandi- 
navia does  not  on  any  occasion  appear  to  have  entwined  itself  with  much 
strength  round  the  affections  of  its  votaries.  But  when,  upon  formal 
investiture  with  the  Duchy,  the  Feudal  ceremony  of  homage  was  to  be 
performed,  and  Rollo  was  instructed  by  the  Prelates  to  kiss  the  feet  of  his 
Liege  Lord,  the  indignant  spirit  of  the  veteran  revolted  from  so  humili- 
ating a  testimony  of  subjection.  *  Never,  by  God,"  he  exclaimed,  "  will 
I  bend  my  knees  to,  or  kiss  the  feet  of  a  brother  man!"  When  further 
urged,  he  ordered  one  of  his  soldiers  to  officiate  as  proxy ;  and  the  Savage, 
either  from  awkwardness  or  in  mockery,  seized  the  King's  foot  so  rudely, 
that  he  tottered  from  his  throne  and  fell.  Loud  peals  of  boisterous 
merriment  from  the  Barbarians  applauded  this  exhibition  of  maladroit 
dexterity,  while  the  French  Nobles  discreetly  concealed  their  chagrin  and 
resentment  %,  Rollo  was  presented  to  the  font  at  Rouen  by  the  most 
powerful  among  the  native  Barons,  Robert,  a  brother  of  the  late  King 
Eudes,  and  son  of  Robert  the  Strong  (le  Fort),  who  bore  the  title  of  Duke 
of  France ;  and  the  new  convert,  on  being  admitted  to  Christianity,  as- 
sumed the  name  of  his  sponsor  §.     After  having  made  rich  grants  to  the 

*  Asser  Vita  CElfredi.  ibid.  99. 

f  In  this  engagement  the  Bishop  of  Chartres  pursued  the  Northmen,  " carrying 
before  him  the  linen  (the  tunic,  the  chemise)  of  the  Holy  Mother  of  God."  AVillel- 
raus  Gemeticensis,  ibid.  256.  Six  thousand  eight  hundred  Northmen  were  killed. 
Chron.  Andegavense,  ibid.  252. 

\  Willelmus  Gemeticensis,  ibid.  257.  The  Norman  family  name,  Bigod,  is  traced  by 
some  writers  to  this  source,  and  the  name  seems  originally  to  have  been  a  sobriquet. 
Breve  Chron.  S.  Martini  Turonensis,  ibid.  316. 

§  Chron.  Andegavense,  ibid.  282. 


8  ROBERT RAOUI..  [CH.  I. 

Churches  of  his  Provinces,  he  divided  the  rest  of  his  tenitory  among  his 
followers  according  to  received  Feudal  tenure;  and  the  steady  adoption 
of  a  rigorous  jurisprudence,  and  the  laborious  cultivation  of  agriculture, 
gradually  restored  to  his  adopted  Country  its  lost  repose  and  fertility.  To 
Rollo  is  attributed  a  triumph  over  brigandage  which  has  found  its  way 
into  the  annals  of  other  semi-barbarous  Countries;  and  it  is  said  that, 
like  one  of  the  fabulous  Kings  of  Ireland,  he  suspended  from  an  oak,  in  a 
forest  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  a  pair  of  costly  golden  bracelets,  which 
remained  untouched  during  three  years. 

The  Normans,  as  we  must  henceforward  call  the  Scandinavian 
colonists,  made  rapid  progress  in  civilization ;  and  inoculated  the  People 
among  whom  they  settled,  and  whose  language  and  habits  they  embraced, 
with  fresh  spirit  and  intelligence.  The  establishment  of  Rollo  in  Neustria 
is  by  far  the  most  important  occurrence  which  the  Xth  century  presents 
in  the  History  of  France;  and  it  forms  an  epoch  of  re-invigoration  and 
re-juvenescence,  after  three  hundred  years  of  continued  decline. 

It  is  little  worth  while  to  trace  in  detail  the  degradation  of  Charles 
the  Simple,  to  show  how,  by  his  incapacity,  and  by  his  weak  delegation  of 
power  to  a  low-born  Favourite,  Haganon,  he  disgusted  his 
a.  d.  923.  chief  Nobles,  till  they  proceeded  to  open  rebellion*.  Robert, 
Duke  of  France,  who  first  encountered  him  as  an  avowed 
competitor  for  his  Crown,  and  who  is  reckoned  among  the  Kings  of  that 
Country,  was  slain  in  battle  near  Soissons  t ;  and  Hugues  the  White, 
(le  Blanc,)  the  son  of  that  Prince,  with  greater  discretion,  employed 
his  powerful  influence,  not  in  urging  his  own  claims,  but  in  elevating  to 
the  throne  his  brother-in-law,  Raoul  of  Burgundy.  Various  motives  are 
assigned  for  this  politic  abstinence ;  and  it  is  said  that  his  sister  Emma, 
the  consort  of  Raoul,  decided  his  wavering  opinion,  by  expressing  readi- 
ness to  kiss  the  knees  of  her  husband  in  preference  to  those  of  her 
brother}.  It  may  be  enough  however  to  believe,  that  he  sagaciously 
foresaw  the  chances  of  a  prolonged  Civil  war,  if  he  himself  assumed 
the  sceptre,  and  that  he  preferred  real  and  permanent  success  to  a 
short-lived  gratification  of  personal  ambition. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  Coronation  of  Raoul,  the  unhappy  Charles 
was  enticed  to  Peronne  by  false  promises  of  assistance  from  Heribert, 
Count  of  Vermandois,  and  imprisoned  at  Chateau  Thierry.  His  Queen 
Elgiva  escaped  to  England,  and  conducting  thither  her  son  Louis  (who 

*  Henry  Duke  of  Saxony  having  failed  in  obtaining  an  audience,  owing  to  the  in- 
solence of  the  minion,  indignantly  prophesied, — "  that  either  Haganon  would  share 
the  Crown  with  Charles,  or  that  Charles  would  be  reduced  with  Haganon  to  a 
middling  condition."     Chron.  Saxonicum,  ibid.  225. 

f  According  to  the  author  of  the  Chron.  Sax.  Robert  was  killed  by  the  hand  of 
Charles  himself.  "  Charles  drove  his  lance  so  furiously  into  the  sacrilegious  mouth 
of  Robert,  that  having  cut  his  tongue  in  twain,  it  penetrated  to  the  nape  of  his 
neck."  Ibid.  225.  Such  an  accident  might  occur  in  the  heat  of  battle,  but  it  is  at 
variance  with  the  received  character  of  Charles.    Was  Robert  alive  at  the  moment  ? 

X  Glaber  Rodolphus,  ibid.  238. 


A.  u.  936]  RAOUL.  9 

from  that  retreat  obtained  his  surname,  the  Ultramarine  (I'Outrcmer), 
received  protection  from  her  brother  Athelstan,  King  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 
The  captivity  of  Charles  and  the  usurpation  of  Raoul  reduced  France 
to  a  state  of  miserable  anarchy,  and  each  Feudal  Lord  became  a  petty 
King  in  his  own  domain.  The  two  most  powerful  among  them  were 
those  already  specified,  Hugues  the  White,  Count  of  Paris,  and  Ileri- 
bert  of  Vermandois ;  and  when  the  latter,  discontented  with  the  manner 
in  which  Raoul  had  distributed  some  vacant  Fiefs,  released  the  captive 
Charles  from  prison,  and  appeared  in  arms,  Hugues  of  Paris  acted  as 
mediator.  Peace  was  secured  by  the  abandonment  of  Charles,  whom 
long  seclusion  had  deprived  of  even  hi3  narrow  original  capacity ;  but 
in  destitution  and  fatuity  he  met  with  a  generous  enemy  in  Raoul,  who 
bestowed  upon  him  considerable  presents  *.  Heribert,  nevertheless, 
retained  him  in  captivity,  until  "  the  Exile  and  the  Martyr  %"  as  some 
of  the  Chroniclers  have  styled  him,  "  obtained  freedom  for  his  spirit  J," 
by  dying  at  Peronne§. 

Raoul,  scarcely  more  in  truth  a  King  than  the  Prince  whom  he  had 
dethroned,  survived  a  few  years  longer  amid  the  perpetually 
renewed  contentions  and  insubordination  of  his  great  vassals,  a.  d.  936. 
On  his  death,  without  issue  ||,  a  contest  arose  for  his  patri- 
monial dominions  of  Burgundy,  which  ended  in  the  appropriation  of  the 
major  part  of  them  by  Hugues  the  White.  Thus  aggrandized,  the  Count 
of  Paris  had  doubtless  once  more  the  Crown  of  France  at  his  disposal ; 
but  he  wisely  judged  that  the  fullness  of  time  had  not  yet  come,  and 
that  in  order  to  confirm  his  own  real  authority,  it  was  necessary  that  he 
should  invest  some  other  brows  with  its  outward  attributes.  His  enor- 
mous power  may  be  fittingly  estimated  by  a  remembrance  that  he  was 
son,  nephew,  brother-in-law,  and  father  of  Kings  of  France;  that  he  pos- 
sessed Fiefs  extending  from  the  Loire  and  the  Seine  to  the  very  borders 
of  Normandy  and  of  Bretany,  and  covering  the  entire  country  between 
the  Seine  and  the  Meuse;  that  he  claimed  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy,  and 
actually  enjoyed  the  Lay  Abbacies  of  Saint  Martin  de  la  Tours,  of  Saint 
Denis,  and  of  Saint  Germain  des  Prt'sH.  We  need  not  inquire  farther 
why  contemporaries  speak  of  him  under  the  name  of  the  Great  (lo 
Grand) . 

*  Flodoardi  Hist.,  ibid.  1  Go. 

■J-  Chron.  Sax.,  ibid.  226, 

I  Fragmentum  Hist.  Franc,  ibid.  298.  Chron.  Firduneme,  ibid.  290.  The  writer 
ofthat  Chronicle  attributes  the  contemptuous  title  by  which  Charles  is  distinguished, 
not  to  weakness  of  intellect,  but  to  gentleness  of  disposition,  and  transforms  him  into 
a  Saint.     Ibid. 

§  When  Louis  XI.  was  put  under  restraint  by  Charles  of  Burgundy,  at  Peronne, 
his  fears  were  heightened  by  learning  that  Charles  the  Simple  bad  been  murdered 
in  the  Keep  of  the  castle.  "  He  saw  himself  lodged  close  to  a  great  Tower  in  which 
a  Count  of  Vermandois  put  to  death  a  King  of  France,  one  of  his  predecessors.'' 
Philippe  de  Coninnncs,  cb.  36. 

||   Glaber  Rodolpbus.    Bouquet,  viii.,  218. 

«',    Pagi  Critic*,  ad  aim.   956.  §  0,  p.  «Go. 


10  LOUIS  IV.  THE  ULTRAMARINE.  [CH.  I. 

In  conjunction  with  William  Longsword,  to  whom  the  Duchy  of  Nor- 
mandy had  passed  on  the  death  of  his  father  about  the  year  931  *,  and 
with  whom  Hugues  had  cultivated  a  strict  alliance,  that  great  Baron 
determined  to  recall  the  son  of  the  deceased  Charles  from  his  exile  in 
England.  Louis  the  Ultramarine  was  in  his  sixteenth  year  when  he  was 
thus  unexpectedly  summoned  to  receive  his  hereditary  Crown ;  but  far 
from  permitting  himself  to  become  a  mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
had  promoted  his  restoration,  he  soon  evinced  that  he  retained  a  more 
vivid  recollection  of  his  father's  wrongs  than  of  the  benefits  conferred 
upon  himself.  The  influence  of  his  mother  Elgiva  contributed  to 
strengthen  these  feelings ;  and  it  is  probable  that  a  war  might  imme- 
diately have  ensued  between  the  King  and  his  Barons,  if  an  invasion  of 
the  fierce  Hungarian  Tribes,  who  had  succeeded  the  Northmen  as  the 
scourge  of  Europe,  had  not  made  a  suspension  of  all  domestic  quarrels 
necessary  for  the  deliverance  of  a  great  part  of  France. 

But  a  more  perilous  contest  than  that  in  which  Louis  would  have 
been  engaged  with  his  vassals  alone  was  indiscreetly  provoked  by  him 
soon  after  the  retirement  of  the  Hungarians.  The  Lorrainois,  revolting 
from  Otho  I.  of  Germany,  tendered  their  homage  to  the  King  of  France, 
and  Louis  was  too  young  and  too  ambitious  to  decline  so  specious  an 
offer.  He  accepted  the  proposals ;  yet,  at  the  very  moment  in  which  by 
this  aggression  he  awakened  the  resentment  of  Otho,  and  threw  him  into 
close  alliance  with  the  discontented  Count  of  Paris,  he  contracted  a 
marriage  which  made  him  brother-in-law  to  both  of  these  his  most 
powerful  enemies.  Gerberge,  widow  of  the  late  Duke  of  Lorraine, 
whom  Louis  espoused,  was  a  sister  both  of  Otho  and  of  Hedwige,  the 
consort  of  Hugues  the  White.  This  connexion,  doubtless,  was  after- 
wards of  considerable  importance  in  promoting  reconciliation. 

Against  a  confederacy  of  his  vassals  supported  by  the  arms  of 
Germany;,  it  was  little  to  be  supposed  that  the  young  King  could  offer 
any  long  or  effectual  resistance ;  and  after  losing  many  men 
a.  d.  941.  in  a  surprise  near  Chateau-Porcien  on  the  Aisne,  he  saved 
himself  by  a  hasty  flight  through  Burgundy  into  Provence. 
He  was  well  received  in  the  Southern  Provinces;  and  both  the  Count  of 
Poitiers f  and  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine  furnished  an  armament  in  his  behalf; 
while  the  Pope,  Stephen  VII I.,  sent  a  Legate  to  denounce  Excommunica- 
tion against  the  insurgents.  But,  notwithstanding  these  exertions  in  his 
favour,  it  was  chiefly  to  the  moderation  of  Otho  himself  that  Louis  was 
indebted  for  his  re-establishment.  That  Prince,  instead  of  abusing  the 
internal  troubles  of  France  to  promote  the  increase  of  his  own  dominions, 
strenuously  laboured  for  her  peace ;  and,  by  conferring  alternately  with 
the  King  and  with  the  Counts  of  Paris  and  of  Vermandois,  he  not  only 

*  Chron.  Ademari.    Bouquet,  viii.,  235.    Will.  Gemet.,  ibid.  259.    Hug.  Floria- 
censis,  ibid.  319. 
f  Guillaume  Tete-d'Eloupes,  William  the  Flaxen-headed. 


A.  D.  942.]  TREACHERY  OF  ARNULPII.  11 

renewed  amicable  relations  in  his  own  person,  but  he  sue-     a.  d.  942. 
ceeded  also  in  the  more  difficult  task  of  bringing  back  the 
revolted  Barons  to  their  allegiance. 

An  act  of  odious  treachery,  perpetrated  by  Arnulph,  Count  of  Flanders, 
soon  after  this  Peace,  seemed  at  first  to  promise  Louis  a  chance  of 
strengthening  himself  in  Normandy.  William  Longsword  had  incurred 
the  enmity  of  Arnulph,  by  protecting  Herluin  of  Montreuil  from  a  very 
tyrannical  aggression  * ;  but  the  crafty  Fleming,  dissembling  the  bloody 
revenge  which  he  meditated,  proposed  a  conference  in  a  little  island 
centrally  situated  on  the  Somme  near  Pecquigny.  The  main  bodies  of 
Normans  and  Flemings  were  separated  by  the  river,  while 
their  two  leaders,  repairing  with  a  few  attendants  to  their  Dec.  17. 
appointed  rendezvous,  discussed  their  mutual  demands. 
Arnulph  was  profuse  in  expressions  of  friendship;  he  protested,  that 
if  it  had  not  been  for  the  obstacle  of  gout  with  which  he  was  piteously 
afflicted,  nothing  would  have  given  him  greater  pleasure  than  to  pro- 
ceed to  his  dear  brother's  Court ;  and,  under  a  variety  of  pretexts,  he 
prolonged  the  interview  till  beyond  sunset  f.  The  boats  were  already 
on  their  return,  each  to  its  own  bank,  when  the  Flemish  Knights  called 
out  that  their  master  had  forgotten  an  important  communication ;  and 
no  sooner  had  William,  wholly  unsuspicious  of  treachery,  relanded  on  the 
island,  than  the  ruffians  felled  him  with  their  swords,  and  left  his  corpse 
upon  the  strand.  When  the  body  was  recovered  and  stripped  for  burial, 
it  was  found  to  be  attired  in  a  concealed  ascetic  garb|.  Longsword, 
indeed,  had  for  some  time  past  practised  austerities,  and  had  expressed 
so  strong  a  desire  for  monastic  retirement,  that  it  was  confidently  be- 
lieved that  he  would  have  received  the  tonsure  if  he  had  been  permitted 
to  return  alive  from  this  unhappy  conference. 

The  only  son  who  survived  Longsword  was  illegitimate,  and  a  minor ; 
but  the  Normans  enthusiastically  recognised  as  their  Duke  this  child  of 
ten  years  old,  Richard,  who  afterwards  bore  the  surname  of  the  Fearless 
(Sans-peur),  and  they  nominated  Louis  one  of  his  three  guardians,  his 
coadjutors  being  Danes  and  Pagans.  The  King  of  France  unhesitatingly 
accepted  the  office,  which  gave  him  the  custody  of  the  person  of  his 
ward,  whom  he  undertook  to  educate  in  Christianity  and  in  the  refine- 
ments of  the  Court  of  Laon. 

Hugues  the  White  also,  with  more  power,  but  with  less  rightful  pretext 
for  interference,  sought  for  aggrandisement  from  the  Norman  minority, 
and  engaged  to  maintain  the  city  of  Evreux,  which  was  delivered  into 
his  hands,  from  the  attacks  of  the  infidel  Danes,  by  whom  its  believing 
inhabitants  had  more  than  once  been  molested.  In  adjusting  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  inheritance  of  Vermandois  among  the  five  sons  whom 
Heribert  left  at  his  decease  §  about  the  same  time,  the  Count  of  Paris 

*  Will.  Gemet.    Bouquet,  viii.,  261.  fid., ibid.  J  Id.,  ibid. 

§  Glaber  Itodolplius  (ibid.  238.)  states  that  Heribert  while  on   his   death-bed 


12  CONFERENCE  BETWEEN   LOUIS  IV.  AND  HAROLD.  [cH.  I. 

obtained  some  ascendancy  over  the  King  of  France.  After  arming  in 
defence  of  their  separate  claims,  and  appealing  to  Otho  for  his  decision, 
they  adjusted  their  differences  by  a  nefarious  compact  for  the  partition 
of  Normandy,  in  which  Rouen  and  its  dependencies  were  to  fall  to  the 
share  of  Louis,  Bayeux  to  that  of  Hugues.  The  young  Prince, 
Richard,  was  virtually  a  captive  at  Laon,  where  he  was  treated  with 

unbecoming  neglect,  and  was  compelled  to  listen  to  fre- 
a.  d.  944.     quent  taunts  on  his  mother's  dishonour.      His  governor, 

Osmond,  a  Norman,  abounding  in  the  shrewdness  which 
for  the  most  part  distinguished  his  Countrymen,  advised  him  to 
feign  sickness,  and,  by  confinement  to  bed,  to  disarm  the  vigilance  of 
his  guards.  At  a  favourable  moment,  this  faithful  retainer,  wrapping 
the  child  in  his  cloak,  placed  him  in  a  bundle  of  grass  lying  in  the 
Palace  court,  which  he  carried  off  on  his  shoulder  as  if  to  feed  his 
favourite  horse — a  service  not  unsuited  to  the  habits  of  Chivalry.  Having 
thus  escaped  observation,  he  rode  all  night  at  full  speed  to  Coucy,  where 
before  dawn  he  deposited  his  charge  in  safety*. 

When  Louis  prepared  to  enter  Normandy  in  arms,  he  met  with  pro- 
fessions of  the  most  complete  submission  ;  and  duped  into  a  belief  that 
he  might  secure  the  entire  prey  to  himself,  he  too  hastily  dissolved 
his  alliance  with  the  Count  of  Paris,  not  abandoning  the  injustice 
which  he  meditated,  but  the  partnership  under  which  he  had  designed 

its  execution.  Hugues,  however,  was  speedily  revenged 
a.  d.  945.     through  the   blindness   of  the   perfidious  King.     A  large 

Danish  force  led  by  Harold,  a  Prince  indebted  to  Long- 
sword  for  the  recovery  of  his  Crown,  had  landed  in  Normandy;  and 
a  conference  was  agreed  upon  between  the  two  Sovereigns,  as  allies 
equally  interested  in  the  protection  of  the  youthful  Richard.  Among  the 
suite  which  attended  Louis,  was  numbered  Herluin  of  Montreuil,  the 
defence  of  whom  had  occasioned  the  quarrel  which  led  to  the  assassina- 
tion of  Longsword.  The  fierce  Danes  accused  the  King  of  France  of 
having  too  easily  forgotten  this  murder ;  and  one  of  them  after  re- 
proaching the  innocent  cause  of  it,  transfixed  him  with  his  spear  f.  In 
the  tumult  which  ensued,  eighteen  French  Barons,  and  a  large  number 
of  inferior  followers,  were  massacred,  and  Louis  himself,  who  escaped 
unhurt  to  Rouen,  was  detained  a  prisoner  within  its  walls  j. 

replied  to  all  the  inquiries  which  his  attendants  directed  to  either  his  spiritual  or 
temporal  concerns,  in  one  single  form  of  words,  which  he  repeated  till  his  last  gasp, 
"  There  were  twelve  of  us  who  were  bound  by  oath  to  betray  King  Charles  !" 

*  Will.  Gemet.,  ibid.  264. 

f  Yet  Herluin,  three  years  before,  had  avenged  the  murder  of  his  benefactor,  and 
had  sent  to  Rouen  the  bloody  trophies  of  a  victory  over  Arnulph, — jnanus  est  ct  cervix 
c&sa, — as  we  learn  from  Flodoardus.  "Herluin  having  won  a  victory  over  Arnulph 
put  to  death  the  assassins  of  the  Norman  Prince  "William,  and  sent  to  Rouen  his 
hands  which  he  had  cut  off."  Ibid.  197.  The  name  of  the  assassin  whom  he  thus 
punished  was  Balson. 

I  Will.  Gemet.  ibid.  265.  Louis  was  first  captured  by  a  soldier,  who,  "  softened 
by  the  King's  tears,"  concealed  him  for  a  short  time  in  an  island  on  the  Seine.   The 


A.D.    951.]  DKATI1   OF  LOUIS   IV.  l.{ 

Tlic  King  was  delivered  to  the  custody  of  Hugues,  who  demanded  the 
surrender  of  Laon,  the  only  city  which  now  belonged  immediately  to  the 
Crown,  as  the  condition  of  hit  release.  A  year  elapsed  before  Louis  would 
consent  to  this  great  sacrifice ;  and  meanwhile  Gerberge  was  unremitting 
in  soliciting  aid  for  her  captive  husband.  Her  brother  Otho,  leagued 
with  Conrad  of  Burgundy,  then  entered  France,  professedly  for  the 
recovery  of  Laon.  But  that  city  defied  their  attack  ;  and  after  an 
inroad  which  served  only  to  ruin  the  country  traversed  by  their  forces, 
Otho  recrossed  the  Meuse,  and  the  King  of  France,  deprived  of  his 
Capital,  was  content  to  fix  his  abode  at  Rheims.  The  intervention  even 
of  the  Church,  and  a  sentence  of  Excommunication  to  which  Hugues 
became  exposed,  in  consequence  of  a  dispute  with  the  Ecclesiastical 
Power,  failed  to  procure  any  remission  of  his  demands.  He  continued 
his  opposition  during  several  campaigns ;  and  when  he  ultimately  con- 
sented to  negociate  with  his  Sovereign,  although  we  are  unacquainted 
with  the  details  of  their  Treaty,  it  is  manifest,  from  the  continued  superior 
influence  maintained  by  the  Count  of  Paris,  that,  on  his  part  at  least,  no 
concessions  of  importance  were  granted.  He  agreed  indeed  to  the  resto- 
ration of  Laon,  but  that  perhaps  involved  a  point  of  honour  rather  than 
any  positive  advantage  to  either  side. 

The  petty  wars  which  Louis  waged  during  the  remainder  of  his  turbu- 
lent reign  are  wholly  devoid  of  general  interest;  for  the  storming  of  a 
detached  castle,  or  a  failure  before  the  strong  hold  of  a  rebellious  Baron, 
are  little  worthy  of  remembrance  in  History ;  and  with  such  minor  and 
inconsequential  events  the  latter  years  of  this  Prince  are  crowded.  In 
domestic  life  he  was  scarcely  less  unhappy  than  in  his  public  rule  ;  and 
severe  mortification  must  have  attended  a  most  unexpected  and  dis- 
graceful marriage  contracted  by  his  mother  Elgiva  in 
the  maturity  of  her  widowhood.  Notwithstanding  the  a.  d.  951. 
disproportion  of  ages,  and  the  keen  remembrance  which 
she  ought  to  have  entertained  of  her  former  husband's  wrongs,  she 
became  enamoured  of  Heribert  II.,  the  young  Count  of  Vermandois,  by 
whose  father  Charles  the  Simple  had  been  so  long  and  so  painfully 
imprisoned ;  and  flying  by  night  from  the  Convent  of  Sainte  Marie 
de  Laon,  which  she  governed  as  Lay  Abbess,  she  re- appeared  as  the 
bride  of  one  of  the  greatest  enemies  of  her  son  *. 

The  life  and  reign  of  Louis  were  terminated  by  a  remarkable  accident. 
A  wolf  crossed  his  path  as  he  was  riding  on  the  banks  of  the  Aisne,  and 
(undeterred  by  an  omen  which  might  have  staggered  the  courage  of  a 
Roman  f),   he   clapped  spurs  to   his   horse   in   pursuit.      The   horse 

spot  on  which  this  tragic  rencontre  occurred  changed  its  name  in  consequence  from 
La  Saline  de  Corbon  to  La  Gut"  de  Herluin. 

*  Flodoardi  Chron.  Bouquet,  viii.  20". 

•J-  ab  agro 

Rava  deci/rrcns  Lupa  Lanuvuio, 
is  among  the  evil  omens  mentioned  by  Horace,  iii.  27« 


14  LOTHAIRE.  [CH.  I. 

stumbled,  and  in  his  fall  injured  his  master  beyond  the  relief  of  surgical 

skill*.  He  expired  in  his  thirty -third  year,  having  already 
a.  d.  954.     associated  his  son  Lothaire  in  the  kingly  title,  a  precaution 

which  the  confusion  of  the  times  rendered  especially  ne- 
cessary, but  which  did  not  always  produce  the  desired  result. 

Lothaire,  however,  notwithstanding  the  tenderness  of  his  age  -f,  suc- 
ceeded to  an  undisputed  Crown,  chiefly  by  the  assistance  of  his  uncle 
Hugues,  the  King-maker,  who  still  wisely  preferred  the  independence  of 
nominal  vassalage,  to  an  equally  nominal,  and  far  less  powerful  royalty. 
True  it  is  that  the  Count  of  Paris  had  combated  the  late  King  during 
the  whole  course  of  his  reign  ;  but  it  was,  perhaps,  on  that  very  account 
that  he  was  more  fully  acquainted  with  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
the  protection  of  his  minor  son.  The  price  which  he  demanded  for 
attendance  upon  the  Coronation  at  Rheims  was  no  less  than  infeodation 
with  the  Duchy  of  Aquitaine  J.  That  important  Fief,  however,  although 
granted  by  the  Sovereign,  was  not  quietly  surrendered  by  the  Count  of 
Poitiers,  upon  whom  it  had  already  been  conferred  by  Louis  the  Ultra- 
marine'; and  although  the.  King  and  the  Count  of  Paris  marched  upon  the 

disputed  Province,  and  even  obtained  some  victories,  Hugues 
a.  d.  956.  was  ultimately  compelled  to  relinquish  his  unjust  claim. 
June  16.      Death,  indeed,  prevented  its  renewal;  and  the  possessions 

of  this  great  Baron  were  divided  among  three  boys;  of  whom 
Hugues  Capet,  the  second  son,  who  succeeded  to  the  County  of  Paris 
and  the  Duchy  of  France  in  his  tenth  year,  is  the  one  by  far  the  most 
prominent  in  our  future  narrative  §. 

Both  the  King  of  France  and  the  Count  of  Paris  were  much  too  young 
to  feel  the  rivalry  which  had  characterised  their  fathers ;  and  the  sisters, 
Gerberge  and  Hedwige,  easily  becoming  reconciled,  associated  their 
interests  in  the  education  of  their  respective  families.  Bruno,  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  and  Duke  of  Lorraine,  their  brother,  undertook  their 
joint  protection,  which  was  further  confirmed  by  the  support  of  the 
Emperor  Otho. 

Some  ignoble  and  unsuccessful  enterprises  against  Richard  the  Fear- 
less of  Normandy  form  the  sole  public  events  of  the  reign  of  Lothaire 

*  We  are  by  no  means  sure  that  Flodoardus  does  not  mean  to  imply  that  a  weir- 
wolf  was  the  cause  of  this  disaster.  He  writes,  apparuit  ei  quasi  Lupus  preecedens, 
"  there  appeared  to  him,  as  it  were,  a  Wolf  going  before  him  ;"  and  he  attributes 
the  King's  death  in  the  end  to  elephantiasis.     209. 

f  Lothaire  was  born  in  941,  and  consequently  was  thirteen  years  old  at  the  time 
of  his  father's  death.  %  Flodoardi  Ckron.  209. 

§  Historical  writers  differ  greatly  respecting  the  sons  of  Hugues  le  Grand.  We 
follow  the  distribution  of  M.  de  Sismondi,  who  may  be  consulted  on  the  subject, 
Hist,  des  Fran^ais,  iii.  452.  It  was  scarcely  possible  that  tbe  death  of  so  distin- 
guished a  person  as  Hugues  the  Great  could  be  recounted  by  tbe  Monkish  Chroni- 
clers without  the  addition  of  a  prodigy;  and  consequently  we  are  told:  "  In  the 
month  of  June  a  marvellous  sign  appeared  in  the  Heavens,  namely,  a  huge  Dragon 
without  a  head.  Soon  after  which  occurred  the  death  of  Hugues  the  Great."  Ckron. 
Floriacense,  Bouquet,  viii.  254. 


A.D.  980.]  LOTHAIRE I.On.S  V.  IT, 

till  the  accession  of  the  IId  Otho  in  Germany,  with  whom  a.  d.  973. 
he  became  involved  in  a  dispute  respecting  the  Fief  of 
Lorraine.  A  stealthy  march  upon  Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  which  city  the 
Emperor  was  residing  almost  unguarded,  nearly  secured 
his  capture ;  and  it  was  only  by  a  rapid  flight  from  his  a.  d.  978. 
Palace  that  Otho  escaped  this  disgrace.  All  Germany  was 
indignant  at  the  insult  offered  to  its  Sovereign;  and  it  is  said  that  Otho, 
in  little  more  than  three  months,  gathered  60,000  followers  under  his 
banner.  With  these  numbers,  unprecedented  in  any  former  war  of  the 
Age,  he  passed  the  frontiers,  and  spreading  terror,  as  he  advanced  by 
Rheims,  Laon,  and  Soissons,  he  intimated  to  Hugues  Capet  when  he  sat 
down  under  the  walls  of  Paris,  that  he  would  celebrate  a  louder  Litany 
in  his  hearing  than  any  which  had  been  solemnized  heretofore.  Col- 
lecting a  band  of  Priests  for  that  purpose,  on  the  heights  of  Montmartre, 
he  ordered  his  troops  to  swell  the  choruses  in  the  Canticle  of  the  Martyrs 
— Alleluia!  and  Te  Martyrum  candidatus  laudat  exercitus,  Domine! — 
till  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring  city  were  astounded  by  the  re- 
verberation *. 

Contented  with  this  empty  satisfaction  (as  it  was  deemed)  for  their 
wounded  honour  f,  the  Germans  broke  up  after  three  days'  encampment 
near  Paris.  Their  march  wras  unmolested  till  they  approached  the  Aisne  ; 
but  there,  Lothaire  lying  in  wait,  profited  by  their  divided  force  and  by 
the  swollen  waters  of  the  river,  to  cut  off  the  baggage  and  rear-guard. 
Otho  boldly  proposed  to  decide  their  quarrel  by  a  pitched  battle, 
leaving  the  choice  of  either  bank  of  the  river  to  his  adversary.  A 
French  Knight,  in  reply,  suggested  that  much  bloodshed  would  be  spared 
if  the  two  Princes  would  meet  in  single  combat,  with  a  proviso  that  their 
followers  should  peaceably  submit  to  the  conqueror.  But  the  deeply- 
rooted  loyalty  of  the  Germans  revolted  from  this  proposition.  "  We 
have  already  heard,"  was  the  indignant  reply  of  Godfrey  of  Ardennes, 
"  that  you  men  of  France  hold  your  Kings  but  cheaply :  hitherto  we 
have  refused  credit  to  the  imputation,  but  it  is  now  confirmed  by  the 
testimony  of  your  own  mouths.  Never,  while  we  are  sitting  still,  shall 
our  Emperor  fight !  Never,  while  we  are  out  of  danger,  shall  he  hazard 
himself  in  combat !  Not,  however,  that  we  entertain  the  slightest 
doubt  of  his  triumph  if  he  were  to  combat  single-handed  with  your 
King*." 

The  Princes  and  their  armies  separated  without  further  engagement ; 
and  soon  afterwards  a  Peace  was  concluded  between  France 
and  Germany.     Lothaire  reigned  six  years  longer,  in   an     a.  d.  fSO. 
obscurity  which,  if  it  were  possible,  it  is  scarcely  worth  while 
to  develope;   and  he  died  not  without  the  suspicion  of  having  been  poi- 
soned by  his  Queen,  whose  infidelity  is  openly  proclaimed  by  contem- 

*  Glaber  Rodolphus,  ibid;  239.  t  Balderici  Chron.  ibid.  283.  %  Id.  ibid. 


16  LOUIS   v.  [en.  II. 

a.  d.  986.     poraries.     His  son,  Louis  V.   the  Slothful  (le  Faineant)  *, 
had  little  time  to  exhibit  the  incapacity  which  his  surname 
betokens;  and  his  short  reign  is  involved  in  darkness,  broken  only  by  a 
few  scanty  glimmerings  of  light  from  the  Letters  of  Gerbert,  Secretary  to 
the  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  and  afterwards  Pope  Sylvester  II.     From 
these  writings  we  learn  that  the  King  believed  in  his  mother's  guilt,  and 
threatened  both  her  and  her  reputed  paramour  t  with  punishment.    The 
revolution  which  terminated  in  the  death  of  Louis  V.  is  not  any  where 
detailed,  but  it  has  been  affirmed  that,  like  his  father,  he 
a.  d.  987.     also  was  the  victim  of  poison,  administered  by  his  consort 
Blanche,  who,  having  perpetrated  the  crime,  was  rewarded 
by  a  second  marriage  with  the  Usurper  in  whose  elevation  she  had  as- 
sisted.    This  change  of  dynasty,  however,  may  be  more  fittingly  treated 
in  another  chapter. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Prom  a.  d.  987,  to  a.  d.  1108. 


Vision  of  Hugues  Capet — His  usurpation — Struggle  with  the  great  Feudatories- 
History  of  Gerbert  (Pope  Silvester  II.) — Robert  II. — His  divorce  from  Bertha — 
His  weakness — Impetuosity  of  his  second  Queen,  Constance — Interview  with  the 
Emperor  Henry  II. — Association  and  rebellion  of  his  sons — Henry  I. — Great 
Famine — Transactions  with  Normandy — Annexation  of  Sens — Philip  1. — Insti- 
tution of  Chivalry — Quarrel  with  the  Pope — Civil  war  in  Flanders — Defeat  of 
Philip  at  Cassel  —  Hostilities  with  Normandy  —  Adulterous  connexion  of  Philip 
with  Bertrade— Death  of  Philip  I. 

The  throne  to  which  Hugues  Capet  had  raised  himself  was  nominally 
that  of  France ;  but  his  real  power  extended  over  a  very  small  portion 
of  that  Kingdom.  He  had  indeed  annexed  his  own  great  Fief  to  the 
domain  before  possessed  by  the  Crown :  but,  exclusively  of  the  large 
immunities  arrogated  by  the  Clergy,  the  Provincial  Lords  exercised  an 
authority,  almost  independent,  both  in  Civil  and  in  military  affairs; 
and  the  Count  of  Paris,  in  becoming  King,  had  in  truth  become  no 
more  than  the  titular  head  of  a  Confederation  of  Princes.  The  Prelates 
and  Abbots  were  virtually  Feudal  Nobles  J  ;  and  without  examining 
the  controverted  question  as  to  the  exact  time  at  which  the  three  Duke- 
Bishops  and  the  three  Count-Bishops  §  claimed  their  Peerage,  in  order 
to  counterbalance  the  six  great  Lay  vassals  invested  with  similar  dignity, 

*  His  character,  perhaps,  is  more  fairly  represented  by  the  Latin  qui  nihil  fecit, 
"  who  did  nothing." 

f  Adalberon,  Bishop  of  Laon,  who  must  carefully  be  distinguished  from  the 
Archbishop  of  Rheims  mentioned  above,  who  bore  a  similar  name. 

I  Mr.  Hallam.      History  of  Europe  daring  the  Middle  Ages,  i.  150.  (4  to.) 

§  Duke-Bishops,  Ilheims;  Laon,  Langres :  Count-Bishops,  Beauvais,  Chalons, 
Novon. 


A.D.  987.]  VISION  OF  nUGUES  CAPET.  17 

it  is  enough  to  state  that  "  the  rights  of  coining  money ;  of  waging 
private  war;  of  exemption  from  all  public  tribute,  except  Feudal  ai<l> ; 
of  freedom  from  legislative  control ;  and  of  the  exclusive  exercise  of 
original  judicature  in  their  dominions*,"  belonged  to  numerous  Barons 
at  the  accession  of  Hugues  Capet.  Upon  the  sub-infeodations  our  limits 
forbid  us  to  enter;  but  the  Six  Lay  Peers  of  France  (as  they  were  after- 
wards called),  of  whom  Hugues  Capet  assumed  the  direction,  were  the 
Dukes  of  Normandy,  of  Burgundy,  and  of  Aquitaine;  the  Counts  of 
Flanders,  of  Champagne,  and  of  Toulouse.  The  Duke  of  Bretany  was 
reputed  to  hold  his  Fief  from  the  Duke  of  Normandy;  the  Count  of 
Nivernois  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  The  Duke  of  Gascony  (a  Pro- 
vince soon  united  to  Aquitaine),  the  Counts  of  Anjou,  of  Ponthieu,  and 
of  Vermandois,  the  Viscount  of  Bourges,  and  the  Lords  of  Bourbon  and 
of  Coucy,  may  be  added  as  important  vassals;  and  the  augmentation  of 
the  power  of  the  Crown,  from  time  to  time,  may  be  traced  in  our  future 
narrative,  as  any  of  these  possessions  became  merged  in  the  Royal  do- 
main, by  the  Feudal  incidents  of  "  escheat  or  forfeiture,  bequest  or 
purchase,  marriage  or  succession  t." 

The  silence  of  contemporary  writers  respecting  the  particulars  of  the 
great  change  which  transferred  the  Crown  of  France  to  a  new  family,  is 
not  a  little  remarkable ;  and  in  the  dearth  of  authentic  information  con- 
cerning Hugues  Capet  personally,  we  must  be  satisfied  with  offering  such 
legendary  matters  as  are  recorded  of  him  previously  to  his  accession. 
Hariulfe,  a  Monk  of  Centule,  from  whom  we  are  about  to  borrow,  did 
not  indeed  complete  his  Chronicle  till  more  than  a  century  after  the 
occurrence  which  he  relates  is  said  to  have  happened  ;  but  lie  wrote, 
probably,  that  which  had  been  delivered  to  him  by  tradition,  and  which, 
no  doubt,  was  the  current  belief  of  his  time  J. 

Among  the  treasures  which  the  Flemings  had  carried  off  from  the 
Abbey  of  Centule,  two  of  the  relics  most  lamented  by  its  inmates  were 
the  bodies  of  Saint  Valerie  and  Saint  Riquier.  Their  restoration  had 
been  often  but  vainly  solicited;  and  it  was  reserved  for  the  son  of 
Hugues  the  Great  (who,  we  are  told,  directed  the  Civil  and  Ecclesiastical 
polity  of  France  without  possessing  the  title  of  King)  to  appease  the 
wrath  of  Heaven,  and  to  fill  those  bosoms  with  holy  gratitude  which 
groaned  under  their  deprivation. 

IIugue3  Capet  had  long  meditated  in  silence  upon  the  sacrilegious 
robbery  ;  but  although  piety  strongly  urged  him  to  action,  he  was  still 
deterred  by  some  reasonable  fears.  All  obstacles,  however,  were  removed 

*  Id.  ibid.  161.  t  Id.  ibid.  208. 

%  Tbe  Chronicle  of  Hariulfe  was  finished  in  a.  d.  1088.  His  narrative  of  this 
vision  may  be  found,  Bouquet,  viii.  28.  A  similar  relation  is  given  by  Gervas 
of  Tilbury  also,  who  wrote  about  the  beginning  of  the  XII Ith  century,  in  his  book 
De  Oliis  Imperialibus  (Id.  ix.  45);  by  an  anonymous  author  of  the  XIth  century, 
from  whom  an  extract  is  printed  (ibid.  147)  5  and  by  many  others.  Gul.  de  Nangis 
(Id.x.  300)  assigns  the  vision  to  Hugues  the  Great  ;  but  Nangis  died  so  late  as 
a.  d.  1302. 


18  VISION  OF  HUGUES  CAPET.  [CH.  II. 

by  a  Vision  which  one  night  was  presented  to  him  by  divine  command. 
"  What  are  yon  about  ?"  enquired  a  voice  during  the  season  of  repose  ; 
and  the  speaker  when  asked  his  name,  replied,  "  I  am  Valerie,  one 
time  Abbot  of  the  Monastery  of  Centule ;  and,  by  God's  command, 
I  am  come  hither  for  your  information.  That  venerable  Confessor  and 
illustrious  Prelate  Riquier  has  endured  captivity  together  with  me  for 
many  years  past,  during  which,  by  the  treachery  of  Count  Arnulph,  we 
have  been  Exiles  from  our  homes.  It  is  now  God's  will  that  our  return 
should  be  effected  through  your  agency.  You  must  do  it  quickly,  and 
restore  our  Monastery  to  its  former  Rule  and  Discipline  by  the  expulsion 
of  the  Seculars.  If  you  fulfil  these  injunctions,  I  have  God's  command 
to  promise  that,  through  the  merits  of  St.  Riquier,  and  at  my  prayers,  you 
shall  be  King  of  France  hereafter,  and  that  the  sceptre  shall  remain 
in  your  Line  even  unto  the  seventh  generation*."  Thus  encouraged, 
Hugues  Capet  re-established  the  Monastery ;  sent  Envoys  to  Flanders, 
in  order  to  obtain  the  bones  of  the  Saint ;  made  a  warlike  demonstration 
upon  receiving  an  unfavourable  answer  to  his  demand ;  and  at  length 
had  the  satisfaction  of  placing  his  shoulders  under  the  bier  of  St. 
Riquier,  of  carrying  it  with  naked  feet  and  streaming  eyes  over  the  space 
of  a  league,  and  of  finally  depositing  the  holy  burden  in  its  legitimate 
resting-place  at  Centule. 

The  Monks  assure  us  that,  as  a  reward  for  this  labour  of  love,  certain 
Barons,  assembled  at  Noyon  after  the  death  of  Louis  V.,  proclaimed 
Hugues  Capet  king ;  and  however  entirely  we  may  now  reject  the  first 
part  of  their  narrative,  however  widely  we  may  separate  the  consequence 
from  its  presumed  cause,  we  are  wholly  destitute  of  any  materials  which 
may  be  either  added  or  substituted.  Even  the  genealogy  of  the  Family 
of  Capet  has  been  a  subject  of  bitter  controversy ;  and  while  some  have 
described  it  to  be  of  antiquity  so  remote  as  to  defy  investigation,  others 
have  reduced  the  Founder  of  the  Third  Royal  Line  to  a  most  ignoble  and 
plebeian  origin  f.    Be  this  as  it  may,  he  possessed  sufficient  energy  and 

*  We  have  omitted  a  few  unimportant  words  in  the  Saint's  rather  tedious  speech, 
but  we  have  faithfully  represented  its  substance. 

-j-  M.  de  Sismondi  has  exposed  the  fraud  practised  by  Velly  in  a  pretended  ren- 
dering of  Glaber  Rodolphus.  The  words  of  the  Monkish  Historian,  speaking  of 
Hugues  the  Great,  are  cujus  genus  idcirco  adnotare  distulimus  quia  valde  in  ante  re- 
peritur  obscurum;  which  passage  Velly,  avec  une  impudente  inauvai.se/oi  (a  character 
by  no  means  overcharged),  lias  translated  in  the  following  manner  :  dont  torigine 
se  perd  dans  les  siecles  les  plus  recults  (torn.  i.  p.  423).  The  passage  in  Dante  is 
well  known,  in  which  that  Poet  makes  the  usurper  declare  of  himself 

Figluol  fui  d'un  Beccaio  di  Parigi. — Purg.  xx. 
a  stroke  of  virulent  satire,  which,  if  accepted  literally,  would  be  equally  false  with 
Velly's  adulation ;  but  the  commentators  furnish  us  with  the  true  metaphorical 
sense,  by  stating  that  Ugo  Magno  facea  gran  giustizia  di  rei.  It  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  writer  of  the  Chronicon  Sithieuse  indignantly  rejects  the  imputation 
of  a  Plebeian  origin  to  the  Family  of  Capet;  and  affirms  that  he  was  u  a  Knight 
of  ancient  and  noble  extraction  "  (ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  207). 

The  reader  who  wishes  to  pursue  this  subject  farther,  may  turn  to  Velly  loe.  «7., 
to  the  Preuves  de  la  Genealogie  de  Hugues  Capet  in  L'Art  de  verifier  les  Dates,  i.  566 ; 


A.  D.  991.]  USURPATION  OF  IIUGUES  CAIMT.  |fl 

influence  to  put  aside  the  right  of  Charles  Duke  of  Lorraine,  uncle  of 
tlic  late  King,  and  to  confirm  his  own  election  (as  it  was  termed),  by 
procuring  his  Coronation. 

Charles,  the  younger  of  the  two  sons  of  Louis  the  Ultramarine,  had 
accepted  the  Fiefof  Lor  raine  from  the  Emperor  Otho ;  but  in  so  doing 
he  had  by  no  means  compromised  his  right  of  inheritance  to  the  Crown 
of  France.  His  remoteness,  however,  from  the  scene  of  action  gave  his 
competitor  much  immediate  advantage ;  and  neither  troops  nor  money 
could  be  provided  for  the  prosecution  of  his  more  legitimate  claim  till  ten 
months  had  passed  from  the  Coronation  of  Hugues.  Charles  then  entered 
France  in  arms ;  and,  by  the  assistance  of  a  nephew  *, 
Arnulph,  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  he  secured  possession  both  a.  d.  988. 
of  that  city  and  of  Laon. 

Hugues  Capet,  meantime,  was  long  occupied  in  attempting  the  reduc- 
tion of  those  vassals  who  had  deferred  acknowledging  his  new  dignity. 
We  need  not  follow  the  obscure  labyrinth  of  these  petty  wars ;  the  spirit 
in  which  they  were  waged  may  be  learned  from  a  single  anecdote. 
"  Who  has  made  you  Count?"  was  the  inquiry  which  the  Usurper 
directed  a  Herald  to  put  to  Adelbert  of  Perigueux,  who  had  assumed 
the  title  of  Count  of  Poitiers  and  of  Tours.  "  And  who  has  made  you 
King  ?"  was  the  only  reply  which  Adelbert  vouchsafed  to  return  by  the 
same  messenger  f.  Hugues  Capet  did  not  venture  to  renew  his  question, 
nor  to  maintain  any  further  dialogue  with  one  who  could  retort  so 
poignantly  and  so  searchingly. 

In  an  attempt  upon  Laon,  Hugues  was  unsuccessful;  Charles  dis- 
comfited him  in  a  brilliant  sortie,  burned  his  camp,  and 
compelled  him  to  retire  with  the  loss  of  all  his  siege-artil-     a.  d.  990. 
lery.     Thus  frustrated  in  open  war,  Capet  had  recourse  to 
intrigue.     Adalberon  J,  the  reputed  lover  of  Queen  Emma,  had,  at  one 
time,  been  imprisoned  by  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  §.     It  is  not  improbable 
that  Hugues  himself  had  been  the  secret  instigator  of  this  arrest;  but  if 
he  were  so,  he  remained  impenetrably  concealed,  and  dexterously  turned 
the  incident  to  his  advantage.     The  Bishop  of  Laon,  although  now  con- 
fidentially employed  by  Charles,  was  easily  persuaded  to  revenge  himself 
upon  an  ancient  enemy,  whom  fortune  had  placed  at  his 
disposal;    and   having   surrounded   the    residence   of  the     a.  i>.  991. 
Prince  with  an  armed  force,  and  seized  him  and  his  nephew 
Arnulph,  he  delivered  them  as  prisoners  to  Hugues  Capet.     They  were 
transferred  to  Orleans,  where  Charles  died  after  lingering   through  a 

to  M.  <le  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Franqais,  torn.  It.  p.  38  ;  or  to  the  Preface  of  Bouquet, 
torn.  x.  p.  3,  ct  §eq, 

*  Chron.  Hugon.  Floriac.   ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  220. 

f  Ademari  Cabannensis,  Chron.  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  14G. 

|  Called  Ascelin  also. 

§  Gerberti  Epist,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x,  p.  305. 

c2 


20  GERBERT.  [CH.  II. 

tedious  confinement*.  His  consort  was  delivered  of  twins  while  in  her 
dungeon ;  Charles  and  Louis,  whom  she  then  bore,  at  a  later  period 
recovered  their  liberty,  were  styled  Kings  in  certain  Diplomata  of  the 
South  of  France,  and  received  an  asylum  in  Germany,  in  which  Country 
the  male  posterity  of  the  latter  was  not  extinguished  till  after  the  course 
of  two  Centuries  and  a  half  f. 

The  deposition  of  Arnulph  from  his  Archbishopric,  which  necessarily 
followed  his  capture  by  Hugues,  involved  the  King  of  France  in  a 
struggle  with  the  Holy  See;  and  this  contest  assumes  higher  importance 
than  it  otherwise  would  deserve,  from  the  barrenness  of  contemporary 
events,  and  from  the  brilliant  character  of  the  Prelate  whom  Capet  be- 
friended. Gerbert,  of  whom  we  have  already  made  some  incidental 
mention,  was  born  of  obscure  parentage  in  Aquitaine,  and  was  admitted 
out  of  charity  into  the  Monastery  of  Aurillac.  At  Cordova,  which  he 
afterwards  visited,  he  studied  the  Mathematical  Sciences  under  Arabian 
masters ;  and  so  great  was  his  proficiency  in  the  marvels  which  those 
Infidels  only  were  at  that  time  competent  to  teach,  that  he  encountered 
the  lot  of  all  those  Sages  who  in  dark  times  have  outrun  their  generation, 
and  was  believed  to  have  made  a  compact  with  the  Powers  of  Evil  J. 
Not  less  skilled  in  the  knowledge  of  mankind  and  in  the  art  of  living  in 
Courts  than  in  that  lore  which  is  the  product  of  retirement,  Gerbert 
obtained  rich  Benefices  on  his  return  to  France ;  and  as  a  reward  for 
instructing  Robert,  the  son  of  Hugues  Capet,  he  was  now  destined  by 
the  King  to  be  Arnulph's  successor. 

John  XV.,  who  at  that  time  filled  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter,  refused 
approbation  to  this  arrangement ;  but  Hugues,  without  waiting  for  his 
sanction,  deposed  Arnulph  in  a  Provincial  Council  assembled  at  the 
Convent  of  St.  Basil  in  Rheims.  The  Archbishop  prostrating  himself 
before  the  throne,  in  an  attitude  the  most  humiliating,  besought 
pardon  and  immunity  of  life  and  limb§.  With  arms  outstretched 
in  the  form  of  a  cross,  he  implored  mercy  for  an  act  which  the 
success  of  Hugues  had  rendered  treasonable,  the  support  of  the  just 
hereditary  right  of  a  near  relative.     Little  reverence  for  the  Head  of 

*  Chron.  Richardi  Pictavensis,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  ix.  p.  22. 

f  Otho,  son  of  Charles  of  Lorraine,  by  his  first  wife,  succeeded  to  his  father's 
Duchy,  and  died  without  issue  in  a. d.  lOOG.  Of  Ermengarde  and  Elgiva,  two 
daughters  of  Charles,  the  elder  married  the  Count  of  Namur.  A  grand-daughter 
from  that  marriage,  Elizabeth  of  Flanders,  became  the  Queen  of  Philippe  Auguste 
in  1 180,  and  thus  mingled  the  blood  of  the  Second  and  Third  Lines  of  Kings. 

%  In  the  Chron.  Firdunense  we  are  told  that  Gerbert  secured  his  advancement 
"by  certain  spells" — ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  206.  And  another  Chronicon  Regum 
Francorum  (ibid.  p.  301)  speaks  of  him  as  "  a  Philosophic  Monk,  or  rather  a  Ne- 
cromancer." Ordericus  Vitalis  (ibid.  p.  235)  has  preserved  a  hexameter  verse,  in 
which  the  Devil  predicts  Gerbert' s  fortunes.  Sigebert  discreetly  leaves  the  question 
in  doubt ;  "  Some  say  that  his  death  was  occasioned  by  a  blow  from  the  Devil ; 
which  matter  we  do  not  pretend  to  decide  "  (ibid.  p.  217). 

§  Hist.  Deposilionis  Arnulphi  ex  Remensi  Concilia  S.  Bas.^  ap.  Bouquet,  torn,  x, 
p.  531. 


A.  D.  996.]  DEATH  OF  HUGUES  CAPET.  '  21 

their  Church  appears  to  have  been  exhibited  by  this  assembly  ;  and 
harangues  have  descended  to  us,  in  which  the  abominations  of  Rome  arc 
depicted  in  terms  most  ungrateful  to  Pontifical  ears,  and  which  perhaps 
startled  Gerbert  himself  when  he  afterwards  attained  the  tiara.  During 
three  years,  he  seems  to  have  enjoyed  the  Archbishoprick  to  which  he  had 
been  elected ;  at  the  end  of  that  term,  the  Pope  was  sufficiently  disen- 
gaged from  the  troubles  which  the  Consul  Crescentius  had  excited  nearer 
home,  to  direct  himself  to  the  breach  of  Ecclesiastical  discipline  which 
menaced  the  existence  of  his  authority  in  France  :  he  anathematized  the 
Synod  of  St.  Basil ;  he  procured  a  revision  of  their  sentence ;  and  he 
finally  pronounced  the  condemnation  of  Gerbert,  and  the  legitimacy  of 
his  rival.  The  King  of  France  felt  that  his  own  title  was  far  too  inse- 
cure to  permit  him  to  hazard  further  resistance  to  an  opponent  armed 
with  spiritual  weapons ;  and  Gerbert,  deprived  of  Royal  sup- 
port, in  order  to  prevent  a  schism,  withdrew  to  Germany,  a.d.  998. 
where  he  basked  under  the  patronage  of  Otho  III.  which  ere 
long  obtained  for  him  a  no  less  splendid  prize  than  the  Keys  themselves. 

The  History  of  France  at  this  period  must  be  sought  (if  there  are  any 
to  whom  such  a  search  can  be  either  useful  or  alluring)  in  the  Annals 
of  its  separate  great  Fiefs.  Even  of  those  detached  parts  not  much  is  to 
be  learned  beyond  their  existence,  and  the  perpetual  feuds  of  their 
Lords.  The  Counts  of  Yermandois,  of  Flanders,  and  of  Anjou;  the 
early  Lords  of  the  Houses  of  Franche-Comte,  of  Savoy,  of  Dauphine, 
and  of  Provence,  come  and  depart,  like  shadows,  without  leaving  a 
trace  behind  them  upon  the  memory.  The  date  of  Hugues  Capet's 
death  is  as  uncertain  as  those  of  most  of  the  actions  of  his 
life ;  it  is  usually  thought  to  have  occurred  at  Paris  on  the  a.  d.  996. 
24th  of  October,  996.  For  some  years  beforehand,  he  had 
associated  his  only  son  Robert  in  his  Government ;  and  had  invested 
him  with  those  emblems  of  royalty  which,  we  are  assured,  he  himself 
never  assumed  after  his  Coronation.  From  a  scruple  of  conscience 
which  whispered  that  he  had  wronged  his  legitimate  Sovereign,  he  for- 
bore from  wearing  the  Crown ;  and  by  this  idle  abstinence  from  out- 
ward show,  he  might  perhaps  cheat  himself  into  a  belief  that  he  atoned 
for  the  moral  guilt  of  his  positive  usurpation  *. 

Robert  II.  succeeded  to  his  father  unopposed,  and,  as  it  appears, 
almost  unnoticed.  Although  he  is  invariably  described  by  the  Monks  as 

*  M.  de  Sisraondi,  in  observing  that  this  fact  is  recorded  by  the  ancient  His- 
torians without  any  commentary  (torn.  iv.p.  79),  appears  to  have  overlooked  a  state- 
ment by  Richard,  a  Monk  of  Cluny,  who  wrote  in  the  XIIlh  century.  Dicunt 
cnim  Hugonem  Chaped  nunquam  voluisse  coronari  quia  Dominum  MOON  proditum  captum 
lenebat.  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  254.  A  more  interested  reason  has  been  assigned 
by  modern  writers ;  namely,  that  Hugues,  remembering  the  prediction  of  St. 
Valerie,  that  the  Crown  should  remain  in  his  Family  till  the  seventh  generation, 
thought,  by  excluding  himself,  to  swindle  tbe  Saint  out  of  an  additional  tnrn.  But 
Nangil  has  remarked  that  M  till  the  seventh  generation,"  in  the  language  of  Pro- 
phecy, always  means  "for  ever"  (ibid.  p.  300) ;  the  precaution  therefore  would 
have  been  superfluous. 


22  ROBERT  II.  [CH.  II. 

the  most  pious  of  Kings*,  he  became  early  embroiled  with  the  Church. 
His  Queen  Bertha,  to  whom  he  was  very  tenderly  attached,  was  the 
widow  of  Eudes,  Count  of  Blois  and  Chartres,  to  whom  she  had  borne 
six  children.  One  of  the  sons  had  been  held  by  Robert  at  the  font ; 
and  the  spiritual  relationship  which  according  to  the  Romish  Creed 
he  thus  contracted  with  the  mother,  rendered  the  marriage  into 
which  he  afterwards  entered  with  her  uncanonical,  and  within  forbidden 
degrees  f.  The  Pope,  accordingly,  insisted  upon  its  dissolution ;  and 
Robert,  in  the  hope  of  retaining  his  wife,  attempted  a  compromise,  by 
offering  the  release,  of  Archbishop  Arnulph,  who  was  still  imprisoned. 
Gregory  V.  accepted  the  promised  restitution  of  Arnulph  to  his  Archi- 
episcopal  honours,  but  at  the  same  time  peremptorily  refused  any  indul- 
gence to  the  prohibited  nuptials.  On  the  contrary,  having  assembled 
a  Council,  he  promulgated  a  Decree  remarkable  for  its  severity.  It  en- 
joined the  immediate  separation  of  the  married  pair;  it  adjudged  Robert 
to  seven  years  penance;  it  suspended  from  participation  in  the  Eucharist 
all  the  Ecclesiastics  who  had  assisted  in,  or  consented  to  the  ceremony  of 
his  betrothment,  until  they  should  satisfy  the  indignation  of  the  Apo- 
stolic See ;  and  it 'excommunicated  the  King  and  Queen  in  case  of  their 
disobedience.  That  Robert  hesitated,  and  that  notwithstanding  his 
timidity  and  weakness  he  maintained  a  long  struggle  against  this  en- 
croachment of  Sacerdotal  power,  is  plain  from  numerous  documents  in 
which  the  name  of  Bertha  is  joined  with  his  own ;  that  he  at  length 
yielded  is  equally  clear  by  his  second  marriage  with  Constance,  a 
daughter  of  the  Count  of  Provence  and  of  Aries.  But  the  details  of  the 
transaction  are  involved  in  legendary  matter,  which  it  suited  the  am- 
bitious pretensions  of  Rome  to  invent  and  to  encourage.  Bertha,  as  we 
are  told,  produced  a  child  with  a  head  and  neck  resembling  those  of  a 
Goose  J.  All  the  Bishops  of  France,  it  is  added,  struck  with  horror  at 
this  manifest  judgment,  excommunicated  the  offending  couple ;  and  so 
great  was  the  fear  excited  by  this  Ecclesiastical  sentence,  that  they  were 
generally  shunned  by  their  subjects  ;  their  deserted  Palace  was  left  to 
the  care  of  only  two  menials,  who  attended  indeed  to  their  personal 
wants,  but  who,  after  every  meal,  purified  by  fire  the  contaminated 
utensils  which  had  been  employed  for  the  Royal  table.  How  far  the 
imagination  of  the  persecuted  Bertha  might  be  affected  by  terror  at  the 
Papal  anathemas,  it  is  impossible  to  decide ;  but  not  any  part  of  the 
above  tale  is  avouched  by  contemporaries ;  and  it  was  first  related  by  a 
Cardinal,  who  wrote,  probably  with  political  objects,  half  a  century  after 
Bertha's  repudiation  §. 

*  "  The  most  pious  of  Kings,  prudent  and  versed  in  Letters,  competently  ac- 
quainted with  Philosophy,  excellently  with  Music."  Chron.  Silhietise,  ap.  Bouquet, 
torn.  x.  p.  299. 

■}■  Helgaldi  Pita  Roberti  Regis,  ibid.  x.  p.  10G. 

I   Epist.  Petri  Damiani,  ibid.  x.  p.  492. 

§  M.  de  Sismondi,  torn.  iv.  p.  103. 


A.D.  1022.]  WEAKNESS  OF  ROBERT  II.  23 

The  personal  history  of  Robert  presents  little  except  countless  in- 
stances of  a  too  facile  temper,  which  led  him  to  acts  of  almost  insane 
weakness.  He  submitted  to  the  caprices  of  an  imperious  consort,  who 
was  substituted  for  Bertha ;  and  whatever  narrow  intellect  he  possessed 
was  chiefly  exhibited  in  eluding  her  vigilance.  He  lavished  his  treasure 
upon  worthless  mendicants ;  connived  at  thefts  from  his  own  person ; 
composed  Hymns  for  Monastic  service ;  and  frequently  assuming  a  Con- 
ventual garb,  presided  over  the  Singers  in  the  Choir  of  St.  Denis.  In 
these  unkingly  occupations,  affairs  of  State  were  little  likely  to  be 
remembered,  or  if  remembered,  to  be  skilfully  executed. 
We  hear,  therefore,  without  surprise,  of  a  war  respecting  the  a.  d.  1003 
lapsed  Fief  of  Burgundy  *,  which  lingered  through  a  period  — 1016. 
of  thirteen  years  before  Robert  established  his  claim 
and  obtained  the  Ducal  title  for  his  second  son  Henry.  In  his 
first  campaign,  the  King  was  assisted  by  Richard  of  Normandy,  whose 
services  were  always  prompt  and  faithful.  But  that  brave,  young, 
and  enterprising  warrior  must  have  been  inwardly  disgusted  by  the 
superstitious  pusillanimity  which  occasioned  a  miscarriage  before 
Auxerre.  A  thick  fog  surrounding  the  Royal  camp  was  supposed  to  be 
occasioned  by  the  miraculous  intervention  of  St.  Germain  in  behalf  of 
a  Convent  which  bore  his  name ;  and  Robert,  terrified  by  the  menaces 
of  the  Abbot,  and  by  the  accompanying  proof  of  divine  wrath,  broke  up, 
after  considerable  loss,  and  hastily  retreated  t. 

The  domestic  peace  of  Robert  was  frequently  interrupted  by  the  im- 
petuous passions  of  his  Queen  J.  On  one  occasion  her  jealousy  of  the 
influence  exercised  over  him  by  a  Favourite,  Hugues  de  Beauvais,  so  far 
outran  restraint,  that  she  planned  his  assassination,  and  had  it  executed 
in  the  very  presence  of  the  King,  wrhom  he  was  attending  in  a  hunting- 
match.  So  used  to  control  was  the  tame  and  spiritless  husband,  that 
even  this  ferocious  outrage  failed  to  arouse  any  assertion  of  either  Kingly 
or  Conjugal  authority.  We  are  told  that,  for  a  while,  he  exhibited  signs 
of  regret,  but  that  afterwards,  as  was  his  duty,  he  became  reconciled  to 
the  Queen  §. 

An  act  of  yet  greater  atrocity,  because  it  was  perpetrated  by  her  own 
hand,  is  recorded  of  this  Woman,  who  seems  completely  to  have  forgot- 
ten the  softness  of  her  sex  in  the  brutality  of  her  passions. 
A  Heresy  had  been  detected  among  some  Priests  at  Orleans,   a.  d.  1022. 
which  received  the  convenient  generic  name  of  Gnosticism; 
but  to  unravel  the  peculiar  errors  of  which  might  be  a  task  of  no  small 

*  By  the  death  of  Duke  Henry,  a  brother  of  Hugues  Capet.  It  was  contested  by 
Landri,  Count  of  Nevers,  and  by  Adalbert,  a  son  of  the  first  wife  of  Duke  Henry  by 
a  former  husband. 

f  Glaber  Rodolphus,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  20.  Gesta  Abbaittm  S.  Germ.  Autiss. 
ibid.  p.  29b\ 

%  Glaber  Rodolphus,  ibid.  p.  27.  Chron.  WflL  Godelli,  ibid.  p.  262.  Fragment. 
Hist.  Franc,  ibid.  p.  211.  §  Glaber  Rodolphus,  p.  20. 


24  VIOLENCE  OF  HIS  QUEEN  CONSTANCE.  [CH.  II. 

difficulty.  So  far  as  we  are  able  to  separate  truth  from  falsehood  (dis- 
missing at  once  those  odious  accusations  which  at  all  seasons  of  the 
early  Church  were  advanced  against  sectaries),  the  dissidents  appear  to 
have  been  enthusiasts  inclining  to  a  mystic  Quietism,  and  professing  to 
be  guided  by  an  unwritten  inward  law,  dictated  by  the  Holy  Spirit, 
which  rendered  Scripture  unnecessary  *.  It  is  plain  that  in  two  points 
they  were  forerunners  of  a  doctrine  propagated  more  happily  after  a 
lapse  of  500  years;  and  that  they  denied  Transubstantiation,  and  the 
efficacy  of  the  intercession  of  departed  Saints -f.  Those  tenets  in  them- 
selves were  sufficient  to  ensure  their  destruction  during  the  season  in 
which  they  were  promulgated ;  and  after  eight  hours'  controversy  in  the 
Royal  presence,  the  heterodox  Priests  were  deposed,  stripped  of  their 
Sacerdotal  vestments,  and  adjudged  to  the  stake.  So  greatly  was  popu- 
lar fury  excited,  that  it  was  thought  necessary,  during  the  preparations 
for  their  death,  that  the  porch  of  the  Cathedral  in  which  they  had  re- 
ceived sentence  should  be  guarded  by  Constance  herself,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  hazard  of  an  untimely  massacre.  When  the  last  melancholy 
procession  began,  and  the  victims  were  being  led  without  the  walls  to  the 
burning  pile,  the  Queen  recognized  among  them  an  Ecclesiastic,  named 
Stephen,  who  in  other  days  had  officiated  as  her  Confessor.  Far  from 
being  moved  by  any  tenderness  of  recollection,  she  struck  this  bound 
and  defenceless  prisoner  with  a  staff  which  she  bore  in  her  hand,  and 
directed  the  blow  so  furiously  that  it  deprived  him  of  one  of  his  eyes  J. 

The  Jews,  yet  earlier,  had  been  exposed  to  violent  persecution ;  and 
confiscation,  torture,  and  death  had  followed  one  of  those  bursts  of  fury 
which  during  the  Middle  Ages  seem  to  have  periodically  overwhelmed 
their  proscribed  race.  The  King  imagined  that  the  cause  of  Heaven 
was  furthered  by  promoting  these  fanatical  murders.  He  was  more 
harmlessly  employed  when  he  indulged  in  the  prevalent  fancy  for  Pil- 
grimages. Having  visited  all  the  Shrines  in  France,  he  undertook  a 
journey  to  Rome,  in  order  that  he  might  salute  the  Tombs  of  the 
Apostles  §.     On  the  Vigil  of  the  Feast  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  he 

*  Such,  we  think,  is  the  fair  deduction  from  their  reply  to  the  enquiries  concern- 
ing the  means  of  Salvation,  made  by  a  Norman  Knight,  Arefast,  who  feigned  con- 
version in  order  to  betray  them  ;  and  again  from  their  answer  to  the  Bishop  of 
Beauvais.     Gcsta  Synodi  Aurelianensis,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  537. 

|  <:  They  esteemed  it  useless  to  pray  to  Holy  Martyrs  and  Confessors  :  nor  did 
they  believe  that  the  Bread  and  Wine  which  appears  to  be  made  a  Sacrament,  on 
the  Altar,  by  the  hands  of  the  Priests,  through  the  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
could  be  changed  into  the  Body  and  Blood  of  Christ."    Id.,  ibid. 

\  .The  matter-of-fact  exposition  of  the  Benedictine  Commentators  in  this  place  is 
not  a  little  amusing.  u  Queen  Constance  is  somewhat  to  blame  in  this  business,  to 
say  nothing  of  King  Robert.  But  we  learn  from  it  one  of  the  fashions  of  their 
days.  Married  Ladies  were  in  the  habit  of  carrying  a  staff,  or  stick,  or  cane,  on 
the  head  of  which  was  generally  carved  the  figure  of  some  bird,"  ap.  Bouquet,  x. 
53.0. 

§  The  year  in  which  this  Pilgrimage  was  undertaken  is  uncertain.  There  is 
some  reason  to  suppose  that  a  meeting  with  the  repudiated  Bertha  occurred  during 
it;  and  the  consequent  alarm  of  Constance  and  the  comfort  which  she  derived  from 


A.  D.  1023.]  FANATICISM  OF  ROBERT  II.  25 

assisted  at  Mass  in  the  Vatican,  and  excited  very  eager  expectation 
among  the  Cardinals  and  attendant  Priests,  by  depositing  a  silken  dun 
upon  the  Altar.  Grievous  was  their  disappointment,  when  upon  opening 
this  supposed  precious  offering,  they  found  that  it  contained  only  the 
words  and  score  of  a  Hymn — "  Cornelius  Centurio" — which  the  King, 
proud  of  his  skill  in  a  science  at  that  time  rarely  cultivated,  had  com- 
posed and  noted  on  parchment*.' 

A  similarity  of  tastes  induced  another  of  the  most  devout  Monarchs 
of  the  time,  the  Emperor  Henry  II.,  to  propose  an  interview 
with  his  brother  of  France;  and  the  Princes  accordingly  a.  d.  1023. 
held  a  conference  which  occasioned  great  interest  among 
the  Ecclesiastics,  at  the  Town  of  Ivois,  on  the  frontiers  of  Cham- 
pagne and  Luxemburg.  That  spot  was  selected  as  having  been  the 
birth-place  of  the  holy  Gaugeric,  a  Saint  whose  merits  have  now 
perhaps  somewhat  faded  from  remembrance ;  and,  on  the  eve  of  his 
Festival,  the  Courts  assembled  with  great  splendour  in  each  other's 
immediate  presence.  Dukes  and  Barons,  Prelates  and  Abbots,  persons 
illustrious  for  station,  for  attainment,  and  for  piety,  thronged  in  countless 
numbers  to  the  assembly ;  and  Robert  and  Henry  embraced  with  marks 
of  special  confidence,  esteem,  and  affection.  Their  discussion  was  by  no 
means  confined  to  temporal  matters ;  they  treated  of  the  peace  of  the 
Church,  and  of  the  general  interests  of  Religion ;  and  a  second  conference 
was  agreed  upon  to  be  held  at  Pavia,  in  order  that  they  might  be  there 
assisted  by  the  presence  of  Italian  Bishops.  The  Emperor,  at  parting, 
was  munificent  in  the  gifts  which  he  distributed  among  the  French  of 
all  degrees ;  in  return  he  would  not  accept  more  than  a  single  relic ; 
and  when  he  thus  consented  to  receive  a  tooth  of  the  blessed  Martyr  St. 
Vincent,  he  yielded  solely  that  he  might  avoid  the  appearance  of  un- 
gracious refusal.  The  wealth  and  bounty  which  he  displayed  excite 
unmeasured  admiration  in  the  Chronicler  Balderic,  who  assures  us  that 
no  King,  either  of  Persia  or  of  Arabia,  however  justly  reputed  to  exceed 
other  Princes  in  treasure,  ever  deserved  comparison  with  the  German 
Sovereign  -f.  Within  twelve  months  from  the  meeting  the  Emperor  was 
no  more. 


a  propitious  Vision  of  Saint  Savinianus  are  related  at  length  by  the  Commentator  on 
the  Chronicle  of  Odorannus,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  166.  The  translation  of  that 
Saint's  body  and  some  miracles  wrought  by  it  are  recorded  by  the  same  Monk. 
Ibid.  p.  168. 

*   Chron.  S.  German!,  ibid.  p.  303.     Chron.  de  St.  Denis,  ibid.  p.  306. 

f  Chron.  Cameracense,  ibid.  p.  202,  where  may  be  found  the  particulars  given  in 
the  text.  It  is  evident  that  some  confusion  exists  between  this  interview  and  one 
which  the  same  Princes  held  on  the  Meuse  in  a.d.  1006.  Glaber  Rodolphns  recounts 
of  the  latter,  that  after  Robert  had  offered  most  costly  presents  to  Henry,  the  Em- 
peror contented  himself  by  taking  "  only  a  volume  of  the  Gospel  inlaid' with  gold 
and  precious  stones,  and  a  Cabinet  of  similar  workmanship  containing  a  tooth  of 
St.  Vincent,  the  Priest  and  Martyr."  Ibid.  p.  28.  It  is  very  unlikely  that  the  Saint 
should  have  had  a  tooth  ready  upon  each  occasion. 


26  HIS  DOMESTIC  UNHAPPINESS.  [CH.  II. 

In  opposition  to  the  advice  of  his  chief  Nobles,  but  yielding  to 
the  urgency  of  Constance,  Robert  had  agreed  to  the  pre- 
a.d.  1017.  mature  association  of  his  eldest  son  Hugues,  a  child 
in  his  tenth  year.  As  the  boy  advanced  to  manhood, 
the  empty  possession  of  a  title,  which,  as  he  complained,  afforded 
nothing  beyond  ie  clothes  and  food,"  in  a  Kingdom  of  which  he 
wore  the  Crown,  dissatisfied  the  Prince ;  and  he  earnestly  required  some 
allotment  of  real  domain.  The  avarice  of  Constance  was  alarmed  at  this 
demand;  and  she  not  only  exercised  in  opposition  to  it  the  plenary 
authority  with  which  she  swayed  her  husband,  but  she  bitterly  inveighed 
against  the  ambition  of  her  son,  and  suited  her  actions  to  her  words,  as 
if  he  had  been  an  enemy  and  a  stranger  to  her  blood*.  The  youth, 
reduced  to  desperation  by  his  mother's  persecution  and  his  father's  weak- 
ness, connected  himself  with  some  fiery  spirits  of  his  own  age ;  and  for 
a  while  led  a  life  of  vagrancy,  plunder,  and  marauding.  But  the  Pro- 
digal seems  ere  long  to  have  been  reclaimed,  and  upon  repentance  he 
was  invested  with  a  fitting  portion  (apanage).  His  early  death  extracts 
a  profusion  of  regret,  and  a  sprinkling  of  barbarous  Iambics  (written  at 
the  desire  of  his  Confraternity)  from  Glaber  Rodolphus,  who  discovers 
in  the  deceased  youth  a  revival  of  his  illustrious  ancestor,  Hugues  the 
Great  f. 

Of  the  three  remaining  Princes,  Eudes  is  represented  to  have  been 
disqualified  for  public  life  either  by  intemperance  or  imbecility.  Henry, 
already  Duke  of  Burgundy,  was  a  favourite  with  the  King — Robert,  the 
youngest,  with  Constance ;  who,  in  order  to  obtain  his  association,  did 
not  scruple  to  characterize  Henry  as  a  sluggard,  a  hypocrite,  a  sensualist, 
and  one  who,  in  his  neglect  of  the  Law,  would  tread  in  his  father's  steps  J. 
In  this  instance,  we  know  not  for  what  reason,  the  King  was  successful 
in  his  opposition  ;  but  he  had  little  occasion  to  congratulate  himself 
upon  his  triumph.  The  two  excluded  brothers  united  their  interests 
after  Henry's  association,  and,  irritated  by  the  haughtiness  of  their 
mother  §,  appeared  in  open  Rebellion.  Somewhat  of  remorse  was 
awakened  in  the  bosom  of  Robert,  when  arming  for  this  more  than  Civil 
contest,  by  an  admonition  from  the  Abbot  of  Dijon ;  allusive  to  a  portion 
of  his  early  history  upon  which  no  farther  light  is  afforded  from  other 
sources.  He  was  warned  that  this  insurrection  of  his  sons  must  be  con- 
sidered as  a  retributive  judgment  upon  similar  offences  committed  by 
himself;  and  that  it  was  permitted  by  the  divine  will,  in  order  to 
punish  the  violence  which  he  had  offered  in  former  days  to  his  own 
parents.  The  reproof  was  received  with  gentleness  and  patience ; 
vigorous  measures  for  a  time  restored  sufficient  tranquillity  in  the  insur- 
gent Provinces  to  allow  the  King  to  renew  his  Pilgrimages ;  and  on  his 
return  from  one  of  these  devout  tours,  he  expired  at  Melun,  deeply  to 

*  Glaber  Rodolphus,  p.  38.'  f  Id.,  ibid. 

|  Odolrici  Ep.,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  504.  §  Glaber  Rodolphus,  p.  40. 


A.  D.  1033.]  IIENRY  I.  27 

the  sorrow  of  the  Monks,  whose  good  opinion  he  had  dili-   a.  n.  1031. 
gently  cultivated,  and  no  doubt  had  richly  deserved*. 

The  nine  and  twenty  years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  I.  are  still  more  barren 
of  striking  incident  than  the  six  and  thirty  so  ingloriously  occupied 
by  his  father.  Constance  persisted  in  virulent  opposition  to  his  claim, 
and  the  young  King,  before  he  could  secure  his  Crown,  was  obliged  to 
throw  himself  upon  the  protection  of  Robert  the  Magnificent  (le  Mag- 
nifi<{ue),  or,  as  he  is  better  known,  the  Devil  (le  Diable)f,  Duke  of 
Normandy,  whose  assistance  was  not  purchased  without  the  abandon- 
ment of  a  rich  territory,  Gisors,  Chaumont,  Pontoise,  and  the  whole  of 
the  Vexin.  After  much  resistance  and  some  reverses,  the  Queen  listened 
to  the  mediation  of  her  uncle,  the  Count  of  Anjou ;  and  consented  to 
remit  that  which  a  contemporary  has  not  too  strongly  termed  "  bestial 
madness  \  !'  with  which  she  raged  against  her  son.  The  Treaty  which 
placed  Henry  in  quiet  possession  of  his  throne,  obtained  for  Constance 
herself  certain  allowances,  which  she  lived  to  enjoy  but  a  few  months ; 
and  for  Prince  Robert,  investiture  with  the  Duchy  of  Burgundy,  a 
government  which  he  administered  as  weakly  and  as  obscurely  as  his 
brother  did  that  of  France. 

We  read  of  a  deplorable  Famine  which  traversed  Europe  in  the  early 
part  of  Henry's  reign,  and  which  appears  to  have  ravaged 
France  three  whole  years  with  especial  severity.  Co-  a.  d.  1 030 
pious  details  have  been  transmitted  to  us  of  the  frightful  — 1033. 
miseries  which  it  produced;  but  their  citation  would  produce 
unnecessary  pain,  and  we  therefore  purposely  avoid  it.  The  contem- 
porary Monks  have  not  been  equally  abstinent ;  yet  we  cannot  but  hope 
that  to  one  of  the  most  sickening  horrors  which  they  recite,  their  own 
accounts  unwittingly  furnish  sufficient  contradiction.  They  speak  of 
the  resort  to  human  flesh  as  of  familiar  occurrence,  and  they  give  one 
instance  in  which  it  was  exposed  in  the  shambles,  disguised  indeed 
under  another  name.  That  the  pangs  of  hunger  have  occasionally 
driven  the  sufferers  to  seek  relief  by  cannibalism  is  a  fact  too  well 
authenticated  to  admit  of  doubt;  it  is  verified  not  only  by  the  well- 
known  instance  which  Josephus  records  at  Jerusalem,  but  by  indis- 
putable similar  examples  which  deform  the  journals  of  other  and  later 
sieges,  and  by  many  accounts  of  shipwrecks.  But  although  Glaber 
Rodolphus  specifies  wholesale  murders,  tells  of  children  decoyed  to 
assassination,  of  the  knife  lifted  against  the  sleeping  guest,  and  of  the 
foul  disinterment  of  the  dead ;  in  every  case  which  he  produces,  he 
adds,  that  the  detected  perpetrators  were  condemned  to  the  stake.  If 
the  crime  had  been  as  prevalent  and  as  frequently  repeated  as  he 

*  Helgald  records  his  death  in  the  following  mellifluous  alliterative  reduplications. 
Ad  Regem  Region  et  Dominum  Dommorum  demigrans,  felix  felicia  promeruit  regna. 
Vita  Roberti  Regis,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  x.  p.  110. 

f  A  title  which  Velly  thinks  Robert  obtained  from  having  refused  to  grant 
quarter.    Tom.  i.  p.  471.  J  Glaber  Rodolphus,  p.  40. 


28  BATTLE  OF  VAL  DES  DUNES.  [dl.  II. 

affirms,  it  is  probable  that  it  would  either  have  escaped,  or  have  defied 
the  exaction  of  legal  punishment. 

After  the  death  of  Robert  the  Norman,  the  King  of  France  returned 
in  kind  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  he  owed  to  that  Prince 
a.  d.  1035.    for    his    own    confirmation    in   power.       Robert,    before 
undertaking  that  Pilgrimage  to   the  Holy  Land,    in   the 
course   of  which   he  died,   had   endeavoured   to   secure  the  peaceful 
succession  of  his  Bastard  son,  William,  by   associating  him   in    the 
Ducal  honours.      But  the  minority   of  a  child  in  his  seventh   year, 
who  was  not  born  in  wedlock,  was  little  likely  to  be  respected  by  a  fierce, 
turbulent,  and  ambitious  Nobility ;  and  a  long  protracted  War  exposed 
the  future  Conqueror  of  England  to  frequent  peril.     Henry 
a.  d.  1053.    at  length  armed  in  person  to  assist  the  son  of  his  bene- 
factor ;  and  in  a  decisive  engagement  at  Val  des  Dunes,  in 
which  he  seems  to  have  fought  with  distinguished  bravery,  he  overthrew 
the  insurgents,  and  suppressed  the  farther  progress  of  Rebellion  *. 

.To  a  remembrance  of  this  timely  aid,  and  to  a  marriage  which  William 
contracted  with  Matilda  of  Flanders,  a  niece  of  the  King  of  France ; 
perhaps  above  all,  to  the  Feudal  prejudice  which  considered  any  positive 
combat  between  a  vassal  and  his  Suzerain  as  highly  criminal  (a  pre- 
judice upon  which  William's  own  authority  was  mainly  dependent), 
Henry  owed  his  safety,  when  in  the  following  year  he  became  engaged 
in  hostilities  with  his  recent  ally.  This  quarrel  arose  from  protection 
granted  by  France  to  a  Norman  Baron  who  had  signalized  himself  by 
constant  opposition  to  William  ;  but  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  although 
ceaselessly  harassing  his  enemy  in  detail,  arranged  his  movements  with 
skill  so  consummate,  as  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  ever  personally  con- 
fronting the  Kingt-  On  one  occasion,  having  surprised  and  utterly 
routed  a  large  division  of  the  Royal  army,  he  dispatched  a  Herald  to  warn 
Henry  that  his  troops  had  been  defeated.  The  messenger  was  instructed 
to  approach  the  French  camp  by  night,  when,  standing  on  an  eminence, 
he  proclaimed  in  a  loud  voice  his  name  and  office  ;  mentioned  the  chief 
Knights  who  had  fled  or  fallen  in  the  late  combat ;  taunted  the  French 
with  the  knowledge  which  they  had  thus  experimentally  attained  of 
the  superiority  of  Norman  valour;  and  advised  them  to  send  waggons  at 
sunrise,  for  the  conveyance  of  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends  from  the 
bloody  field.  "  Thus  much,"  was  his  conclusion,  l<  you  may  announce 
to  your  King  on  the  part  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy  }." 

*  Will.  Gemeticensis,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  xi.  p.  43.  William  of  Malmesbnrv, 
ibid.  p.  178.  According  to  the  latter  writer,  Henry  was  unhorsed  in  this  battle  by 
a  Norman  Knight,  called  Haimo,  who  was  immediately  put  to  the  sword  in  conse- 
quence. The  King  generously  ordered  that  his  body  should  be  interred  with  great 
marks  of  honour. 

•J-  Henry's  feeling  excited  by  these  manoeuvres  is  strongly  expressed  by  William 
of  Malmesbury,  p.  1/9.  "  Nor  was  King  Henry  idle,  but  he  growled  (grunniret) 
that  his  armies  should  be  held  cheaply  by  William."  \  Will.  Gemet.  p.  47., 


A.  D.  1053.]  BERENGER,  ARCHDEACON  OP  ANGERS.  2<J 

The  result  of  this  politic  communication  fully  justified  the  hope  which 
hud  induced  William  to  offer  it.  The  King  of  France  was  impressed 
with  a  strong,  and  by  no  means  an  unreasonable  conviction  that  a  foe 
who  could  so  far  renounce  advantage  as  to  forewarn  him  of  peril  was 
not  to  be  encountered  with  impunity ;  and  he  broke  up  his  quarters  and 
hastily  retreated.  Nevertheless,  the  War  continued  during  four  more 
campaigns ;  and,  on  some  occasions,  to  the  great  disadvantage  of  the 
French  *.  It  was  not  till  the  project  of  associating  his  son  Philip 
made  tranquillity  desirable,  that  Henry  resorted  to  negotiation.  In  his 
early  domestic  engagements  he  had  been  unfortunate.  His  first  Queen, 
Matilda,  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Conrad  the  Salique,  died  while  on  her 
passage  to  France  after  marriage  by  proxy.  His  second,  of  the  same 
name  (and  on  that  account  sometimes  confounded  with  her  cousin  and 
predecessor) ,  followed  an  only  daughter  to  an  early  grave ;  and  Super- 
stition, perhaps,  believed  that  these  repeated  losses  were  divine  judg- 
ments, inflicted  in  consequence  of  a  violation  of  the  inhibited  Canonical 
degrees.  As  Henry  advanced  in  life,  his  solicitude  respecting  an  heir 
increased  in  proportion  to  his  years.  In  the  neighbouring  European 
Courts  he  could  scarcely  hope  to  form  an  alliance  which  would  not  ex- 
pose him  to  a  repetition  of  former  danger,  for  the  Royal  Houses  were 
almost  universally  connected  by  intermarriages.  But  there  was  a  Prin- 
cess in  a  remote  and  a  hitherto  unexplored  clime,  who  had  become  known 
to  him  as  already  disappointed  of  a  Crown.  Jeroslaus,  Tzar  of  Russia, 
in  order  to  cement  an  intercourse  with  the  West,  had  tendered  the  hand 
of  his  daughter  Anna  to  the  Emperor  Henry  III.  That  Monarch  pre- 
ferred a  less  exalted,  but  a  more  civilized,  bride;  and  it  was  upon  the 
rejected  Muscovite  that  the  choice  of  the  King  of  France  was  fixed  f. 
The  marriage  was  most  happy ;  the  Queen,  who  proved  of  a  devout 
temper,  presented  her  husband  with  three  sons,  the  eldest  of  whom, 
Philip,  at  the  unusually  early  age  of  six  years,  was  elevated  by  his 
father's  anxiety  to  association  in  the  throne. 

To  the  establishment  of  the  Norman  adventurers  under  Robert  Guis- 
card  in  Apulia,  and  to  the  connexion  between  Edward  of  England  and 
the  father  of  William  the  Conqueror,  which  led  in  after  years  to  the 
change  of  Dynasty  in  our  own  Island,  it  is  not  requisite  that  we  should 
make  more  than  this  passing  allusion.  It  is  to  a  French  Ecclesiastic 
during  the  reign  of  Henry  I.,  Berenger,  Archdeacon  of  Angers,  that  we 
are  indebted  for  awakening  the  earliest  general  misgivings  concerning 
the  portentous  doctrine  of  Transubstantiation.  Without  impugning  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  or  coveting  the  dangerous  honours  of  Heresiarchy, 
Berenger  temperately  proposed  his  doubts,  and  suggested  that  the  dogma 
was  not  of  higher  antiquity  than  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Bald,  when  it 

*  Hist,  d'aua/ns  des  Dues  de  Normandie,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  xi.  p.^317- 
f   Lambert   Schafnalmrg,   ad  ami.   1043,    it>i<l.   p.  59.      The  Emperor  married 
Agnes  of  Poitiers,  a  daughter  of  William  IV.,  Duke  of  Aauitaine.  Id.,  ibid. 


30  PHILIP  I.  [CH.  II. 

had  been  first  propounded  by  Paschasius  Ratbertus.  So  discreetly  did 
he  engage  in  this  hazardous  controversy,  which  in  later  days  was  to 
become  the  surest  pathway  to  Martyrdom,  that,  notwithstanding  his 
positions  were  examined  by  six  General  and  as  many  Provincial  Councils, 
he  escaped  unscathed  by  their  investigations ;  and  he  appears  to  have 
ended  his  days  peaceably  at  a  Convent  near  Tours,  so  late  as  the  year 
1079.  Great  pains  were  taken  to  propagate  a  belief  in  his  recantation, 
and  to  show  that  he  expired  in  full  consciousness  of  his  former  errors*. 

Before  the  close  of  Henry's  reign,  the  important  Fief  of  Sens  became 
incorporated  with  the  Crown,  in  consequence  of  the  death 
a.  d.  1055.  of  its  Lord  without  issue.  In  the  Summer  of  1060, 
the  King,  while  under  medical  discipline,  neglected  the 
injunctions  of  his  Physician,  and  atoned  for  his  disobedience  by 
forfeiture  of  life.  Maitre  Jean  of  Chartres,  the  most  skilful  prac- 
titioner of  his  time,  had  administered  a  potion,  with  strict  orders 
that  the  patient,  while  under  its  operation,  should  abstain  from 
drinking.  The  remedy  occasioned  pain  and  excited  thirst ;  and,  in 
Jean's  absence,  Henry  called  for  water,  and  having  swallowed  it,  died 
on  the  same  or  on  the  following  day  f.  He  was  sufficiently  conscious  of 
his  approaching  end  to  receive  the  Sacraments  of  the  Church,  and  to 
place  the  minority  of  his  successor,  Philip,  under  the  guardianship  of  an 
uncle,  Baldwin,  Count  of  Flanders  J.  In  the  transactions  of  Henry's 
reign,  as  they  have  descended  to  us,  and  of  which  we  have  endeavoured 
to  sketch  a  faithful  outline,  there  is  but  little  to  corroborate  that  which, 
it  is  but  justice  to  add,  seems  the  general  report  of  contemporaries ; 
namely,  that  he  was  distinguished  for  military  talent,  which  he  exhibited 
much  to  his  glory  §. 

The  minority  of  Philip  was  passed  in  repose;  and  there  is  not 
any  event  belonging  to  the  immediate  History  of  gene- 
a.  d.  1066.  ral  France  which  need  detain  us  during  its  course.  The 
great  Revolution  which  transferred  the  Norman  Con- 
queror to  England  does  not  fall  within  the  strict  limits  of  our  nar- 
rative, and  it  is  the  only  remarkable  incident  of  the  times.  The 
Queen,  Anna,  within  two  years  from  the  death  of  her  late  husband,  con- 
tracted a  fresh  marriage  with  Raoul,  Count  of  Crespy  and  Valois.     It 

*  Labbe,  Observationes  de  multiplici  Berengarii  damnatione,  Fidei  professione, 
et  relapsu,  deque  ejus  poenitentiu,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  xi.  p.  531.  Notwithstanding 
Berenger's  adroit  trimming,  he  was  occasionally  in  great  danger.  In  a  Council  held 
at  Poitiers  in  1075,  "  he  was  nearly  massacred/'  Id.,  ibid.  p.  530.  Some  more 
particulars  may  be  learned  from  the  Chronicon  Sithiense,  p.  382,  and  the  Chronicon 
Alberici,  p.  355.  In  the  latter,  great  praise  is  bestowed  upon  his  misogyny  ;  "  he 
did  not  allow  any  woman  to  be  admitted  to  his  sight/'  A  similar  eulogy  is  offered 
by  William  of  Malmesbury  ;  who  cites  some  laudatory  verses  on  this  theme  by 
Bishop  Hildebert,  p.  191. 

f  Maitre  Jean,  we  know  not  why,  u  from  the  result  obtained  the  name  of  the 
deaf.'"'     Ordericus  Vitalis,  p.  229.     Will.  Gemet.  p.  48. 

+  Baldwin  had  mai'ried  Adele  of  France,  a  sister  of  Henry. 

§  Will.  Malm.,  p.  175.     Albericus,  p.  357.     Ordericus  Vitalis,  p.  229. 


A.  D.   1066.]  INVENTION  OF  TOURNAMENTS.  31 

by  no  means  appears  that  similar  connexions  between  widowed  Royalty 
and  a  former  vassal  were  considered  mesalliances ;  and  the  regret  with 
which  Philip  heard  of  his  mother's  nuptials*  is  to  be  attributed,  not 
to  the  station  of  the  bridegroom,  but  to  his  having  repudiated  his  first 
wife,  in  order  to  prepare  the  vay  for  his  second  espousals.  Some  scandal 
was  created  in  the  Church  by  this  iniquitous  act,  which  was  condemned, 
not  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  moral  guilt,  but  because  against  Raoul 
and  Anna  could  be  directed  some  of  those  prohibitions  of  fanciful  con- 
sanguinity by  which  the  Canon  Law  circumscribed  the  approaches  to 
the  marriage-bed.  The  Count  was  excommunicated,  and  his  consort, 
cither  deserted  by  him  or  compelled  to  submit  to  separation,  found  an 
asylum  among  her  native  snows.  Circumstances,  with  which  we  are 
unacquainted,  induced  her  to  revisit  France,  in  which  Country  her  Tomb 
was  discovered,  six  centuries  after  her  death,  in  an  Abbey  near  La  Ferte 
in  Alaist- 

The  institution,  or  rather  the  organization,  of  the  exercises  of  Chivalry, 
the  Justs  and  Tournaments  which  so  greatly  engrossed  and  delighted  the 
higher  classes  of  Society  during  the  Middle  Ages,  is  usually  referred 
to  the  minority  of  Philip ;  and  Geoffrey  de  Pruilly,  a  retainer  of  the 
Counts  of  Anjou,  is  recorded  as  the  inventor  or  the  legislator  of  these 
semi-barbarous  sports.  Strange  as  it  may  appear,  this  arbiter  of  other 
men's  honour,  whose  sway  extended  so  widely,  and  endured  so  long,  was 
torn  to  pieces  by  the  populace  of  Angers,  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel 
stained  by  treachery,  and  eminently  dishonourable  to  his  memory  J. 
A  Passage  d'Armes,  according  to  this  code  of  Chivalry,  consisted  of  the 
Joitte,  an  encounter  of  only  two  Knights,  and  the  Tournoi,  a  far  more 
perilous  representation  of  a  general  battle,  fought  between  two  equal 
bands.  These  amusements,  notwithstanding  their  restrictions,  were 
attended  with  considerable  danger,  and  often  terminated  in  bloodshed. 
Yet  they  exercised  a  salutary  influence  upon  the  manners  of  the  times, 
and  tended  to  promote  courtesy,  good  faith,  and  generosity,  among  the 
Orders  to  which  they  were  jealously  confined.  Their  exclusiveness  (for 
no  one,  unless  he  could  unequivocally  establish  his  claim  to  gentle 
descent,  was  permitted  to  enter  the  lists)  strengthened  the  line  of  demar- 
cation which  separated  the  Aristocracy  from  the  Many,  during  a  season 
in  which  the  Many  were  utterly  unfit  for  emancipation ;  and  their  origin 
and  ardent  cultivation  among  the  French  contributed  to  increase  the 
military  repute  of  that  People,  and  to  render  them,  in  a  manner,  umpires 
in  deeds  of  arms  to  the  rest  of  Europe. 

*  Gervasii  Ep.,  ap.  Bouquet,  torn.  xi.  p.  499. 

t  By  Menestrier,  in  the  year  1C82.  See  the  Menihm  prefixed  to  the  Dlphmata 
of  Henry  I.,  ibid.  p.  564. 

I  The  date  of  this  incident  is  variously  reported.  To  the  Chronicon  Jmltyavmsr, 
Ibid  p.  1G9,  it  is  given  as  occurring  in  a.  p.  1068.  Another  similar  GftfWNefc  (ibid. 
p.  30;  names  a.  d.  lOCJ.  The  G<  v/«  i  <  mtuhm  Amlegavensium  (ibid.  p.  273)  a.d. 
106G.    M.  de  Sismondi  has  fixed  it  in  a.d.  10o'8. 


32  DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH  AT  CASSEL.  [en.  II. 

The  death  of  Baldwin  of  Flanders,  when  Philip  had  attained  his 

fourteenth  year,  left  the  young  King  without  control,  at 
a. d.  1068.   one  of  the  most  critical  points  of  life;    and  there  is  reason 

to  believe  that  he  soon  became  abandoned  to  the  most  un- 
bridled indulgence  of  licentiousness.  Our  accounts,  indeed,  are  de- 
rived from  a  suspicious  fountain,  and  much  allowance  must  be  made 
before  we  implicitly  accept  the  representations  of  an  enemy.  The 
disposable  revenue  of  a  King  of  France,  arising  from  strictly  legitimate 
sources,  was  little  competent  to  supply  the  profusion  of  a  dissolute 
Court ;  it  was,  perhaps,  insufficient  to  maintain  the  dignity  which  it 
became  a  great  Mouarch  to  support;  and  custom  had  habituated 
former  Princes  to  feed  their  necessities  through  another  channel,  which, 
by  its  long  use,  had  ceased  to  wear  any  appearance  of  irregularity.  In 
the  disposal  of  Ecclesiastical  dignities,  the  King  retained  to  himself  their 
first  fruits ;  and  a  Bishopric  or  an  Abbacy,  which  the  fictions  of  the 
Church  esteemed  as  a  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  reality  bore  a  fixed 
money  price  as  a  marketable  commodity.     Against  these  exactions,  this 

crying  sin  of  Simony,  the  voice  of  Rome  had  vehemently 
a.  d.  1073.    been  raised  during  the  Pontificate  of  Alexander  II. ;  and, 

after  the  Keys  had  passed  to  hands  of  far  greater  energy, 
Gregory  VII.,  the  bold  and  fiery  Hildebrand,  hastened  yet  more  loudly 
to  denounce  the  enormity.  In  the  first  year  of  his  sway,  he  menaced 
with  Interdict,  Excommunication,  and  Deposition,  a  King  whom  he 
represented  as  the  chief  of  those  who,  through  "  their  perverted  avarice, 
had  sold  the  Church,  and  had  slavishly  trampled  under  their  feet  a 
mother  whom  they  were  bound  to  respect  and  to  honour."  He  then  drew 
a  fearful  picture  of  the  debaucheries  in  which  the  spiritual  plunder  was 
squandered.  The  language  assumed  by  the  Pope  in  this  and  other 
similar  documents  bespeaks  consciousness  of  an  authority  unlimited  and 
irresistible;  and  the  patient  reception  which  it  met  from  Philip  almost 
justified  the  claim.  The  King  of  France  promised  amendment  in  terms 
of  deep  humility ;  but  speedily  renewed  the  practices  of  which  he  had 
professed  his  repentance. 

The  death  of  Count  Baldwin  had  been  succeeded  in  Flanders  by  a 
Civil  AVar,  of  which  the  details  are  contradictory  and  wholly  unimportant 
to  our  History.  All  that  is  certain  and  to  our  purpose  is,  that  Philip 
afforded  protection  to  Richilde,  the  widowed  Countess  of  his  Guardian's 
son  and  successor,  Baldwin  VI.,  and  that  he  took  arms  in  order  to  restore 
her  eldest  born,  Arnulph,  to  the  dominions  from  which  he  had  been 
chased  by  an  uncle,  Robert  of  Friesland  (le  Frisori).  The  French  Army 
was  levied  hastily,  and  having  advanced  presumptuously  and  without  due 
precaution,  was  allowed  to  entangle  itself  in  a  country  with  which  it 

was  unacquainted,  and  in  which  every  step  was  impeded  by 
a.  D.  1071.    morasses  and  canals ;  till  after  a  total  defeat  near  Cassel, 

in  which  Arnulph  was  killed,  Philip  was  happy  in  saving 


Aid.  1086.]      quarrel  with  wilt.i.w,  IqtJEhOR. 

himself  by  an  ignominious  flight.  By  a  Treaty,  which  in  the  end  con- 
firmed Robert  of  Friesland  in  his  usurpation,  the  King  of  France  received 
in  marriage  Bertha,  step-daughter  to  that  Prince  by  his  second  wife*. 

In  the  obscure  and  inglorious  career  of  Philip,  neither  the  dates 
nor  the  order  of  events,  perhaps  not  even  the  events  them- 
selves, are  presented  with  certainty.  After  many  years  a.  d.  1080. 
union  with  Bertha,  who  had  borne  him  several  children, 
he  sought  a  pretext  for  divorce;  and  before  the  issue  of  his  appli- 
cation to  the  Holy  See  could  be  known,  he  demanded  the  hand  of 
Emma,  daughter  of  Roger  Guiscard,  a  younger  brother  of  the  cele- 
brated Robert.  The  offer  was  accepted  with  alacrity  by  her  short- 
sighted and  interested  father ;  and  the  innocent  Princess  was  pre- 
served from  misery,  dishonour,  and  abandonment,  only  by  the  superior 
discretion  of  her  brother-in-law,  Raymond,  Count  of  St.  Gilles,  in 
Languedoc.  That  Noble,  to  whose  care  she  was  entrusted  on  her  route 
to  France,  foresaw  that  Philip  was  unlikely  to  be  released  from  his 
existing  matrimonial  ties,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  providing  Emma  with 
a  husband  and  protector  in  the  Count  Clermont  d'Auvergne.  This 
transaction,  otherwise  unimportant,  deserves  remembrance,  as  it  evinces 
the  want  of  both  principle  and  power  by  which  Philip  was  characterized. 
Unscrupulous  in  projecting  the  commission  of  crime,  he  was  devoid 
alike  of  energy  and  of  authority  to  secure  its  execution. 

Nothing,  indeed,  but  the  inveterate  habits  of  Feudalism,  and  the 
respect  which  they  generated  towards  the  Sovereign,  appears  to  have 
preserved  his  Crown  to  the  fickle  and  unprincipled  Philip.  Fortu- 
nately for  his  authority,  the  most  puissant  Barons,  who,  at  a  word,  might 
have  established  their  independence,  considered  the  maintenance  of 
ancient  relations  with  their  chief  Lord  as  a  point  deeply  affecting  honour; 
and  posts  implying  domestic,  and  even  menial,  service  in  the  Royal 
household  were  eagerly  coveted  by  Nobles  whose  warlike  resources  far 
exceeded  those  of  the  Monarch.  A  feeling  of  this  nature,  notwithstand- 
ing his  brilliant  fortunes,  his  superiority  both  in  wealth  and  in  power, 
and  the  immeasurable  distance  which  separated  their  intellects,  taught 
William  the  Norman,  even  after  his  conquest  of  the  English  Crown,  to 
esteem  himself  unequal  to  the  King  with  whom  he  had  thus  acquired 
brotherhood,  and  to  maintain  inviolate  the  fealty  which  he  had  once 
sworn  to  him  as  Sovereign.  It  was  not  till  a  few  weeks  before  his  death 
that,  after  frequent  provocations,  he  was  irritated  by  an  idle  sarcasm 
openly  to  unsheathe  the  sword.  Philip  had  refused  satisfaction  for 
some  depredation  committed  on  the  frontier  towns  of  his  vassal,  and  on 
hearing  that  he  was  confined  to  bed  by  illness,  he  insultingly  remarked, 
with  a  gross  allusion  to  his  corpulence,  "  That  he  lay  like  a  woman  in 
childbed.',     "  Whenever  I  go  to  my  churching  at  Nutre  Dame  I  will 

*  Bertha  was  daughter  of  Florent,  Count  of  Holland,  and  of  Gertrude  who  in 
her  widowhood  married  Robert  of  Friesland. 


34  PHILIPS  ADULTERY  WITH  BERTRADE.  [CH.  II. 

offer  100,000  tapers,"  was  the  angry  reply  of  the  offended  veteran*; 
and  no  sooner  could  he  quit  his  couch  than  he  stormed  Mantes,  and 

abandoned  it  to  the  flames.     This  act  of  vengeance,  how- 

a.  D.  1087.  ever,  recoiled  upon  himself,  and  the  violence  of  exertion  to 

Sept.  9.      which  he  exposed  a  frame  weakened  by  disease  and  worn 

by  years,  rapidly  hastened  him  to  the  grave  f. 
The  separation  of  Normandy  from  England  followed  the  death  of  the 
Conqueror ;  and  the  bloody  and  unnatural  disputes  for  the  Ducal  Crown 
which  ensued  between  his  sons  occupied  them  too  closely  to  allow  the 
prosecution  of  their  father's  quarrel.  An  atrocious  act  of  libertinism, 
perpetrated  about  four  years  afterwards,  is  the  first  memorial  which 
we  receive  from  contemporaries  of  the  continuance  of  Philip's  ignoble 
existence.     Not  content  with  estrangement  from  his  Queen,  Bertha, 

whom  he  still  held  in  captivity,  he  demanded  the  consent  of 
a.  d.  1092.  the  Church  for  a  double   adultery ;  and  having  carried  off 

Bertrade,  the  most  beautiful  and  the  most  abandoned  wo- 
man of  her  time,  (who  was  by  no  means  loth  to  desert  Foulques  le 
Rechin  I,  Count  of  Anjou,  a  husband  broken  by  debauch  and  dispropor- 
tioned  to  her  in  age,)  he  found,  in  Odo,  Bishop  of  Bayeux,  a  Prelate 
sufficiently  devoid  of  shame  to  celebrate  the  mockery  of  nuptials.  That 
Ecclesiastic,  indeed,  had  long  been  confined  by  his  brother,  the  late 
King  of  England,  w7ho,  while  on  his  death-bed,  unwillingly  released 
him,  with  a  bitter  remark  that  this,  his  last  act  of  private  clemency,  was 
a  public  wrong ;  for  that  nothing  would  ever  free  Odo  from  his  besetting 
passions  of  sensuality,  cruelty,  and  political  intrigue  §. 

The  Court  of  Rome,  and  the  Clergy  in  general,  witnessed  this  scandal 

with  disgust;  and  notwithstanding  the  death  of  Bertha  had 
a.  d.  1094.   removed  one  obstacle  to  the  recognition  of  Philip's  desired 

union,  Urban  II.  persisted  in  requiring  its  dissolution,  and 
proclaimed,  by  his  Legate,  that  a  new  Ahab  and  a  new  Jezebel  had 

arisen,  who  were  seeking  to  overthrow  the  altars  of  the  Most 
a.  d.  1095.  High,  and  to  put  His  Prophets  to  the  sword  ||.  Excommuni- 
cation speedily  followed;  and  the  Council  of  Clermont, 
which  organized  the  First  Crusade,  at  the  same  time  directed  an  ana- 
thema against  Philip  and  Bertrade.  The  ready  compliance  of  the  King 
with  the  injunction  which  deprived  him  of  his  Crown,  by  abstaining 

*   Chron.  Turoncnse,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,  p.  463. 

f  Orderieus  Vitalis,  vii.,  ibid.,  p.  623. 

X  Foulques  le  Rechin  (the  crabbed-tempered),  who,  as  some  authorities  state,  had 
two  former  wives  living  at  the  time,  obtained  the  hand  of  Bertrade,  daughter  of 
Simon  de  Montfort,  by  the  assistance  of  Robert  Cottrie-Heuse  of  Normandy,  who 
bribed  and  menaced  into  a  reluctant  consent  the  Count  and  Countess  d'Evreux,  the 
uncle  and  aunt  to  whose  guardianship  the  Lady  had  been  entrusted.  Orderieus 
Vitalis,  viii.,  ibid.,  p.  636  ;  and  see  also  a  Dissertation  on  the  marriages  of  Foulques, 
by  Pere  Brial,  ap.  Bouquet,  xvi. 

§  Orderieus  Vitalis,  lib.  viii.,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,  622. 

||  Epist.  ad  Lugdunensem  Archiepiscopum,  ap.  Bouquet,  xv.,  p.  79* 


A.n.  1102.]  HER  HATRED  OF  PRINCE  LOUIS.  &J 

from  the  use  of  that  bauble,  and  by  never  appearing  in  the  dress  of 
R  valty,  obtained  some  indulgence  from  the  Pontiff;  and  this  specious 
obedience  of  his  "  dear  son,"  as  Urban  continued  to  name  the  unre- 
pentant sinner,  was  accepted  in  lieu  of  moral  cleanness,  and  of  a  turning 
away  from  his  iniquity. 

In  the  glories  and  the  disasters  of  the  first  great  expedition  directed 
by  Europe  upon  the  Holy  Land,  Philip  himself  had  not  any  personal 
share ;  and  the  brilliant  achievements  which  acquired  so  much  renown 
for  individual  Knights  of  France  are  scarcely  to  be  included  within  its 
National  History.  The  ranks  of  the  Crusaders  were  largely  swollen  by 
Norman  Barons  ;  and,  among  other  vassals  of  the  French  Crown  who 
enrolled  themselves  for  the  rescue  of  the  Sepulchre,  the  most  distin- 
guished were  Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois,  and 
Hugues  of  Vermandois,  brother  of  the  King.  During  their  absence, 
Philip  became  engaged  in  some  hostilities  in  defence  of  the  Vexin,  a 
territory  partly  ceded  to  England,  and  the  remainder  of  which  William 
Rufus  (to  whom  Normandy  had  been  pledged  by  his  brother  Robert,  in 
mortgage  for  an  outfit  to  Palestine)  hoped  to  wrest  from  the  weak  hand 
by  which  it  was  administered  ;  but  a  brave  and  active  opponent  was  to 
be  encountered  in  Louis,  the  eldest  son  of  Philip,  who,  at  the  head  of 
very  inferior  forces,  maintained  a  difficult  and  perilous  contest  with  un- 
expected success,  till  the  death  of  the  Red  King  freed  him  from  attack. 

The  distinguished  qualities  of  this  young  Prince  (Louis),  contrasted 
with  the  feebleness  and  indoleuce  of  his  Father,  had  obtained  for 
him  among  the  Courtiers  the  name  of  the  Alert  (I'Eveille),  and  this 
popularity  awakened  the  jealousy  of  Bertrade.  Not  without  hope  that 
she  might  transfer  the  Crown  of  France  to  the  sons  whom  she  had 
borne  to  Philip,  she  adopted  the  proverbial  arts  of  a  step -mother  for  the 
destruction  of  their  rival.  During  a  visit  which  Louis  paid  to  England, 
in  order  to  assist  at  the  Coronation  of  Henry  I.,  and,  as  it  is  said,  to 
receive  Knighthood  also  from  that  Prince's  hands,  Bertrade  either  per- 
suaded her  weak  husband  to  solicit  the  King  to  retain  his  guest  in 
perpetual  captivity,  or  else  employed  the  Royal  signet  to  attest  a  forged 
letter  to  that  purpose.  Henry,  influenced  either  by  generosity  or  by 
policy,  warned  the  Prince  of  his  danger ;  and  the  act  was  disavowed  by 
Philip,  when  his  son,  hastening  back  to  France,  required  explanation. 
Louis  having  unravelled  the  intrigue,  attempted  the  assassination  of  his 
step-mother,  who,  in  return,  administered  a  slow  poison,  which,  but  for 
a  powerful  antidote  exhibited  by  an  Arabian  Physician,  must  have  proved 
fatal  in  its  effects.  The  Prince  recovered ;  but  the  paleness  of  his  face 
throughout  future  life  avouched  the  extremity  of  danger  to  which  he 
had  been  exposed.  In  order  to  terminate  these  deadly 
feuds,  which  interrupted  his  repose,  Philip  determined  to  a.  i>.  1102. 
associate  his  son  in  the  Royal  authority ;  and  Louis,  accord- 
ingly, having  been  invested  with  the  title  of  King  in  his  eighteenth 

d  2 


36  INFLUENCE  OF  BERTRADE.  [cH.  II. 

year,  was  sent  to  govern  the  Vexin,  which  his  braver}'  had  preserved 
to  France*. 

The  Ecclesiastical  censures  which  had  visited  the  adultery  of  Philip 
were  not  yet,  however,  removed ;  and  although  they  had  hitherto  been 

successfully  defied,  they  were  in  the  end  to  obtain  nominal 
a.  d.  1104.  triumph.     In  a  Council  held  at  Paris  at  the  close  of  the  year 

1104,  the  King  of  France  presented  himself,  in  penitential 
garb,  and  with  naked  feet,  before  the  throne  of  the  Legate.  There  he 
formally  renounced  all  commerce  with  Bertrade  for  the  time  to  come  ; 
swore  that  he  would  cease  to  consider  her  as  his  wife ;  and  that  he  would 
never  hereafcer  address,  nor  even  see  her,  unless  in  the  presence  of  wit- 
nesses. The  pride  of  Rome  was  satisfied  by  this  verbal  submission,  and 
no  actual  compliance  with  the  terms  was  afterwards  required  t-  Bertrade 
assumed  the  title  of  Queen,  no  longer  disputed  by  the  Clergy ;  and  the 
wedded  pair  lived  together  without  restraint,  without  scandal,  and  with- 
out reproof.  One  other  victory  was  still  in  reserve  for  this  singular 
woman,  to  whom,  whatever  may  have  been  her  crimes,  the  merit  of  a 
commanding  intellect  cannot  justly  be  denied.  So  powerful  was  her 
ascendancy  over  those  whom  she  designed  to  captivate,  that  she  suc- 
ceeded in  reconciling  the  husband  whom  she  had  abandoned  with  his 
more  favoured  successor;  and  Philip  was  received  and  entertained  at 
the  Castle  of  Angers,  where  he  amicably  shared  one  table  and  one 
chamber  with  the  compliant  and  unresenting  dotard  whom  he  had 
wronged  in  the  tenderest  point  of  honour  %.  For  her  issue  by  the  Count 
of  Anjou,  Bertrade  meditated  an  advancement  in  inheritance  similar  to 
that  which  she  had  vainly  striven  to  attain  for  her  adulterous  brood.  In 
both  cases  her  measures  were  equally  unscrupulous ;  but  in  the  latter  of 
the  two  they  were  most  successful.  Her  son  Foulques  (who  was  after- 
wards destined  to  wear  the  Crown  of  Jerusalem)  succeeded  to  the  heir- 
dom of  the  Fief  of  Anjou,  on  the  assassination  of  his  elder  half-brother, 
Geoffroi-Martel,  whom  Bertrade  had  involved  in  an  unnatural  war  with 
his  father  §. 

The  last  scenes  of  Philip's  life  were  in  strict  accordance  with  his 
former  weakness.  Long  addiction  to  gluttonous  excesses  had  occasioned 
a  disgusting  corpulence,  and,  at  fifty-seven  years  of  age,  premature  decay 
warned  him  of  his  approaching  end.  On  the  first  attack  of  the  disorder 
which  proved  fatal,  he  assumed  the  habit  of  a  Benedictine;  and,  peremp- 
torily forbidding  his  interment  among  the  Tombs  of  the  Kings  of  France 
in  St.  Denis,  he  ordered  preparations  to  be  made  for  his  sepulture  in  a 
Church  of  St.  Benedict,  on  the  Loire.  "That  Saint,"  he  observed,  u  is 

*  Ordericus  Vitalis,  viii.,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,  p.  G50. 

f  Absolutions  by  Pascal  II..  ap.  Bouquet;  xv.,  p.  29,  addressed  to  the  Archbishops 
of  Rheims,  Sens,  and  Tours. 

t  C/iroti.  Andegavense,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,  p.  480.  Ordericus  Vitalis,  viii.,  ibid., 
p.  G50,  note. 

6  Chron.  Andecjnveme,  ibid.,  p.  485. 


a.  M.  1108.]  louis  vi.  :J7 

gentle  and  merciful ;  lie  receives  favourably  all  .sinners  who  desire 
amendment, and  who,  by  submission  to  his  Rule  and  Discipline,  seek  to 
reconcile  themselves  with  God."  On  the  other  hand,  he  esteemed  St. 
Denis  as  far  too  illustrious  a  Martyr  not  to  be  offended  by  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  bones  so  deeply  tainted  with  sinfulness  as  his  own.  He 
expressed  a  consciousness  that  he  fully  merited  deliverance  to  Satan ; 
and  he  therefore  entertained  a  lively  fear  that,  unless  he 
took  precautions  against  such  a  contingency,  his  fate  might  a.  d.  1108. 
be  similar  to  that  which  was  recorded  to  have  befallen  July  29. 
Charles  Martel  •« 


CHAPTER  III. 
From  a.  n.  1108  to  a.  d.  1180. 


Louis  VI.  U  Gros — War  in  Normandy  —  Battle  of  Brenneville — Peace  of  Gisors 
— Association  of  Louis  le  Jeune  —  Unsuccessful  attempt  of  William  Clito  on 
Flanders — His  Death — Acquisition  of  Poitou — Death  of  Louis  le  Gros — Louis 
VII.  le  Jeune — Quarrel  with  Rome — Interdict — Burning  of  Vitry — Parliament 
at  Vezelay — Preaching  of  St.  Bernard — Second  Crusade — Disasters  and  Return 
of  Louis  VII. — His  Divorce  from  Kleanor,  who  marries  Henry  Plantagenet — 
Rivalry  between  Louis  VII.  and  Henry  II.  of  England — Birth  of  Philippe- 
Auguste — Treaty  of  Montmirail — Martyrdom  of  a  Becket — Louis  encourages  the 
Sons  of  Henry  in  Rebellion — Defeat  of  the  French  at  Verneuil — Failure  of  an 
Attack  on  Rouen — Peace  of  Montlouis — Pilgrimage  of  Louis  VII.  to  Canterbury 
— His  Death. 

Louis  VI.,  although  better  known  in  History  by  the  sobriquet  the  Fat 
(le  Gros))  which  lie  owed  to  his  hereditary  unwieldiness,  than  by  the 
more  honourable  title  the  Alert  (PEvcille),  which,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  he  deservedly  acquired  in  early  youth,  claims  our  regard  as  being 
the  first  of  his  Line  who  exhibited  any  activity.  From  the  moment  of 
his  association,  he  had  been  occupied  in  feuds  with  insurgent  vassals — 
the  Counts  of  Corbeil  and  Mantes,  the  Lords  of  Puisle,  of  Coney,  of 
Montfort,  of  Montlheri,  and  of  Rochefort,  who  mutually  assisted  each 
other,  and  disputed  the  Royal  authority  even  within  that  narrow  terri- 
tory which  the  King  claimed  as  his  own  immediate  domain — a  Kingdom 
which  extended  over  a  space  of  not  more  than  forty  leagues  by  thirty; 
which  was  nearly  comprised  in  the  five   modem   Departments  of  the 

*  Ordericus  Vi  talis,  lib.  xi.,  ibid.  703.  The  memory  of  Charles  Martel  was 
grievously  defamed  by  the  Monks  ;  and  it  seems  that  Hincmar.  in  a  Synodal  Letter 
attributed  to  him,  reported  that  the  Hero's  body  bad  been  carried  off  to  Hell,  and 
that,  when  his  Tomb  was  opened,  nothing  was  found  in  it  but  a  fearful  Dragon  and 
a  horrible  stench.     Velly,  i.,  103. 


38  DISPUTES  WITH  ENGLAND.  [CH.  III. 

Seine,  the  Seine  and  Oise,  the  Seine  and  Marne,  the  Oise,  and  the 
Loiret ;  and  which  drew  its  whole  resources  from  Paris,  Orleans, 
Etampes,  Melun,  and  Compiegne  *.  In  order  to  anticipate  the  intrigues 
of  Bertrade  in  favour  of  her  own  sons,  Louis  hastened  to  celebrate  his 
Coronation  immediately  on  his  Father's  decease ;  and  we  find  him,  after 
it  had  been  solemnized,  replunged  into  a  labyrinth  of  petty  wars,  almost 
inextricably  confused,  and  the  unravelment  of  which  is  not,  fortunately, 
demanded  for  the  attainment  of  any  general  results. 

A  more  important  dispute,  which  may  be  considered,  not,  indeed,  as 
the  cause,  but  as  the  prelude  of  the  long  wars  which  afterwards  deso- 
lated the  two  rival  Kingdoms,  arose,  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of 
Louis,  with  Henry  I.  of  England.  The  Castle  of  Gisors,  on  the  river 
Epte,  as  the  frontier  post  of  France  and  Normandy,  was  jealously 
watched  by  the  Ruler  of  each  of  those  Countries ;  and  it  was  stipu- 
lated that  if  the  neutral  Baron  by  whom  it  was  occupied  should  ever 

cede  its  possession  to  either  party,  the  new  Lord  should  raze 
a.  d.  1109.  its  fortifications  before  the  lapse  of  forty  days.      Henry, 

having  secured  the  fortress,  eluded  the  condition;  and, 
during.' five  years  of  alternate  negociation  and  hostility,  maintained  his 

unjust  acquisition.  At  the  close  of  that  period,  a  Peace, 
a.d.1  114.  disadvantageous  to   France,   confirmed    to  Normandy   the 

possession  of  some  disputed  Fiefs,  and  annexed  to  the 
Crown  of  England  the  Sovereignty  of  the  Provinces  of  Maine  and  of 
Bretany.      Louis  profited  by  this,  the  first  repose  which  he  had  enjoyed 

since  his  accession,  to  demand  the  hand  of  Adelaide,  a 
a.  d.  1115.  daughter   of  Humbert   of  Maurienne,  whose  House  was 

shortly   afterwards  advanced  to   the  dignity  of  Counts  of 

Savoy  i\ 
But  the  seeds  of  future  war  were  abundantly  imbedded  in  the  recent 
Treaty  with  England,  which,  by  its  inequality,  provoked  a  rupture  as 
soon  as  the  weaker  party  felt  strong  enough  to  renew  the  encounter. 
Pretexts  were  easily  found  on  both  sides.  Louis  complained  of  the 
detention  of  the  Count  of  Nevers,  whose  seizure  and  imprisonment  by 
Thibaud  of  Blois  he  attributed  to  the  suggestion  of  the  King  of  England. 
Henry  objected  that  Louis  had  undertaken  the  protection  of  William 
Clito,  (the  son  of  his  own  brother  Robert  Courte-Heuse,  whom  Henry 
retained  in  prison,)  now  of  mature  age  to  govern  his  Duchy  during  the 

captivity  of  his  father.  The  Norman  Barons,  for  the  most 
a.d.  1117.    part,  espoused  the  cause  of  their  young  Prince,  and  their 

Province  became  the  theatre  of  a  bloody  and  destructive  war, 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Frangais,  torn,  v.,  pp.  7,  85. 

I  Louis  had  been  affianced,  in  1104,  to  Lucienne,  daughter  of  the  Count  of 
Rochefort ;  but  that  marriage,  which  never  was  consummated,  was  dissolved  three 
years  afterwards  by  the  Council  of  Troyes. 


A.I).   1119.]  BATTLE  OF  BRENNKVILLK. 

stained  with  the  infamy  of  most  ferocious  retaliation*.  Louis  through- 
out its  course  distinguished  himself  by  personal  valour,  and  in  many 
instances  by  Chivalric  courtesy ;  a  breach  in  which  duty  was  then  es- 
teemed far  more  dishonourable  than  the  perpetration  of  an  atrocious 
cruelty.  The  two  Kings,  after  many  detached  operations,  at 
length  met  undesignedly,  at  the  head  of  a  few  hundred  a.  d.  1119. 
retainers  on  either  side,  on  the  plain  of  Brenneville  near  Aug.  20. 
Noyes.  The  French,  after  some  ineffectual  charges,  were 
completely  routed,  and  when  Louis,  having  escaped  capture  only  by  his 
unrivalled  braveryt,  was  compelled  to  fly,  400  prisoners  remained  in  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors.  So  bloodless,  however,  at  that  time  was  the 
field  of  battle  to  the  warriors  of  high  rank  protected  by  their  complete 
mail,  that  the  Chronicler  Orderic  assures  us  that  only  three  lives  were 
lost  in  this  combatj.  Louis  in  his  flight  was  extricated,  by  the  guidance 
of  an  unknown  peasant,  from  a  forest  in  which  he  had  become  entangled. 
On  his  arrival  at  Andely  he  received  his  standard,  a  trophy  returned  by 
the  generous  forbearance  of  Henry,  who  at  the  same  time  transmitted  to 
his  nephew  William  Clito  his  captured  horse  and  armour§. 

The  victory  of  Brenneville,  however,  by  no  means  ensured  a  termina- 
tion of  the  war ;  and  Louis  soon  renewed  his  desultory  hostilities.  It 
was  reserved  for  spiritual  authority  to  reconcile  the  quarrel.  During  the 
Schism  in  the  Church  occasioned  by  the  dispute  with  the  Empire  concern- 
ing Investitures,  Calixtus  II.,  driven  from  Italy  by  the  Antipope  Gre- 
gory VIII.,  assembled  a  Council  at  Rheims||.  The  chief  object  of  this 
meeting  was  to  pronounce  the  Excommunication  of  the  Emperor  Henry 
V.,  and  of  the  pseudo-Pontiff  whom  he  supported ;  but  the  King  of 
France  profited  by  its  occurrence  within  his  own  dominions  to  make 
an  exposure  of  his  grievances,  and  to  appeal  to  the  power  of  the  Church 
for  redress.  The  points  in  dispute  were  tumultously  debated  by  the 
partizans  of  each  King;  and  Calixtus  was  far  too  discreet  to  offend, 
by  a  hasty  decision,  either  of  the  powerful  rivals  between  whom  he  was 
called  to  arbitrate.  Henry  I.  seldom  wanted  a  show  of  argument  by 
which  he  could  speciously  veil  injustice,  and  he  artfully  represented  the 

*  The  episode  of  Eustache  de  Breteuil,  as  related  by  Ordericus  Vitalis,  xii.,  ap. 
Bouquet,  xii.  p.  716,  is  full  of  horror.  Eustache  tore  out  the  eyes  of  a  hostage  ;  and 
Henry,  in  reprisal,  abandoned  his  own  grandchildren,  the  innocent  danghters  of 
Eustache,  to  outrages  the  most  barbarous.  He  afterwards  besieged  their  mother, 
Julienne,  his  natural  daughter;  and  having  reduced  her  to  extremity,  permitted 
her  to  escape  with  life  only  upon  terms,  the  acceptance  of  which  is  scarce!;. 
surprising  than  the  demand.  Regio  nempe  jussu  coactu,  MM  pMffl  ct  susientamento 
de  sublimi  ruit,  el  nudis  natibus  usque  in  prnfundum  fossali  cum  ifjnoi/uriiu  descendtt. 
Ibid. 

f  Velly,  Hist,  de  France,  torn.  ii.  p.  14,  where  he  does  not  subjoin  his  authority, 
relates  that  an  English  Knight  having  seized  the  bridle  of  Louis,  called  out  "  The 
King  is  taken  !"  u  Do  you  not  know,"  replied  the  King,  M  that  at  the  Game  of 
Chess  the  King  is  never  taken?"  and  at  the  same  moment,  with  one  blow  of  his 
sword,  he  felled  the  boaster  dead. 

X  Ordericus  Vitalis,  xii.,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  p.  7--- 

§  Id.  ibid.  11  Suger,  ibid.   p.  50. 


40  PEACE  OF  GISORS.  [CH.  III. 

painful  imprisonment  of  Duke  Robert  in  terms  better  adapted  to  the 
description  of  a  visit  of  pleasure.  "  It  is  not  that  I  treat  my  brother  as 
an  imprisoned  and  enchained  enemy,"  was  his  declaration ;  "  it  is  a  noble 
stranger,  tossed  about  by  frequent  storms  of  Fortune,  whom  1  have  placed 
in  the  security  of  a  Royal  abode ;  whom  I  entertain  with  costly  luxuries, 
and  provide  with  every  sort  of  amusement  and  delight*."  The  precise 
terms  of  reconciliation  afterwards  concluded  at  Gisors  have  not  descended 
to  us ;  but  Peace  was  proclaimed  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  suffering 
Normans,  notwithstanding  the  necessity  by  which  they  were  compelled 
to  abandon  William  Clito.  Louis  received  homage  for  the  Duchy,  with 
which  he  invested  the  eldest  son  of  Henry,  whose  memorable  shipwreck 
off  Barfleur  was  speedily  to  convert  his  father's  triumph  into  mourning, 
and  to  darken  the  remainder  of  his  days  by  a  sorrow  which  refused  con- 
solation. 

The  Peace  of  Gisors  procured  repose  for  Normandy  during  more  than 
three  years.  We  then  read  of  an  armament  which  the  King  of  England 
persuaded  the  Emperor  Henry  V.  (the  husband  of  his  daughter  Maude) 
to  assemble  for  the  invasion  of  Francef ;  and  if  we  were  to  confide  in 
the  swollen  representations  of  a  contemporary,  the  numbers  mustered  by 
Louis  in  opposition  u  devoured  the  surface  of  the  Earth,  and  overspread 
plain,  valley,  and  mountain  after  the  fashion  of  locusts."  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  the  King  of  France  received  for  the  first  time  the 
Oriflamme  at  St.  Denis  J.  Neither  army,  however,  whatever  might  be  its 
amount,  passed  its  own  frontier.  A  revolt  in  his  native  dominions  in- 
duced the  Emperor  to  agree  to  Peace,  and  his  death  in  the 
a.  d.  1124.  following  year  terminated  the  line  of  Franconia§,  and  dis- 
solved the  connexion  which  had  made  Germany  instrumental 
to  the  policy  of  Henry  of  England. 

Philip,  whom  the  King  of  France  associated  in  the  year  1129,  was 

*  Ordericus  Vitalis,  xii.,  ibid.,  p.  732. 

f  Soger,  ibid.,  p.  50. 

X  The  Oriflamme  was  originally  the  Banner  of  the  Abbey  of  St.  Denis,  and  was 
received  by  the  Counts  of  the  Vexin,  as  Avouts  of  that  Monastery,  whenever  they 
engaged  in  any  military  expedition.  On  the  union  of  the  Vexin  with  the  Crown 
effected  by  Philip  I.,  a  similar  connexion  with  the  Abbey  was  supposed  to  be  ooti- 
tracted  by  the  Kings ;  and  accordingly  Louis  the  Fat  received  the  Banner,,  with  the 
customary  solemnities,  on  his  knees,  bareheaded,  and  ungirt.  The  Banner  was  a 
square  Gonfalon  of  flame-coloured  silk,  unblazoned,  with  the  lower  edge  cut  into 
three  swallow-tails.  Ducange,  Gloss,  adv.  Aurifiamma.  The  Monks  affirmed  that 
it  had  been  brought  down  from  Heaven  either  to  Clovis  or  to  Charlemagne.  The 
Avout,  or  Advocate  of  an  Ecclesiastical  establishment,  was  usually  selected  from 
the  neighbouring  powerful  Lords  ;  he  enjoyed  many  lucrative  privileges  and  occa- 
sionally Fiefs,  on  condition  of  defending  his  Church  in  the  Secular  Courts,  or.  if 
necessary,  in  the  Field.  Pepin  and  Charlemagne  were  Advocates  on  a  grand  scale 
of  the  Romish  Church.  Mr.  Hallam,  Middle  Ayes,  i,  151  (4to.).  Ducange,  ad  v. 
Advocalas. 

§  Many  years  after  Henry's  death  (in  1138)  a  Hermit  asserted  himself  to  be  that 
Emperor,  and  was  recognized  as  such  by  numerous  followers;  until,  the  imposture 
having  been  detected,  he  was  compelled  to  receive  the  tonsure  in  the  Abbey  of 
Cluny.     Englehusius,  p.  1 1 00.    Robertus  de  Monte  ad  ami.  1138. 


a.  i).  1133.]  i.xri-niTiON  against  flanim  11 

killed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse  in  the  streets  of  Paris  ;  and,  a.  i>.  1131. 
in  order  to  confirm  the  succession,  Louis  the  Young  (/<? 
Jcune*),  the  next  Prince  in  age,  was  substituted  in  the  place  of  his 
deceased  brother.  The  King,  at  the  moment,  was  labouring  under  severe 
illness,  from  which,  however,  he  recovered  ;  and  neither  a  frame  of  body 
proverbially  denoting  inactivity,  nor  even  increasing  years  appear  to  have 
diminished  the  energy  of  Louis.  Although  perpetually  engaged  in  wars 
with  some  one  or  other  of  his  chief  vassals,  he  acquired  a  far  mure 
paramount  influence  over  their  entire  Feudal  body  than  had  ever  yet 
been  allowed  to  any  of  his  predecessors;  and  however  frequently  in- 
dividuals disputed  his  authority,  the  Aristocracy  at  large'on  all  occasions 
of  moment  recognized  and  respected  him  as  their  Sovereign. 

The  protection  which,  at  an  earlier  period  of  his  reign,  he  had  extended 
to  William  Clito  was  continued  by  him  unremittingly ;  and  at  no  time 
at  which  a  chance  of  restoring  him  to  his  inheritance  offered  itself,  was 
Louis  wanting  in  its  promotion.  When  Charles  the  Good  (le  Bon)  of 
Flanders  was  assassinated  at  the  foot  of  the  altar  in  the  Cathedral  of 
Bruges,  by  a  band  of  conspirators  whom  his  well-intentioned  but  perhaps 
mistaken  policy  had  irritated,  the  succession  to  his  dominions  was  dis- 
puted by  many  claimants.  William  Clito  was  among  them,  and  Louis 
declaring  himself  in  his  behalf,  in  conjunction  with  that  Prince  pro- 
ceeded against  the  murderers  of  the  late  Count  with  a  severity  which 
soon  rendered  their  cause  unpopular  among  the  Flemings.  Invention, 
indeed,  was  exhausted  for  the  discovery  of  tortures  which  should  protract 
the  approaches  of  that  death  which  they  were  designed  ultimately  to 
inflict ;  and  never  assuredly  was  Cruelty  more  successful  in  the  execution 
of  her  odious  taskf.  Clito  was  mortally  wounded  while  besieging  the 
town  of  Alost;  and  the  King  was  compelled  to  assent  to  the  election  of 
Thierry  of  Alsace,  a  grandson  of  that  Robert  of  Friesland  whose  arms, 
in  a  former  reign,  had  been  successfully  employed  against  France. 

On  the  death  of  William  Clito,  the  right  of  Henry  I.  of  England  to 
the  possession  of  Normandy  could  no  longer  be  disputed,  and  the  jealousy 
of  the  rival  Kings  henceforward  wanted  a  pretext  for  open  display.  Henry, 
nevertheless,  covertly  assisted  the  rebellious  Barons  of  France  whenever 
they  were  engaged  in  a  struggle  against  the  Royal  authority,  and  some 
English  succours  were  present  in  the  Castle  of  Livry,  during  a  siege  in 
which  Louis  was  wounded  by  its  garrison  J. 

The  fatigues  of  another  active  campaign,  during  which  his  chief  efforts 
were  successfully  directed  against  St.  Briqucs  on  the  Loire, 
materially  affected  the  King's  health,  and  produced  some    A.n.  1133. 

*  So  called  in  contradistinction  from  his  father,  who  then  became  the  Old  [ie 

llel).     Other  reasons  have  been  given  for  the  appellation  ;  as  that  the  surrender  of 
Aquitaine  was  a  young  trick.     But  this  is  not  a  French  idiom. 

f  Soger,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,  55,  relates  punishments  too  horrible  for  transcription. 

X  Soger,  ibid.,  p.  50*. 


42  ANNEXATION  OF  POITOU.  [CH.  III. 

consequent  change  in  his  domestic  policy.     The  sway  which  he  had 
hitherto  endeavoured  to  establish  chiefly  by  the  sword  was  now  sought 

by  diplomacy;  and  he  opened  pacific  negotiations  with  the 
a.  d.  J 135.    Counts  of  Blois  and  of  Vermandois,  the  two  most  persevering 

among  his  opponents.  By  the  death  of  Henry  I.,  and  by  the 
troubles  which  ensued  both  in  England  and  in  Normandy  upon  the  usur- 
pation of  Stephen,  the  influence  of  Louis  was  greatly  strengthened ;  and 
the  cruelties  which  Geoffrey  Plantagenet  inflicted  upon  the  latter  Coun- 
try during  his  brief  invasion,  so  far  alienated  the  affection  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, as  to  prevent  the  consolidation  of  a  power  which,  in  the  hands  of 
so  enterprising  a  warrior,  might  have  proved  not  a  little  dangerous  to  the 
King  of  France  *.  Fortune,  indeed,  appeared  to  heap  her  favours  with 
an  unrestrained  hand  upon  Louis  during  the  evening  of  his  days ;  and 
his  last  and  most  important  acquisition  was  reserved  for  his  very  death- 
bed. The  Count  of  Poitou,  before  undertaking  a  Pilgrimage  to  St.  James 
of  Compostella,  tendered  the  hand  of  his  eldest  daughter,  Eleanor,  and 
the  inheritance  of  his  dominions  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  King  of  France. 
A  splendid  embassy  accompanied  the  Prince  to  receive  his  bride,  whose 
portion,  extending  from  the  Banks  of  the  Adour  to  those  of  the  Loire, 

more  than  doubled  his  patrimonial  territories.     Before  the 

a.  d.  1 137.    arrival  of  Louis  the  Young  in  Guyenne,  his  father-in-law 

Aug.  1.       had  died  in  Spain  ;  and  the  new-married  pair,  while  on  their 

route  to  Paris,  received  intelligence  of  their  elevation  to  the 
throne  of  France  by  the  decease  of  Louis  the  Fat. 

Little  is  known  of  the  early  administration  of  the  new  King,  who 
succeeded  to  a  far  larger  and  better  organized  domain  than  had  been 
swayed  by  any  former  Prince  of  the  Line  of  Capet.  The  Royal  authority, 
however,  still  demanded  assertion  by  the  sword ;  and  although  details 
are  either  wholly  wanting,  or  are  uncertainly  transmitted  to  us,  it  is  plain 
that  the  eight  opening  years  of  the  reign  of  Louis  VII.  were  for  the  most 
part  actively  employed  in  waging  or  in  repressing  domestic  war.  A  dis- 
pute concerning  the  patronage  of  vacant  Bishoprics,  the  disposal  of  which 
was  arrogated  to  themselves  by  the  Clergy,  and  which  the  King  was  loth 
to  surrender,  involved  him  in  a  quarrel  with  Rome.  The  Ecclesiastical 
liberties,  as  they  were  termed,  were  strenuously  advocated  by  St.  Bernard, 

Abbot  of  Clairvaux,  the  ablest  and  the  most  energetic 
a. d.  1141.   Churchman  of  his  Age;  and  Innocent  II.  issued  a  sentence 

of  Interdict  against  France ;  a  spiritual  censure  which  only 
one  Monarch  (Henry)  of  the  Third  Race  had  been  fortunate  enough  to 
escape.     Its  penalties  were  heavy,  for  during  the  period  through  which 

*  Stephen  Count  of  Blois  was  grandson  of  William  the  Conqueror  by  Adela,  a 
sister  of  Henry  I.  The  widowed  Empress  Maude,  Henry's  sister,  had  married 
Geoffrey  Plantagenet  Count  of  Anjou,  in  1 129  ;  and  she  disputed  with  Stephen  the 
succession  both  to  England  and  to  Normandy.  Geoffrey  invaded  the  latter  Country, 
which  he  brutally  ravaged ;  but  from  which,  after  thirteen  days'  occupation,  he 
was  compelled  by  a  severe  wound  to  retreat. 


A.  D.  1144.]  LOUIS  VII.  || 

it  remained  in  force,  divine  worship  and  all  its  consolatory  accom- 
paniments were  suspended  in  whatever  city  or  palace  happened  to  be  the 
residence  of  the  offending  Kim:. 

The  alienation  from  the  Holy  See  was  increased  in  consequence  of  a 
feud  between  Louis  and  Thibaud  Count  of  Champagne  and  Blois.  In 
order  to  prevent  any  dangerous  pretension  upon  the  dowry  of  his  Queen, 
Louis  destined  the  hand  of  her  younger  sister  Petronille,  who  was  en- 
titled to  a  certain  portion  of  inheritance,  to  one  of  his  own  kinsmen, 
Raoul  of  Vermandois,  the  Brave  (/<?  Brave),  or  the  One-eyed  (le  Borgne), 
as  he  is  variously  termed  from  the  loss  of  an  eye  in  battle.  Raoul,  who 
had  attained  his  fiftieth  year,  was  already  married  to  a  sister  of  the 
Count  of  Champagne,  but  the  facility  with  which  repudiation  was  ob- 
tained on  the  plea  of  forbidden  relationship  enabled  him  to  put  aside 
this  lawful  wife,  and  to  form  the  newly  proposed  alliance.  In  the  War 
which  ensued  with  the  justly  offended  Thibaud,  Louis  attacked  and 
stormed  the  town  of  Vitry  in  Champagne ;  and,  during  the  tumult  of 
the  sack,  the  principal  Church,  in  which  the  majority  of  the  inhabitants 
had  sought  refuge,  was  fired  and  burned  to  the  ground.  Thirteen  hundred 
victims  perished  in  this  miserable  calamity*;  and  the  King,  struck 
with  remorse  and  terror,  eagerly  solicited  pardon  from  Rome  by  an 
abandonment  of  all  his  former  opposition.  The  reconcili- 
ation, however,  was  not  concluded  till  the  Pontificate  of  a.d.  1144. 
Celestin  II. 

Somewhat,  doubtless,  is  to  be  attributed  to  feelings  of  compunction 
generated  by  this  unhappy  event,  in  the  decision  which  not  long  after- 
wards engaged  Louis  in  the  most  important  transaction  of  his  life,  but 
there  were  other  and  very  powerful  motives  which  induced  him  to  take 
the  Cross.  His  temper  was  religious  according  to  the  Religion  of  his 
day,  and  he  believed  that  many  acts  committed  by  his  subjects  while 
under  Interdict  demanded  his  personal  expiation.  His  deceased  brother, 
during  the  short  season  in  which  he  had  been  associated  in  Royal  power, 
had  devoted  himself  by  vow  to  service  in  the  Holy  Land ;  and  Louis 
imagined  such  an  engagement  to  be  in  some  degree  binding  upon  his 
successor.  But  above  all,  the  fervour  of  St.  Bernard's  preaching;  the 
necessities  of  the  Christian  settlers  in  Palestine,  who,  since  the  fall  of 
Edessa,  appeared  to  be  threatened  with  destruction  ;  and  the  strong 
contagion  of  an  example  displayed  by  the  bravest  and  noblest  spirits 
around  him,  were  not  likely  to  be  without  effect  upon  a  youthful, 
chivalrous,  and  ardent  Imagination.  Asia  was  the  chief  field  of  promise 
for  military  glory ;  and  Ambition  singly  might  have  proved  sufficient  to 
kindle  his  desire  for  a  share  in  the  harvest  of  Fame. 


*   Hist.   Franc.  Anonyma,   ap.  Bouquet,  xii.,   p.   116.     Auetarium  Gemblacense% 
id.  xiii.,  p.  272. 


44  ST.  BERNARD  TREACHES  THE  Hd  CRUSADE.       [CH.  Ill 

In  an  assembly  of  his  Nobles  held  at  Bourges,  and  afterwards  in  a 
far  more  numerous  Parliament*,  as  it  is  termed,  convoked 
a.d.1  146.  during  the  following  Easter  at  Vezelay,  Louis  announced 
his  design  of  personally  engaging  in  the  new  Holy  War. 
At  the  foot  of  the  mountain  which  overhangs  that  city  were  ranged,  as  in 
an  amphitheatre,  the  huge  throngs  which  had  overflowed  the  Cathedral, 
the  Public  Square,  and  even  the  Town  itself;  and  when  St.  Bernard 
harangued  them  from  the  chair  of  State  which  he  shared  with  the  King, 
deafening  shouts  of  "  The  Cross,  the  Cross,"  echoed  from  the  enthu- 
siastic multitude.  The  badges  which  he  had  prepared  for  distribution, 
and  the  reception  of  which  pledged  the  wearer  to  undertake  the  Pil- 
grimage, were  speedily  exhausted,  and  the  clothes  of  the  zealous  Preacher 
were  torn  into  shreds  by  his  own  hands,  in  order  to  furnish  the  requisite 
symbols  f. 

The  King  and  his  consort  Eleanor  were  the  first  two  personages  who 
enrolled  themselves  in  the  devout  band,  and  they  were  followed  by  the 
most  illustrious  names  which  France  afforded.  The  command  of  the 
expedition  was  offered  to  St.  Bernard,  but  that  single-minded  advocate  of 
the  Faith  measured  his  own  powers  too  discreetly  to  be  seduced  by  the 
splendid  lure.  His  bodily  frame,  weakened  by  frequent  mortifications 
and  emaciated  by  abstinence,  in  itself  was  manifestly  unfitted  for  the 
fatigue  and  perils  of  the  projected  voyage.  "  Who  am  I,"  observes  the 
Recluse,  "  that  I  should  marshal  the  array  of  a  camp,  or  become  a  leader 
of  armies  !  What  can  be  more  remote  from  my  profession,  even  if  I  pos- 
sessed sufficient  strength  and  skill  \  ?"  But  he  continued  to  labour  with 
unremitting  perseverance  in  a  service  more  accordant  with  his  habits  ; 
and,  passing  into  Germany,  he  roused  an  enthusiasm  similar  to  that 
which  he  had  awakened  in  France;  and  associated  the  Emperor  Conrad 
and  his  chief  Princes  in  the  service  of  the  Cross.  The  memory  of  St. 
Bernard  would  be  defrauded  of  its  brightest  portion  of  honour,  if  we 
omitted  to  notice  that  he  successfully  exerted  himself  to  rescue  the  Jews 
from  the  impending  massacre  which  less  enlightened  zeal  was  urging, 
as  a  preliminary  to  the  Crusade. 

Having  provided  money,  chiefly  by  the  sale  of  privileges  to  Communes, 
(the  rich  united  Burghers  of  towns,  who,  since  the  commencement  of  the 
preceding  reign,  had  begun  to  acquire  Charters,)  and  by  levying  subsidies 
from  Convents;  having  arranged  his  line  of  advance,  which  the  ignorant 
presumption  of  the  French  Barons   determined  should   be  by  land, 

*  Eodem  anno  Caslro  Vezcliaci  magnum  Parliamentum  congregavit.  Suger. 

Tous  les  Princes  des  Gaules  furent  invites  a  se  irouver  a  ceite  grande  reunion,  qui 
fut  designee  sous  le  nam  de  Parlement,  synonyme  de  celui  de  conference  ;  car  cetoit 
plutot  des  hommes  independans  que  des  sujets  d'un  me  me  Rui  qui  devoient  y  venir  par- 
leraenter  ensemble.  M.  de  Sismondi.,  torn,  v.,  p.  304.  See  also  Ducange,  ad  v. 
Parliamentum.  f  Odo  de  Diogilo,  ap.  Bouquet  xii.,  p.  92. 

I  Ep,  Bern.  ap.  Baronii  Annul.  Eccl.  xiii.,  p.  321. 


A.D.  1147.]  THE  n'    CRUSADZ. 

through  tlie  valley  of  the  Danube  to  Constantinople  ;  and  having  en- 
trusted the  Regency  during  his  absence  to  Suger  Abbot  of  St.  Denis,  to 
whom  Raoul  of  Vermandois  and  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims  were  afterwards 
nominated  assessors,  Louis,  at  Whitsuntide,  received  the 
Oriflamme,  was  invested  with  the  Pilgrim's  scrip  and  staff,  a.  n.  1147. 
and  departed  for  Metz,  the  rendezvous  of  his  followers.  The 
numbers  in  his  train  are  variously  stated,  but  it  is  confidently  affirmed 
that  he  mustered  70,000  heavy-armed  cavalry  ;  and  the  lowest  estimate, 
including  the  Women  and  Pilgrims  who  thronged  the  camp  and  profited 
by  its  escort,  amounts  to  between  150,000  and  200,000  souls.  The 
route  upon  which  he  was  afterwards  to  proceed  had  already  been  tra- 
versed by  the  Emperor ;  but  a  sufficient  interval  of  time  was  allowed 
between  the  advance  of  the  two  armies  to  prevent  the  exhaustion  of  the 
country  through  which  they  passed.  In  the  German  States, 
the  French  were  received  hospitably,  and  they  paid  liberally  Oct.  4. 
for  their  supplies ;  but  on  their  arrival  at  Constantinople, 
the  King  pressed  earnestly  for  the  replenishment  of  his  Exchequer; 
and,  in  his  despatches  to  Suger,  he  spoke  of  "  the  infinite  perils  and 
the  labours  scarcely  tolerable  "  which  they  had  encountered  before 
their  "  safe  and  joyful  "  halt  at  the  Greek  Metropolis*.  The  Germans, 
either  from  their  own  intemperance,  or  from  the  treachery  of  Manuel 
Comnenus,  had  suffered  bitterly  upon  entering  his  dominions;  and  mutual 
accusations,  of  violence  on  the  one  hand  and  of  ill  faith  on  the  other, 
are  profusely  advanced  by  the  Historians  of  their  respective  Empires. 
From  the  relation  in  which  the  recriminating  parties  stood  to  each  other, 
it  is  probable  that  the  balance  of  injury  may  be  pretty  equally  adjusted. 
The  French  observed  a  stricter  discipline,  and  consequently  were  less 
aggrieved  than  the  Germans  ;  and  after  an  amicable  conference  with 
Manuel  f,  Louis  crossed  the  Bosporus,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Nice. 

During  the  few  days  of  repose  which  the  King  there  allowed  himself, 
in  order  that  he  might  obtain  intelligence  of  the  operations  of  Conrad 
and  shape  his  own  course  accordingly,  rumours  of  a  fearful  overthrow 
were  doubtingly  circulated.  The  evil  news,  however,  was  too  soon  con- 
firmed by  the  appearance  of  the  shattered  remnant  of  the  Imperial  army  ; 
which,  escaping  from  its  defeat  at  Iconium,  retired  upon  Nice,  with 
scarcely  one-tenth  of  the  force  which,  a  few  weeks  before,  had  quitted 
the  wralls  of  that  city,  flushed  with  the  confidence  of  approaching  vii 
The  disaster  of  his  allies  induced  the  King  of  France  to  attempt  the 
longer  of  the  two  routes  which  led  to  Antioch  ;  not  that  through  the 
central  Provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  which  had  been  preferred  by  the  Ger- 
mane, but  one  which,  following  the  windings  of  the  coast,  might  be 
estimated  at  about  400  leagues.  These  maritime  districts  were  still  in 
possession  of  the    Greeks;    and   the    combined   armies  would  meet  a 

•   Epist.  Lud.  VIL.ad  SugtMiuii:.  ap.  ])oui[iiot,  xv.  p.  1!;,'!. 
f  Ducange,  Ditsrrtation  xxvii.  on  Joinville. 


46  MARCH  OF  THE  FRENCH  THROUGH  ASIA  MINOR.  [CH.  III. 

friendly,  or  at  least  not  a  hostile,  population,  instead  of  being  harassed 
by  fierce  and  uncivilized  mountain- tribes,  or  by  yet  more  avowed  enemies. 

But  the  habits  of  the  allied  Nations  were  little  in  unison :  dissensions 
commenced  early  in  their  march ;  and  Conrad,  humbled  in  his  pride, 
wearied  with  the  unfruitful  service,  and  smarting  under  wounds  which 
demanded  repose  for  their  cure,  on  arriving  at  Ephesus  notified  his  in- 
tention of  embarking  for  Constantinople,  whence,  in  the  ensuing  Spring, 
he  promised  to  return  to  the  prosecution  of  a  vigorous  warfare.  The 
Feast  of  Christmas  was  celebrated  by  Louis  at  Ephesus ;  and  since,  in 
consequence  of  the  mildness  of  the  climate,  no  obstacle  presented  itself 
to  a  winter  campaign,  immediately  on  the  close  of  the  Holy  Season  the 
march  was  renewed.  But  the  French  Knights  viewed  with  impatience 
the  tediousness  of  the  long  space  which  yet  remained  in  prospect.  Huge 
rivers  were  to  be  forded  at  their  mouths ;  bold  and  frequent  promontories 
were  to  be  rounded ;  the  wide  circuit  of  numerous  bays  was  to  be  tardily 
and  painfully  skirted ;  and  to  those  who  had  as  yet  never  faced  an 
enemy,  these  slow  toils  appeared  far  less  endurable  than  the  rapid  onset 
of  combat.  They  determined,  therefore,  to  bend  inward  ;  and,  having 
forced  their  passage  through  the  Saracens  who  occupied  the  intermediate 
country,  to  penetrate  in  a  direct  line  to  the  Gulf  of  Satalia  *,  nearly 
opposite  the  shores  of  Cyprus. 

In  accordance  with  this  plan,  they  continued  to  advance  along  the 
course  of  the  Mseander ;  while  the  Saracen  light  cavalry  harassed  their 
movements,  and  each  bank  was  occupied  by  a  numerous  corps  hovering 
on  their  front,  rear,  and  flanks.  The  river,  however,  was  passed  trium- 
phantly, notwithstanding  the  superior  position  of  the  Moslems  ;  and  the 
French  arrived  at  Laodicea  with  a  loss  so  trifling  that  they  may  be 
forgiven  for  attributing  their  success  to  miraculous  interposition.  But 
from  that  point  onward  they  were  doomed  to  misfortune.  Provisions 
failed,  and  neither  food  for  the  men  nor  forage  for  the  horses  could  be 
obtained,  even  if  obtained  at  all,  unless  at  the  sword's  point  by  foraging 
parties;  yet  the  constant  vigilance  of  an  enemy  who  cut  off  every 
straggler,  rendered  it  imperative  that  the  Crusaders  should  march  in 
large  and  compact  bodies.  At  length,  an  imprudent  movement  sepa- 
rated the  van  from  the  main  battle,  and  caused  the  loss  of  full  half  the 
army.  When  the  leaders  of  the  advanced  guard,  tempted  by  the 
luxuriance  of  a  rich  plain,  which  afforded  the  long-desired  supplies,  had 
neglected  communication  with  their  comrades  still  entangled  in  the 
mountain-passes,  the  Moslems  perceived  their  advantage,  and  hastened 
to  profit  by  it.  Throwing  themselves  between  the  two  divisions,  and 
occupying  the  surrounding  heights,  they  overwhelmed  the  rear  of  the 
Crusaders,  captured  their  stores  and  baggage,  and,  but  for  a  seasonable 
alarm,  which  produced  the  return  of  the  columns  in  front,  would  have 

*  "  Attalia,  which  our  Countrymen,  unskilled  in  the  Greek  idiom,  corruptlv  call 
Satafia."    Gul.  Tyr.,  xvi.,  25,  p.  390. 


A.D.I  148.]  ITS  DISASTERS.  47 

slain  then  to  a  man.  Forty  of  the  most  distinguished  Chiefs  fell  round 
their  King  in  this  unhappy  engagement ;  and  Louis  himself  was  indebh  d 
foi  safety  chiefly  to  the  ignorance  of  his  pursuers,  who  were  unacquainn  d 
with  his  person.  He  defended  himself  with  rare  valour,  and  more  than 
once  during  the  perilous  night  which  succeeded  his  rout  was  compelled 
to  find  shelter  in  some  friendly  tree,  or  under  some  crag  which  afforded 
a  hiding-place*. 

Twelve  days  march  through  an  unknown  country  still  remained  to  the 
defeated  and  dispirited  army  before  it  could  reach  Satalia.  Two  great 
rivers  were  to  be  crossed  in  the  presence  of  a  hostile  force,  and  supplies 
were  to  be  gathered  in  tracts  which  the  flight  of  their  inhabitants  had 
rendered  literally  desert.  From  these  dangers,  the  French  were  extri- 
cated by  the  singular  military  talents  of  an  individual,  of  whom  it  is  to 
be  regretted  that  no  other  particular  beyond  his  name  has  been  recorded. 
A  Sir  Gilbert  was  appointed  what,  perhaps  in  modern  phrase,  would  be 
termed  a  Quarter-Master  Generalf,  and  under  his  guidance  they  reached 
Satalia  without  further  molestation. 

The  land  route  from  Satalia  to  Antioch,  the  first  Principality  in  Syria 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Franks,  w-as  still  estimated  at  forty  days,  and 
it  lay  principally  through  the  defiles  of  Cilicia,  almost  proverbial  for 
their  difficulty.  Three  days'  sail,  on  the  other  hand,  would  cross  the 
intervening  sea,  but  the  port  by  no  means  afforded  a  sufficient  number 
of  vessels  for  the  transport  of  an  army,  which,  after  all  its  losses,  was 
still  most  numerous.  Many  of  the  Knights  had  been  deprived  of  their 
horses  in  the  recent  disasters,  and  wrere  unprepared,  or  rather,  indeed, 
were  wholly  unable,  on  account  of  the  heaviness  of  their  armour,  to  com- 
plete the  expedition  on  foot.  Their  impatience  reluctantly  extorted  from 
Louis  consent  to  a  separation  which  he  justly  felt  was  opposed  both  by 
honour  and  by  Kingly  duty.  Having  purchased  the  escort  of  some 
Greek  horsemen,  who,  for  500  marks,  engaged  to  convey  the  French 
infantry  as  far  as  Tarsus,  he  embarked  with  his  Nobles  and  readied 
Antioch  securely  J.  The  fate  of  the  abandoned  army  was  not  long  deferred. 
They  commenced  their  projected  march ;  were  deserted  by  the  Greek 
cavalry  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  Saracens ;  and,  after  a  brave  but 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  move  onward,  were  compelled  to  retreat  again 
to  Satalia.  Under  the  walls  of  that  town,  within  which  they  were  re- 
fused admittance,  they  were  left  wholly  without  commanders,  by  the 
embarkation  of  the  only  two  Barons  whom  the  King  had  persuaded  to 

*  Odode  Diogilo,  vi..  80. 

t  Accipinnt  xtaque  Magistral!)   nomine   (iislibertum  et  Me  sneios   qitibus  assignaret 
milites  quinquagrnos.     0£o  de  Diogilo,  ut  supra.    Neither  the  title  nor  the  description 
of  the  duties  performed  appear  to  imply  the  command  of  the  army  which    - 
•writers  have  assigned  to  Sir  Gilbert. 

I  An  important  Despatch  from  Louis  to  Soger,  Containing  a  rapid  abstract  of  his 
dangers,  may  be  found  in  Bouquet,  xv.,  p.  49«">. 


48  LOUIS  ARRIVES  IN  THE  HOLY  LAND.  [CH.  Ill1 

remain,  Archambaud  of  Bourbon  and  Thierry  'of  Alsace.  Rendered 
desperate  by  the  hourly  attacks  of  the  Moslems,  they  once  again  renewed 
their  attempt  upon  the  interior;  the  result,  as  maybe  anticipated,  was 
most  destructive  :  they  were  cut  off  in  detail,  partly  by  the  sword,  partly 
by  famine;  and  about  3000  who  survived  purchased  their  lives  by  an 
abandonment  of  Christianity. 

Louis  was  received  with  distinguished  honour  at  Antioch,  a  Princi- 
pality at  that  time  swayed  by  Raymond  of  Poitiers,  an  uncle  of  the 
Queen  Eleanor.  The  retinue  which  accompanied  the  King,  although 
small,  was  composed  of  the  choicest  Knights  of  France,  and  Raymond 
hoped  to  employ  them  in  forwarding  his  own  ambitious  views  upon 
Aleppo.  Louis,  on  the  other  hand,  impatiently  coveted  the  fulfilment 
of  his  vow,  and  considered  every  moment  lost  which  detained  him  from 
Jerusalem.  Suspicions  also  were  excited  of  the  fidelity  of  his  Queen ; 
and  her  lightness  of  demeanour  exposed  her  to  imputations  of  a  scanda- 
lous commerce  with  both  a  youthful  Saracen  Slave,  and  yet  more  with 
her  uncle  himself,  who,  at  the  close  of  fifty  years,  retained  a  very  hand- 
some person.  The  subsequent  conduct  of  Eleanor  has  given  weightier 
credit  to  these  accusations  than  they  might  otherwise  have  deserved  ; 
and  it  is  very  probable  that  they  actuated  Louis  in  the  speedy  retreat 
which  he  made,  by  night,  from  Antioch.  It  is  certain  that  the  estrange- 
ment between  the  Royal  pair,  which  ultimately  led  to  their  separation, 
may  be  traced  to  the  moment  of  their  departure. 

Having  performed  his  devotions  in  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
the  King  of  France  hastened  to  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  in  order  to  unite  him- 
self with  the  Latin  Princes  and  with  the  Emperor  Conrad,  who,  in  com- 
pliance with  his  promise,  had  recently  arrived  from  Constantinople. 
The  cortege  which  attended  each  of  the  Western  Monarchs  was  most 
brilliant  in  point  of  rank;  but  the  myriads  which  had  swelled  their  gor- 
geous outset  from  Europe  had  disappeared,  and  the  bones  of  their  once 
uncounted  followers  were  for  the  most  part  whitening  among  the  sterile 
mountains  of  Pamphylia.  In  order  that  they  might  escape  the  disgrace 
of  an  altogether  fruitless  expedition,  they  undertook  the  siege  of  Damas- 
cus, which  failed  in  consequence  of  want  of  military  skill  or  of  concert ; 
or,  as  was  asserted,  and  perhaps  not  without  truth,  owing  to  the  treachery 
of  the  Syrian  Christians,  the  hated  and  despised  Pullani*.  Some  attempt 
was  afterwards  meditated  against  Ascalon,  the  frontier  hold  of  the  Soldan 
of  Egypt;  but  continued  disasters  had  quenched  the  enthusiasm  by 
which  success  might  yet  have  been  won.  Conrad  set  the  example  of 
return;  and  the  year  spent  by  Louis  in  Palestine  after  the  Emperor's 
departure  was  employed  in  exercises,  not  of  arms,  but  of  piety.     His 

*  u  The  new  inmates  of  the  Country,  called  Pu/Iani,  planted  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Saracens,  diiFered  but  little  from  them  either  in  Faith  or  manners,  and  seemed 
to  be  a  hybrid  Race  between  Christians  and  Saracens."  Gul.  Neubrigensis,  iii.  c.  15, 
and  to  a  similar  purpose  many  other  contemporary  authorities. 


A.  D.  1152.]         RETURN  OF  LOUIS  TO  FRANCE.  49 

capture  by  the  Greeks  on  his  homeward  voyage,  and  his  subsequent 
rescue  by  Roger,  King  of  Sicily,  are  fables  exploded  by  his  own  de- 
spatches*. After  a  short  delay  in  Calabria,  upon  the  shores  of  which 
Country  he  first  landed,  and  an  interview  with  Pope  Eugenius  III.  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber,  Louis  re-entered  his  own  dominions,  by  disembark- 
ing at  St.  Gilles  on  the  Rhone,  in  October,  1149. 

The  King  of  France  returned  to  a  discontented  People  and  to  penny - 
less  coffers;  and  he  no  longer  brought  with  him  the  unbroken  spirit  and 
the  glowing  temperament  which  had  marked  his  earlier  years.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  stung  to  the  soul  by  his  discomfiture ;  and  it  was  not 
without  a  deep  feeling  of  humiliation  and  chagrin  that  he  listened  to  the 
repeated  warnings  of  Suger,  that  his  Crown  might  be  endangered  by 
longer  absence.  The  first  few  years  after  his  resumption  of  government 
swept  away  most  of  those  who  had  hitherto  been  actors  on  the  public 
scene;  and  in  their  course,  Suger  himself,  Thibaud  of  Champagne, 
Geoffrey  of  Anjou,  Raoul  of  Vermandois,  and  St.  Bernard,  far  greater 
than  any  of  them,  terminated  their  mortal  career  f. 

Eleanor  had  given  birth  to  a  second  Princess  since  her  return  from 
Palestine,  but  the  matrimonial  dissensions  nevertheless  continued  un- 
abated. Her  consort's  increasing  devotion  was  ill  adapted  to  the  giddy 
temper  of  the  Queen,  and  having  long  complained  that  she  was  wedded  to 
a  Monk  rather  than  to  a  King,  she  in  the  end  appealed  to  Ecclesiastical 
authority  for  a  divorce,  upon  the  convenient  plea  of  consanguinity.  Louis, 
dissatisfied  with  her  ambiguous  reputation,  readily  assented  to  this  divorce ; 
and  nicely  scrupulous  to  avoid  any  charge  of  rapacity,  announced  his  in- 
tention of  restoring  her  valuable  portion}.  With  such  attractions,  she  was 
soon  beset  by  numerous  suitors.  The  wooing,  in  some  instances,  was  by 
no  means  of  a  gentle  nature;  and,  on  her  route  through  their  respective 
governments,  both  Thibaud  of  Blois,  and  a  Plantagenet  who  bore  the  name 
of  his  late  father,  Geoffrey,  endeavoured  to  secure  her  hand  by  treachery 
and  violence.  From  both  these  pretenders,  however,  she  escaped  in 
safety,  and  on  arrival  in  her  own  Fiefs,  her  choice  was  fixed  on  a  brother 
of  the  latter  of  them,  whom  report  indeed  affirmed  to  be  the  favoured 
lover  on  whose  account  she  had  surrendered  the  Crown  of  France.  Henry 
Plantagenet  was  not  yet  King  of  England,  but  by  his  mar- 
riage with  Eleanor  he  added  Aquitaine  and  Poitou  to  his  a.  d.  1152. 
paternal  inheritance  of  Normandy  §. 

*  See  an  Essay  by  M.  de  Burigny ;  Mtm.  de  V  Acad,  des  Int.,  xli.  p.  615;  H$nault, 
Abregt  Chron.  i.  p.  209;  and  a  Note  by  M.  de  Sismondi,  v.  p.  555. 

t  Geoffrey  Plantagenet  obl  Sept.  7,  1151.  Thibaud,  Jan.  8,  1152.  Suger,  Jan.  13, 
rod.  ami.     Raoul,  March,  eod.  an/i.     St.  Bernard,  August  20,  1153. 

X  Hume  has  not  justly  appreciated  these  motives;  and  he  speaks  somewhat 
coarsely  of  Louis  as  *"*  more  delicate  than  politic.*'     Ch.  vii. 

§  Chron.  Turonense,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  p.  4/4.  Louis  in  1154  married  Constance, 
daughter  of  Alfonso  VII.,  King  of  Leon  and  Castile.  The  new  Queen  died  U 
1100,  leaving  issue  one  daughter. 

£ 


50  MARRIAGE  OF  HENRY  II.  WITH  ELEANOR.  [CH.   III. 

This  transfer  both  of  a  wife  and  of  a  Province  to  the  same  hand  was 
not  likely  to  be  regarded  with  indifference  by  the  loser;  and  seldom  has 
History  afforded  more  substantial  motives  for  the  rivalry  of  Princes  than 
those  which,  during  the  remainder  of  his  life,  actuated  Louis 
a.  d.  1154.  against  Henry.  When  the  latter,  on  the  death  of  Stephen, 
was  acknowledged  by  the  English  as  their  King,  his  resources 
not  less  than  his  talents  far  exceeded  those  of  his  competitor;  yet  we  find 
him,  in  compliance  with  Feudal  custom,  paying  homage  to  his  Liege 
Lord,  and  swearing  on  his  knees  "  to  be  his  man,"  and  to  afford  him 
true  and  faithful  service  for  the  great  Fiefs  which  he  held  under  his 
Grown — Normandy,  Aquitaine,  Poitou,  Anjou,  Maine,  Touraine,  and  all 
their  dependencies.  The  crafty  policy  of  the  King  of  England  deprived 
his  brother  Geoffrey  of  the  aid  with  which  Louis  had  promised  to  sup- 
port his  claim  on  Normandy;  and  after  the  death  of  that  ill-used  Prince, 
Henry  further  prevailed  upon  the  King  of  France  to  consent  to  a  mar- 
riage between  the  two  Royal  Houses.  At  the  time  in  which 
a.d.  1158.  Margaret  of  France  (a  daughter  of  Louis  by  his  second 
Queen)  was  betrothed  to  Henry  Courtmantel  of  England, 
the  former  was  but  six  months,  the  latter  not  quite  four  years  old.  It 
was  necessary  to  await  the  attainment  of  the  bridegroom's  seventh  year 
before  the  Pope  would  grant  a  Dispensation  for  the  completion  of  their 
marriage ;  but  meantime  the  bride  elect  was  to  be  educated  in  England, 
that  she  might  be  assimilated  to  the  habits  of  her  future  husband ;  and 
her  portion  in  the  Vexin  was  to  be  placed  under  the  custody  of  the 
Templars*. 

The  first  approach  to  open  hostilities  between  the  two  Kings  oc- 
curred in  the  very  year  which  followed  thejsignature  of  this 
a.d.  1159.   political  and  family  alliance.     Henry  pressed  the  claim  of 
his  wife  upon  the  County  of  Toulouse,  and  Louis  armed  in 
behalf  of  his  brother-in-law,  Raymond  f,  who  was  in  actual  possession. 
The  city  of  Toulouse,  of  which  the  King  of  France  undertook  the  imme- 
diate defence,  was  probably  too  strong  to  admit  any  hope  of  capture ;  for 
while  Henry,  making  a  parade  of  Feudal  loyalty  which  forbade  personal 
conflict  with  his  Sovereign,  abstained  from  its  assault,  he  unscrupulously 
attacked  the  Royal  troops  in  other  quarters.     Little  advantage,  however, 
could  accrue  to  either  party  from   a  continuance  of  War ; 
a.  d.  1160.   and,  at  the  following  Whitsuntide,  a  Treaty  was  concluded, 
which  reconciled  the  belligerents,  but  which  at  the  same 

*  This  Treaty  is  printed  by  Lord  Lyttelton,  Hist,  of  Henry  II,  vol.  iii.  p.  359 
(4to.).  M.  de  Brequiirny  has  again  printed  it  and  discussed  its  provisions  at  great 
length  in  the  Mem.  deV  Acad,  des  Lis.,  xliii.  p.  368,  where  he  has  satisfactorily  proved 
the  age  which  we  have  assigned  above  to  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  and  has  pointed 
to  many  anachronisms  and  mistakes  in  Roger  Hoveden  and  William  of  Newbury. 
The  original  draft  of  the  Treaty  is  preserved  among  the  Harleian  MSS.  215. 

f  Raymond  had  married  Constance,  a  sister  of  Louis  and  widow  of  Eustace  of 
Bloisj  son  of  Stephen  King  of  England. 


A.  D.  1162.]         TRANSACTIONS  WITH  ENGLAND.  f,  I 

time  reserved  the  claim  upon  Toulouse,  which  had  caused  their  quarrel, 
for  ulterior  discussion. 

Fresh  reason  for  irritation,  however,  soon  arose.     Constance  of  Cas- 
tile,  the  second  wife  of  Louis,  died  in  giving  birth  to  a 
Princess ;  and  the  King,  anxious  for  a  male  heir,  and  willing  Oct.  4. 

to  conciliate  a  factious  vassal,  contracted  a  new  marriage 
with  most  indecent  haste.     Not  a  fortnight  elapsed  from  the  decease  of 
Constance,  before  her  widowed  Lord  became  the  bridegroom  of  Alice  of 
Champagne*.   Henry,  who  viewed  this  connexion  with  jealousy,  as  likely 
to  detach  from  him  an  important  ally,  sought  to  counteract  its  ill  effects 
by  premature  celebration  of  the  nuptials  of  his  son  with  the 
Princess  Margaret,  and  by  the  demand  of  her  portion  from         Nov.  2. 
the  custody  of  the  Templars.     The  children  were  accord- 
ingly married  at  Neuburg,  and  the  Vexin  was  surrendered  by  its  guar- 
dians.    So  ably  were  Henry's  measures  preconcerted,  and  so  prepared 
was  he  at  all  points  for  War,  that  Louis,  notwithstanding  his  deep  sense 
of  grievance,  consented  to  mediation,   and  renewed  the  former  pacific 
terms  of  the  violated  Treaty. 

In  the  Schism  which  scandalized  the  Church  by  the  election  of  two 
Popes  on  the  death  of  Adrian  IV.,  France  and  England 
embraced  the  same  party.  Fourteen  suffrages  in  the  Holy  a.  d.  1159. 
College  legalized  the  election  of  Alexander  III. ;  and  the 
minority  of  nine  Cardinals,  who,  together  with  the  Roman  populace, 
declared  for  the  Antipope  Victor,  derived  its  weight  only  from  the  sup- 
port of  the  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa.  After  mutual  Excommuni- 
cation and  much  Theological  evil-speaking,  Alexander,  notwithstanding 
his  right  was  acknowledged  by  most  of  the  Christian  Powers, 
was  compelled  to  retreat  before  his  rival's  predominance  in  a.  d.  1 1  (52. 
Italy,  and  to  seek  an  asylum  at  Montpellier.  Even  then, 
however,  he  was  nearly  abandoned  by  the  Prince  in  whom  he  had  con- 
fided; Louis  corresponded  with  Victor,  whose  temper,  while  he  was 
engaged  in  solicitation,  appeared  more  compliant  than  that  of  his  com- 
petitor ;  and  he  had  the  still  further  weakness  to  present  himself  at  a 
conference  in  the  frontier  town  of  St.  Jean  de  Losne,  which  Frederic 
had  appointed  for  the  consideration  of  means  by  which  the  Schism 
might  be  terminated.  Barbarossa  failed  at  the  rendezvous  ;  and  the 
King  of  France,  alarmed  at  the  reception  which  he  met  from  the  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Empire,  clapped  spurs  to  his  horse,  and,  declaring  that  he 
had  fulfilled  his  portion  of  the  agreement,  hastily  retired -f.  At  Touey  on 
the  Loire  he  rejoined  Alexander  and  Henry  II. ;  and  the  two  Kings, 
prodigal  of  respect  for  the  Pontiff  of  their  choice,  jointly  performed 
the  office  of  Stratores  or  Equerries.  Having  themselves  dismounted, 
they  placed  the  Holy  Father  on  his  mule  between  them,  and  each  holding 

*  Daughter  of  the  late  Thibaud. 
f  Hist.  Fezeliacensis  Monast.,  ap.  Bouquet,  xii.  p.  331. 

e2 


52  BIRTH  OF  PHILirPE-AUGUSTE.  [CH.  III. 

one  rein  of  the  bridle,  accompanied  his  triumphant  entrance  into  the 
city. 

But  the  obligation  by  -which  Henry  believed  that  he  had  attached 
Alexander  to  his  interests,  while  thus  befriending  him  during  the  uncer- 
tainty of  his  fortunes,  neither  was,  nor  indeed  ought  to  have  continued, 
binding  when  the  King  sought  to  trample  on  the  privileges  of  the  Church. 
It  is  wide  from  our  purpose  to  detail  the  origin  or  the  progress  of  the 
great  quarrel  between  Henry  II.  and  Thomas  &  Becket;  and  it  may  be 
enough  to  state  that  Alexander  openly  condemned  the  Con- 
A.  d.  1164.   stitutions  of  Clarendon,  to  which  the  Archbishop  had  given 
Jan.  25.      reluctant  assent;  and  that  when  Henry,  by  fresh  demands 
and  extortions  from  his  Clergy,  and  by  a  charge  of  Treason 
advanced  against  the  Primate  himself,  compelled  a  Becket  to  fly  from 
England,  the  expatriated  Prelate  found  an  honourable  reception  in  the 
Court  of  Louis. 

While  Henry  was  thus  placing  himself  in  a  false  position  by  rashly 
engaging  in  a  conflict  with  a  Power  from  which  no  temporal  Prince  had 
as  yet  escaped  unscathed,  the  hopes  which  he  had  cherished  of  obtaining 
the  marital  succession  to  the  Crown  of  France  for  his  son  were  dissi- 
pated by  the  birth  of  a  male  heir  to  Louis.     After  eight-and-twenty 
years  of  marriage  to  three  separate  wives,  the  wishes  of  the 
a.  d.  1 165.    King  of  France  were  crowned  by  the  appearance  of  Philippe- 
Aug.  22.      Auguste*,  or  the  Heaven-born  {le  Dieu-donne) .   Alexander 
also,  whom  the  King  of  England  had  needlessly  irritated, 
now   possessed   sufficient  strength   to  venture  upon  a  return  to   Italy, 
notwithstanding  the  persevering  enmity  of  Barbarossa  had  raised  in 
Pascal  III.  a  successor  to  the  deceased  Victor t ;  and  the  disembarrassed 
Pontiff,  on  his  almost  universal  recognition    as  Head  of  the  Church, 
strenuously  espoused  the  cause  of  a  Becket,  whom  he  nominated   his 
Legate  in  England. 

Petty  disputes,  inconclusive  hostilities  terminated  by  frequent  inter- 
views, and  Treaties  signed  only  to  be  again  broken,  form  the  chief  rela- 
tions between  France  and  England,  till,   on  the  death  of 
a.d.  1168.    Pascal  and  the  election  of  Calixtus  III.,  Frederic  hoped  to 
Sept.  20.     attach  Henry   to  his  new   Antipope,   by  offering  succour 
against  Louis  as  the  price  of  apostacy.     Contrary  to  his 
expectation,    these  bribes  were  rejected,    and   the   King    of  England, 
having  proposed  a  fresh  conference  at   Montmirail,    con- 
a.  d.  1169.    eluded  a  Treaty  of  Peace  with  his  rival.     Louis  on  that  oc- 
casion   confirmed   some   acquisitions   made  by   Henry,   in 

*  Auguste,  as  is  generally  supposed,  from  the  month  of  his  birth ;  but  Mezeray 
gives  a  more  Courtly  reason  ;  surnonmit  pour  ses  beaux  faits  le  Conquerant,  que  Paul 
Emile  a  traduit  par  le  mot  Auguste ;  el  en  cela  a  este  suivy  par  tons  les  Historiens 
inodernes.  Abr.  Chron.,  ii.  p.  578.  Velly,  ii.  p.  81,  agrees  with  Mezeray,  and  adds 
other  fanciful  reasons. 

f  Victor  III.  died  at  Lucca,  April  20,  1164.  He  was  immediately  replaced  by 
Guido,  Cardinal  of  Crema,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Pascal  III. 


A.  D.  1112.]  TREATY  OF  MONTMIRAIL.  53 

Bretagne  and  Auvergne,  and  received  homage  from  the  English  Princes, 
his  sons.  The  harmony  of  the  conference  at  Montmirail  was  inter- 
rupted by  a  turbulent  scene  between  Henry  and  a  Becket  j  and  even 
Louis,  for  a  short  time,  resented  the  Archbishop's  unbending  resistance 
to  Kingly  authority.  But  the  estrangement  lasted  only  during  a  few 
days,  and  when  Henry  expected  that  the  Prelate  would  be  unconditionally 
delivered  to  him,  he  was  surprised  by  a  counter-assurance  that  the  King 
of  France  would  maintain  the  usage  of  his  predecessors,  who  had  inva- 
riably thrown  open  their  dominions  as  a  refuge  for  persecuted  Exiles, 
and  above  all  others  for  Ecclesiastics.  On  the  one  side,  this  continued 
protection  afforded  to  a  rebellious  subject;  on  the  other,  the  want  of 
respect  implied  by  the  exclusion  of  Margaret  from  a  share  in  her  hus- 
band's Coronation,  celebrated  by  Henry  with  a  hope  of  confirming  his 
own  power,  renewed  the  jealousy  which  had  now  become  almost 
habitual ;  and  we  read  again  of  some  hostile  movements  followed  anew 
by  an  insincere  Peace.  Even  after  his  reconciliation  with  the  Primate, 
when  the  chief  cause  of  enmity  might  be  thought  extinguished,  Henry 
was  at  Bayeux  on  his  return  from  a  military  expedition 
against  Bourges,  at  the  moment  when  he  petulantly  uttered  a.  d.  1170. 
the  few  fatal  words  which  occasioned  a  Becket's  murder, 
and  aroused  the  general  indignation  of  Christendom. 

In  the  clamour  which  that  event  excited,  Louis,  as  may  be  expected, 
was  among  the  loudest  complainants.  Partly  from  policy,  partly  from 
abhorrence  of  an  act  which  he  no  doubt  esteemed  a  sacrilege  demanding 
the  fullest  Judgment  of  Heaven,  he  invoked  St.  Peter  to  unsheathe  his 
sword,  and  the  Universal  Church  to  avenge  the  innocent  blood  which 
had  been  poured  out  in  her  service  *.  Nevertheless,  when,  upon  the 
prompt  submission  and  the  humiliating  atonements  discreetly  offered  to 
Rome  by  the  King  of  England,  for  a  crime  which  he  protested  was  invo- 
luntary, Alexander  granted  absolution  to  the  Penitent,  Louis  also  was 
compelled  to  remit  his  anger.  The  Legates  who  enquired  into  the  alle- 
gations brought  by  him  against  his  adversary,  in  order  to  promote  an 
adjustment  of  their  differences,  were  perhaps  surprised  at  the  easiness  of 
their  task ;  and  Henry,  who  was  prepared  to  submit  even  to  the  scourge 
at  the  Martyr's  Tomb,  was  not  likely  to  object  to  the  chief  demand 
made  by  the  King  of  France,  that  the  Coronation  of  his 
daughter  should  not  be  longer  deferred.  The  solemnity  was  a.  d.  1172. 
accordingly  repeated,  and  the  Prince  and  Princess  were  Aug.  27th. 
jointly  crowned  by  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen,  at  Winchester. 

This  association  in  the  Royal  dignity  which  custom  had  authorized  in 
both  Kingdoms,  and  which  bestowed  a  title  without  conferring  actual 
power,  was  unworthily  misrepresented  by  Louis,  in  order  to  promote  dis- 
sensions in  the  English  Court.     It  was  not  difficult  to  persuade  an  heir 

*  Epitt.  Lud.  vii.  ad  Alex.  III.  ap.  Bouquet,  xvi.  p.  466. 


54  DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH  AT  VERNEUIL.        [CH.  HI. 

apparent  that  the  course  of  Nature  might  be  tardy  \  and  that  his  father, 
by  the  recent  Act,  had  not  shared  with  him  the  mere  pageant  of  a  Crown, 
but  had  really  placed  in  his  control  the  reins  of  Government.  The 
King  of  France  affected  to  believe  that  Henry  had  in  fact  abdicated  ; 
and  when  he  invited  to  Paris  his  sons  who  were  secretly  instigated  by 
their  mother,  Eleanor,  he  received  and  acknowledged  Henry  Courtmantel 
as  Sovereign  of  England ;  he  encouraged  his  younger  brothers,  Richard 
in  his  pretensions  upon  Aquitaine,  Geoffrey  in  those  upon 
June  1173.  Bretany ;  he  swore  never  to  abandon  them  till  they  had 
established  their  claims  ;  and  at  the  head  of  a  brilliant  train 
of  Nobles  he  marched  to  invest  Verneuil. 

Henry,  for  once,  appears  to  have  been  taken  by  surprise  ;  but  a  force 
at  the  service  of  any  leader  who  could  afford  its  expense  supplied  his 
ranks  thus  denuded  of  his  chief  continental  vassals.  Bands  of  adven- 
turers trading  in  War  and  making  a  merchandise  of  the  sword,  had 
recently  been  formed  in  Europe;  and  with  about  10,000  of  these  mer- 
cenaries (variously  called  Br  abandons  from  the  district  by  which  they 
were  chiefly  furnished,  Routiers  from  their  being  scattered  (rompus) 
unless  when  on  active  service*,  or  Cotterets  from  the  (couteaux)  short 
swords  which  were  their  distinguishing  offensive  weapons),  he  hastened 
to  the  relief  of  the  besieged  city.  Before  his  arrival,  it  had  been  perfi- 
diously occupied  and  burned  to  the  ground  in  breach  of  a  conditional  sur- 
render ;  but  this  treacherous  act  was  fully  punished  in  the  sequel.  The 
French  were  overtaken  in  a  disorderly  retreat,  which  they  had  commenced 
on  the  appearance  of  the  Brabancons,  and  their  defeat  was  attended  by 
slaughter  proportioned  to  the  thirst  of  vengeance  which  animated  the 
conquerors. 

Henry  pursued  his  success  till  he  was  recalled  to  England  by  a  threat 
of  invasion  ;  and  it  was  upon  this  return  that  he  disarmed 
popular  resentment,  and  obtained  the  willing  aid  of  his  sub-    a.  n.  1114. 
jects,  who    had  hitherto  regarded  him  as  a  blood-stained 
outcast,  by  undergoing  at  Canterbury  that  Penance   so   notorious   in 
History.     Having  ensured  the  safety  of  his  insular  dominions,  he  re- 
embarked  for  Normandy,  fully  determined  upon  vigorous   operations. 
But  Louis  had  just  received  a  signal  discomfiture  before  Rouen,  in  which 
his  disgrace  was  increased  by  a  just  imputation  of  a  breach 
of  good  faith.     He   had  proclaimed  an  armistice  on   the     August   1. 
Festival  of  St.  Laurence,  for  which  Saint  he  entertained 
peculiar  respect ;   and  while  the  garrison,   relying  upon  the  Royal  pro- 
mise, were  negligently  amusing  themselves  without  the  walls,  he  was 
persuaded  to  attempt  a  surprise.     A  Priest,  who  happened  to  be  gazing 

*  Routiers,  ruptuarii,  parce  qu^o?i  tet  troavait  rompus  on  deba/ides  quand  on  /es 
engageoit.  M.  de  Sismondi,  v.  504.  But  may  not  the  German  R'tt'r  afford  a  more 
probable  derivation  ?  especially  as  Mezeray,  ii.  575,  says,  Les  Cotereaux  estoient  la 
pluspart  Fantassins,  et  les  Routiers  Cavalerie.  Du  Cange  gives  other  sources,  ad  v. 
Rump  ere. 


A.  D.   1179.]  PEACE  OF  MONTLOUIS.  £5 

at  the  surrounding  prospect  from  one  of  the  city  turrets,  observed  an 
unusual  movement  in  the  camp  of  the   besiegers;  and,  sounding  the 
alarm-bell,  he  recalled  the  dispersed  soldiers  in  sufficient  time  to  repel 
the  meditated  attack  with  shame  and  loss  to  the  assailants*. 
No  sooner,  therefore,  had  the  English  disembarked,   than     Sept.  29. 
Louis,  dispirited  by  this  overthrow,  signified  a  wish  to  nego- 
ciate.     By  a  Peace  signed  at  Montlouis,  the  League  with  the  rebellious 
Princes  ww  dissolved,  and  Henry,  having  received  assurances  of  sub- 
mission from  his  insurgent   sons,  not    only  pardoned  their  adhe:. 
but  even  granted  them  possession  of  some  Castles  for  their  security. 

Each  of  the  Kings,  now  advanced  in  years,   became  desirous  of  re- 
pose; and  in  order  to  cement  their  interests  a  new  family  alliance  was 
projected  between  Richard  the  Lion-hearted  (Cceur  de  Lion)  and  Alice 
of  France.     The  story  is  dark  and  intricate  ;   but  it  is  said  that  Henry 
himself,  whose  habits  were  most  libertine,  became   enamoured  of  the 
young  Princess  who  had  been  committed  to  his  guardianship  as  a  future 
bride  for  his  son  f.    The  marriage  was  postponed  under  various  excuses, 
and  when  Louis,  in  order  to  remove  the  prevalent  scandal,  obtained  from 
the  Pope  the  menace  of  an  Interdict  upon  all  the  dominions  of  the  King  of 
England,  unless  the  nuptials  were  immediately  celebrated,  Henry  de- 
manded a  personal  conference  with  the  King  of  Fiance  at  Yvry  ;    and 
having  there  discussed  the  political  questions  upon  which 
they  disagreed,  still  continued,  upon  pretexts  of  which  we  a.  d.  1117. 
are  uninformed,  to  evade  the  fulhlment  of  his  matrimonial 
compact. 

The  association  of  his  son  Philippe  Auguste,  who  approached  his 
fourteenth  year,  was  a  favourite  object  with  Louis ;  but  it 

protracted  by  a  singular  accident.  The  young  Prince  a.  d.  1179. 
while  hunting  was  separated  from  his  companions,  and  lost 
in  the  Forest  of  Compiegne.  Great  part  of  a  night  was  spent,  by  him  in 
fruitless  attempts  at  extrication,  till  at  length,  when  almost  exhausted  by 
cold,  hunger,  and  fatigue,  he  was  relieved  by  the  guidance  of  a  Charcoal- 
burner.  But  the  alarm  excited  by  his  previous  wanderings,  and  after- 
wards by  the  sudden  appearance  of  this  rude  peasant,  who  in  the  dark- 
ness illumined  by  his  brazier  seemed  to  be  a  supernatural  Being,  so  far 

*  Gul.  Neubrigensis.  ii.  ap.  Bouquet,  xiii.p.  117- 

f  Lord  Lyttelton,  iii.  351),  attaches  credit  to  the  Imputation,  or  at  least  believes 
that  Henry  was  passionately  in  love.  The  allusion  in  the  Philippis,  to.  128,  is 
very  covert ;  but  Roger  Hoveden  speaks  plainly  in  an  account  of  a  conference  held 
some  years  afterwards  between  Philippe  Auguste  and  Richard  I.  Hi*  audiiis.  Rex 
Jngliee  rexpondit  quod  sororem  ipsius  sibi  in  uxorem  duccre  mdla  ra/iunc  po$sit,  quia 
Rex  Ang lice,  Pater  suus,  earn  cognoverat,  el  fdiam  ex  eagenuerat :  el  ad  hue  probandum 
viultos  produxit  testes  qui  paruti  ttatil  modis  omnibus  hoc  probate.  Pars  posterior  op. 
Script. post  Bedam,  p.  392.  Benedict.  Petroburg.  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  5lo,  wrius 
much  to  the  same  purpose. 


56  PILGRIMAGE  OF  LOUIS  TO  CANTERBURY,  [CH. 


HI. 


disturbed  the  Prince's  fancy  as  to  occasion  a  dangerous  fever  *.  Louis, 
anxious  for  the  preservation  of  his  son,  undertook  the  performance  of  an 
act  which  was  already  esteemed  one  of  the  most  powerful  means  of  in- 
tercession with  Heaven ;  and  which,  from  former  services  afforded  to  the 
Saint,  he  flattered  himself  would  be  peculiarly  efficacious  in  his  own 
case.  He  vowed  a  Pilgrimage  to  the  Shrine  of  a  Becket ;  and  after  a 
magnificent  reception  by  Henry  at  Dover,  and  the  tender  of  costly  obla- 
tions at  the  Martyr's  Tomb  f,  he  learned  the  agreeable  news  of  his  son's 
convalescence  immediately  on  his  return.  Before  he  could  reach  Paris, 
however,  Paralysis  attacked  himself  and  deprived  him  of  the  use  of  his 
right  side. 

The  King's  illness  accelerated  the  Coronation  of  his  heir ;  and  flattery 
affirmed  that  the  public  joy  ought  to  be  greatly  increased  by  a  recol- 
lection that  the  blood  of  Charlemagne  flowed  in  the  veins  of  Isabelle  of 
Hainault,  the  bride  who  shared  this  solemnity ;  and  that  a  happy  omen 
for  the  future  reign  must  be  drawn  from  this  commingling  of  lineage  be- 
tween the  Second  and  Third  Races  J.  But  the  marriage,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  viewed  with  little  complacency  by  the  great  vassals  of  the 
Crown,  who  felt  jealous  of  an  aggrandizement  which  so  far  elevated 
above  themselves  one  of  their  own  body ;  and  the  Queen  and  her  four 
brothers,  who  had  exercised  great  influence  over  Louis,  testified  especial 
discontent  at  a  measure  which  they  foresaw  must  diminish 
a.  d.  1180.  their  authority.  All  real  power,  indeed,  was  transferred  to 
Sept.  18.  the  young  King,  from  the  moment  of  his  inauguration. 
Louis  survived  almost  a  year  longer,  but  in  imbecility  both 
of  mind  and  body.  In  his  foreign  Policy  he  had  been  invariably  deluded 
by  the  superior  abilities  and  the  unscrupulous  intrigue  of  his  English 
rival,  but  his  internal  Government  had  been  mild,  equitable,  and  bene- 
ficent, and  his  memory  was  deservedly  cherished  by  his  subjects. 

*  Rigordus  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  4.  The  apparition  was  sufficiently  terrific  to 
justify  the  hoy's  alarm.  t:  A  certain  peasant,  lofty  in  stature,  Mowing  up  the  hot 
coals  upon  his  brazier,  fearful  in  look,  blackened  with  charcoal,  uglyv-isaged,  and 
carrying  a  huge  hatchet  on  his  shoulder." 

f  According  to  Benedict.  Petrohurg.  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  pp.  437,  433,  the  Saint 
himself  suggested  this  Pilgrimage,  by  appearing  to  Louis  in  a  Dream.  The  King's 
offerings  were  a  magnificent  golden  cup,  exemption  from  Customs  upon  all  French 
eoods  employed  for  the  use  of  the  Monastery,  and  a  hundred  pipes  (modios)  of 
Wine  to  be  delivered  annually  from  the  cellars  of  the  Castle  of  Poissy. 

X  Isabelle  was  lineally  descended  from  Ermengarde,  sister  of  Charles  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  brother  of  Lothaire  II. ,  and  uncle  of  Louis  V. 


A.D.I  185.]  PHILIPPE-AUGUSTE.  57 

CHAPTER  IV. 

From  a.d.  1180,  to  a.  d.  1223. 

Philippe  Auguste — War  with  the  Count  of  Flanders — Peace — Disputes  with  Eng- 
land— Death  of  Henry  II. — Affairs  of  the   East — IIId  Crusade — Return   of 

Philip— His  perfidious  invasion  of  Normandy  —  Death  of  Richard   I Philip's 

marriage  with  and  separation  from  Ingeburge  of  Denmark  —  Interdict — Ar- 
thur of  Bretagne — Conquest  of  Normandy  and  Poitou — Condemnation  o(  John 
of  England  by  the  Court  of  Peers — Duplicity  of  Rome — The  Legate  insists  upon 
a  Peace  with  England,  and  suggests  a  War  with  Flanders  —  Philip  relieves 
Dam,  but  is  compelled  to  burn  his  Fleet — Battle  of  Bouvines — Truce — Crusade 
of  Children — Crusade  against  the  Albigenses — Joined  by  Louis  of  France — Esta- 
blishment of  Simon  de  Montfort — Louis,  invited  by  the  Barons,  invades  England 
— Death  of  John — Retirement  and  Treaty  of  Louis — Tyranny  and  death  of  Simon 
de  Montfort — His  Son  Amaury  repulsed  from  Toulouse — Character,  Death,  and 
Will  of  Philippe  Auguste. 

The  early  years  of  the  reign  of  Philippe  Auguste  were  chiefly  spent  in 
litigation  with  Philip,  Count  of  Flanders,  relative  to  the  Vermandois, 
a  Province  which  the  King  of  France  claimed  as  his  Queen's  dowry,  and 
which  her  uncle  was  most  unwilling  to  relinquish.  The  mediation  of 
Henry  II.  more  than  once  prevented  open  hostilities;  and  that  Prince, 
actuated  by  a  liberality  strongly  contrasted  with  his  usual  policy,  and 
with  the  opposite  conduct  which  had  been  pursued  towards  himself  under 
similar  circumstances  by  Louis  the  Young,  endeavoured  to  soothe  rather 
than  to  excite  the  Family  quarrel.  Each  party  at  length,  however,  un- 
sheathed the  sword.  The  Count  of  Flanders  invaded  France  with  a 
powerful  Army  furnished  by  his  Free  cities ;  and  the  Bourgeois  of  Ghent, 
of  Ypres,  of  Bruges,  of  Lille,  and  of  Arras  mustered  against  the  choicest 
professed  Chivalry  of  Europe.  They  ravaged  the  whole  district  between 
the  Somme  and  the  Oise,  and  penetrated  even  so  far  as  Dammartin,  a 
post  not  more  than  nine  leagues  distant  from  Paris  itself.  There,  how- 
ever, in  spite  of  a  vaunt  that  he  would  shatter  a  lance  against  the  gates 
of  the  Capital,  the  Count,  on  hearing  of  the  King's  approach,  thought  it 
discreet  to  arrest  his  march.  Philip  followed  on  his  retreat,  till  the 
two  armies  were  in  each  other's  presence  not  far  from  Amiens.  But 
the  superiority  of  a  regularly-trained  gendarmerie  over  the  contin- 
gent provided  by  a  commercial  population,  and  the  distress  likely  to  arise 
in  a  manufacturing  Country  from  protracted  War,  seem  to  have  operated 
forcibly  on  the  Count's  determination  ;  and  although  hitherto  the  success 
of  the  campaign  had  manifestly  inclined  to  his  scale,  he 
consented  to  a  Peace,  the  terms  of  which  were  disadvan-  a.d.  1185. 
tageous,  and  which,  indeed,  stipulated  for  the  abandonment 
of  the  chief  objects  in  dispute. 


fc$  THE  EOI.OF  GISQRS.  [    .  "  [CH.-.IV. 

The  death  of  Henry  Courtmantel  on  the  11th  of  June,  1183,  involved 
Philip  in  a  dispute  with  Henry  II.  respecting  the  dower  of  Margaret; 
the  restoration  of  which  to  France  had  been  stipulated  in  the  case,  which 
had  absolutely  occurred,  of  her  "marriage  being  unproductive  of  issue. 
The  two  Kings  held  -frequent  conferences  at  the  foot  of  an  Elm  Tree 
which  stood  near  Gisors,  so  exactly  on  the  frontiers,  as  to  overshadow  a 
portion  of  the  territory  of  either  Monarch;  and  the  discussions  were  long- 
protracted,  and  for  a  time  appeared  likely  to  terminate,  amicably.  New 
difficulties,  however,  arose ;  the  hand  of  the  widowed  Princess  was  de- 
manded by  Bela,  King  of  Hungary,  and  her  portion  was  necessarily  to 

be  regulated  afresh.     The  guardianship  of  the  Duchy  of 

A.  d.  1186.   Bretany    afforded   another   prolific    subject   for   litigation. 

Aug.  19.     Constance,  the  widow  of  Geoffrey,  third  son  of  Henry  of 

England,  had  borne  two  daughters  to  her  late  husband,  and 
was  pregnant  at  the  moment  of  his  decease.  The  birth  of  a  son  (that 
Arthur  whose  pitiable  fate  is  so  familiar  a  story  to  English  ears)  removed 
all  cause  for  dispute  between  the  Immediate  and  the  Sovereign  Lord  of 
the  Fief;  and  Constance  speedily  entered  into  a  second  marriage  with 
the  Earl  of  Chester,  a  vassal  of  the  former.  But  Philip,  as  if  bent  on 
War,  revived  the  long-slumbering  question  respecting  his  sister  Alice ; 

and  Henry,  beginning  to  feel  the  infirmities  of  advancing 
a.  d.  1187.   life,  purchased  a  Truce  for  two  years  by  the  abandonment 

of  some  disputed  territory. 
A  projected  Crusade  appeared  to  ensure  the  continuance  of  Peace  be- 
tween the  two  Kingdoms,  and  it  was  encouraged  by  Henry,  probably 
much  more  with  that  hope  than  with  any  design  of  its  real  execution. 
The  impetuosity  of  Richard  Cceur-de-Lio?i,  however,  notwithstanding 
the  earnestness  with  which  he  promoted  the  Eastern  expedition,  more 
than  once  interrupted  the  harmony  necessary  for  even  its  preparation. 
So  far  did  disunion  proceed,  that  Philip  in  his  anger  gave  orders  for 
uprooting  the  Elm  of  conference ;  vowing  that  the  unlucky  spot  upon 
which  it  grew  should  never  again  be  the  scene  of  fruitless  interviews*. 
In  the  hostilities  which  followed,  Henry  was  unsuccessful;  he  lost  Mans 
and  Tours,  and  he  had  the  additional  bitterness  of  feeling  that  they  had 
been  wrested  from  him  chiefly  by  the  unnatural  defection  of  his  own  off- 
spring. But  although  Richard  had  united  himself  with  France,  the 
aged  King  still  cherished  a  belief  that  John,  his  youngest  sen,  whom  he 
had  ever  distinguished  by  more  than  due  fondness,  returned  his  affection 
with  sincerity.  What  then  was  his  grief  and  astonishment  on  finding 
that  son's  name  at  the  head  of  a  list  of  traitors,  who  had  entered  into 
covert  engagements  with  France,  and  to  whom,  in  the  outset  of  nego- 

*  Gul.  Armoricus,  ap.  Bouquet,  xiii.  p.  69.  Benedict.  Petroburg.,  ibid.  483,  486. 
Radulpb.  de  Diceto,  ibid.  p.  631.  Tbe  History  of  tbis  Elm  is  also  sung  at  considerable 
lengtb  in  tbe  Philippis  of  Gul.  Brito.  iii.  p.  100.  &o.  ibid. 


A.n.  1189.]  IIId   CRUSADE.  5) 

ciation,  he  was  requested  to  extend  pardon?     The  unex-   a.  d.  1189. 
pected  revelation  broke  the  heart  of  the  distracted  father,        July  6. 
and  he  expired  at  Chinon,  cursing  the  hour  of  his  birth. 

The  departure  of  the  armament  for  the  Holy  Land  was  retarded  by 
the  decease  of  Henry;  but  that  event  increased  the  ardour  with  which 
Richard  I.,  who  succeeded  him,  contemplated  in  expiation  which  In- 
hoped  might  appease  the  remorse  occasioned  by  remembrance  of  his  filial 
disobedience.  The  superstition  of  the  times,  indeed,  confidently  affirmed 
that  when  the  Prince  approached  his  parent's  corpse,  a  few  hours  after 
his  decease,  blood  flowed  from  its  breathless  lips  and  nostrils,  in  token 
of  the  presence  of  its  murderer.  Philip  turned  to  hi3  own  account 
the  impatience  thus  excited  in  the  young  King.  He  refused  to 
consider  the  Treaty  into  which  he  had  recently  entered  with  his  prede- 
cessor as  any  longer  binding;  and  having  renewed  his  pretensions  to  the 
Vexin,  he  consented  to  their  postponement  only  after  Richard  had  agreed 
to  increase  a  promised  subsidy  from  20,000  to  24,000  marks  of  silver. 

The  necessities  of  the  East  had  become  most  pressing ;  and  during 
the  forty  years  which  had  elapsed  since  the  IId  Crusade,  repeated  dis- 
asters had  gradually  prepared  the  overthrow  of  the  Latin 
Kingdom.  Before  the  death  of  Baldwin  V.,  by  which  the  a.  d.  1  i 
Line  of  Anjou  was  extinguished,  the  Crown  of  Jerusalem  had 
been  tendered  successively  to  the  Kings  of  France  and  of  England,  by 
the  Templars  and  the  Hospitallers  who  claimed  its  disposal.  Each  of 
those  Sovereigns,  however,  found  pretext  sufficient  to  excuse  a  declension 
of  the  perilous  and  unsubstantial  honour;  and  the  intrigues  of  Sibylla, 
on  the  decease  of  her  son  Baldwin,  transferred  the  Royal  title  to  her 
second  husband,  Guy  of  Lusignan.  But  it  seemed  that  as  the  strength 
of  the  Christian  Monarchy  declined,  an  Infidel  Power  was  to  acquire 
proportionately  increased  vigour ;  and  the  renowned  Saladin,  after  having 
subdued  Egypt,  Damascus,  and  Aleppo,  and  having  united  under  his 
single  rule  five  of  the  Moslem  Kingdoms  which  surrounded  Palestine, 
captured  her  weak  King,  and  obtained  possession  of  the  Holy  City  itself 
by  the  great  Victory  at  Tiberias.  Tyre  was  rescued  from  surrender  by 
the  valour  of  Conrad  of  Montferrat,  at  the  moment  in  which  she  was 
about  to  open  her  gates.  But  exclusively  of  that  city,  of  Tripoli  and  of 
Antioch,  every  other  strong  hold  in  Palestine  had  yielded  to  the  arms  of 
Saladin,  when  "William,  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  undertook  the  m:~ 
which  was  to  suspend  his  Historical  labours,  and  to  arouse  Europe  to 
fresh  exertions  for  the  rescue  of  his  brethren. 

The  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa,  whose  great  host  was  tirst  in 
motion,  had  already  perished  in  the  ford  of  the  Selef  before  the  pre- 
parations of  Philip  were  completed.  At  length,  having  conferred 
a  restricted  Regency  during  his  absence  upon  his  mother,  Adela, 
and  his  brother,  the  Cardinal  of  Champagne;  having  taken  fit  pre- 
cautions respecting  the  minority  of  his  son  Louis,  at  that  time  three 


60        JEALOUSY  BETWEEN  PHILIPPE  AUGUSTE  AND  RICHARD  I.      [CH.  IV. 

years  of  age ;  having  replenished  his  Treasury  by  an  unpopular  impost, 
the  dime  Saladine,  a  tenth  at  least,  payable  upon  the  fee-simple  of  all 
property*  (excepting  that  of  the  Cistercians,  the  Carthusians,  the  Monks 
of  Fontevraux,  and  Lepers)  by  those  who  did  not  enrol  themselves  in 
the  Holy  Service;  and  having  arranged  a  Convention  with  Cceur-de- 
Lion,  he  received  the  Oriflamme,  and  after  a  short  abode  at  Lyons,  to 
which  city  the  allied  armies  marched  together  from  Vezelay,  he  em- 
barked at  Genoa,  not  having  any  port  of  his  own  in  the  Mediterranean. 
The  English  proceeded  from  Marseilles ;  and  the  two  armaments,  re- 
uniting in  Sicily,  wintered  at  Messina,  where  they  were  detained  by  foul 
weather  and  contrary  winds.  In  that  Island  commenced  the  jealousy 
which  contributed  to  render  their  subsequent  operations  abortive.  The 
Normans,  preferring  a  male  to  a  female  Sovereign,  had  set  aside  Con- 
stance (daughter  of  Roger,  and  consort  of  the  Emperor  Henry  VI.) 
their  legitimate  Queen,  and  had  transferred  the  Crown  to  her  Bastard 
brother  Tancred.  The  first  act  of  the  new  King  was  to  strengthen  his 
uncertain  power  by  the  imprisonment  of  Jane,  widow  of  his  predecessor 
William  II.,  and  sister  of  Coeur -de-Lion.  Although  fear  extorted  the 
release  of  this  illustrious  captive  as  soon  as  the  English  landed,  the  anger 
of  Richard  was  easily  kindled  into  flame  by  a  recollection  of  her  injuries; 
and  on  some  quarrel  which  accidentally  arose  between  the  Citizens  and 
his  troops,  he  forcibly  occupied  Messina,  and  planted  his  standard  in 
the  very  quarters  which  had  been  set  apart  for  the  French.  Philip, 
who  hastened  to  mediate,  and  who  succeeded  in  preventing  further  vio- 
lence, felt  aggrieved  at  this  breach  of  respect  towards  himself;  and 
Richard,  on  the  other  hand,  loudly  complained  that  he  had  not  received 
such  assistance  as  his  sworn  confederate  was  pledged  by  oath  to  afford. 

This  growing  dissatisfaction  was  secretly  fomented  by  Tancred,  in  the 
hope  of  avenging  himself  upon  Richard.  He  represented  that  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  had  made  private  overtures  in  the  name  of  the  King  of 
France  for  a  combined  attack  upon  the  English  army ;  and  it.  is  said 
that  when  Richard  expostulated  with  Philip  upon  this  treachery,  he 
was  met  not  with  denial  but  with  recrimination.  The  desertion  of  the 
Princess  Alice  was  again  objected  to  him;  and  he  was  accused  of  a  vio- 
lation of  compact  with  the  Daughter  of  France  in  order  that  he  might 
complete  the  nuptials  which  it  was  known  that  he  was  preparing  with 
Berengere  of  Navarre.  On  the  day  of  the  arrival  of  that  intended 
bride,  Philip,  unwilling  to  be  present  at  a  ceremony  which 
a.  d.  1191.  dishonoured  his^sister,  embarked  for  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  under 
which  city  he  arrived  on  the  13th  of  April. 

The  memorable  siege  of  Acre  had  already  engrossed  the  utmost  efforts 
of  the  Crusaders  for  nearly  two  years.  Infinite  misery  had  been  inflicted 
and  endured  during  that  period;  and  the  hopes  of  the 'garrison  were 

*  Kigord.  ap:  Bouquet,  xvii.  pp.  25,  26. 


A.'D.  1191.]  SIEGE  OF  ACHK.  (51 

almost  exhausted  when  the  spirit  of  their  enemy  derived  fresh  vigour 
from  the  powerful  reinforcement  afforded  by  the  King  of  France. 
Philip,  however,  remembered  the  Convention  into  which  he  had 
entered  with  his  brother  in  arms;  and,  notwithstanding  the  jealousy 
which  of  late  had  interrupted  the  intimacy  of  their  union,  he  felt  it  to  be 
a  point  of  honour  that  Richard  should  not  be  deprived  of  his  share  of 
glory  in  a  conquest,  which  might  already  be  deemed  secure. 
During  an  interval  therefore  of  nearly  two  months,  till  the  June  8. 
English  Fleet  cast  anchor  in  the  bay,  the  French  were  em- 
ployed in  chivalrous  pastimes  rather  than  in  any  serious  prosecution  of 
the  Siege ;  and  the  many  gallant  actions  achieved  by  the  Knights  ex- 
hibited individual  prowess  without  forwarding  the  ultimate  object  of  the 
War. 

Not  the  Confederacy  which  beleaguered  Troy,  nor  the  Camp  in  which 
a  far  more  recent  Poet  than  Homer  has  fabled  the  confusion  excited  by 
beauty  scarcely  less  resplendent  or  less  mischievous  than  that  of  Helen, 
presented  more  numerous  elements  of  discord  than  did  the  Christian 
host  under  Acre  when  it  was  joined  by  Ccenr-de-Lion.  Such  of  the 
Germans  as  had  survived  the  disasters  consequent  upon  the  loss  of  their 
Emperor,  the  famine  which  had  wasted  them  during  their  passage  through 
Lycaonia,  and  the  more  dangerous  indulgences  which  awaited  their 
arrival  at  Antioch,  were  marshalled  under  the  Landgrave  of  Thuringia. 
Conrad  of  Montferrat,  protected  by  the  King  of  France,  now  openly  ad- 
vanced his  pretensions  to  the  Crown  of  Jerusalem ;  although  the  reign- 
ing Monarch,  Guy  of  Lusignan,  had  recovered  his  liberty;  and  each, 
perhaps,  was  engaged  in  treacherous  correspondence  with  the  Infidels 
whom  he  affected  to  be  combating.  The  Hospitallers  and  Templars 
fought  under  their  respective  Grand  Masters ;  the  Pisans  and  the  Ge- 
noese obeyed  their  native  Generals ;  and  the  peculiar  French,  led  by 
Philip,  carefully  separated  themselves  from  the  motley  band  of  Eng- 
lish, Normans,  Bretons,  and  Aquitainers,  who  followed  the  standard  of 
Richard. 

A  severe  illness  for  a  time  detained  each  of  the  rival  Princes  from 
action,  and  on  their  recovery,  both  found  ample  reason  for  dissension, 
arising  out  of  the  very  Treaty  which  had  been  framed  expressly  to  pro- 
mote their  union.  By  the  terms  of  that  Convention,  all  the  profits  of 
their  enterprise  were  to  be  equally  shared.  Philip  accordingly  claimed 
a  moiety  of  the  Isle  of  Cyprus,  which  Richard  had  conquered  in  his 
passage  from  Sicily,  and  of  some  payments  which  had  been  made  to  him 
by  Tancred.  The  King  of  England,  in  return,  demanded  the  partition 
of  Flanders  and  of  the  Barony  of  St.  Omer,  which  had  accrued  to 
Philip  since  his  embarkation.  It  soon  became  clear  to  each,  upon  a 
closer  examination  of  the  Treaty,  that  it  must  be  restricted  to  acquisitions 
made  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  accordingly  it  was  renewed  with  that 
limitation. 


62.  SURRENDER  OF  ACRE.  [CH.  IV. 

Acre,  at  length,  exhausted  internally,  and  desperate  of  relief  from 
without,  proposed  to  surrender  almost  at  discretion;  but  even  the  boon 
of  life  was  not  granted  unconditionally  to  the  wretched  garrison ;  and 
after  some  unavailing  negociation  with  Saladin,  the  city  was  placed  in 
the  hands  of  the  Christians,  upon  terms  which  the  inhabitants  well 
knew  the  Sultan  would  never  consent  to  ratify.  Unless  Saladin  by 
setting  free  two  hundred  Knights,  and  fifteen  hundred  foot-soldiers  whom 
he  held  in  imprisonment,  by  the  payment  of  200,000  golden  bysants, 
and  by  the  restoration  of  the  true  Cross  which  he  had  captured  at  Tibe- 
rias, should  purchase  the  redemption  of  the  hostages  within  forty  days, 
they  were  to  be  altogether  at  the  disposal  of  their  conquerors.  The 
Sultan  had  already  rejected  similar  propositions,  and  the  fatal  term  ap- 
proached without  change  on  either  part.  On  the  20th  of  August,  the 
day  assigned  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  capitulation,  the  heads  of  2600 
prisoners  were  severed  from  their  bodies  by  the  command  of  Richard  I. ; 
and  a  massacre  not  inferior  in  its  fearful  extent  of  numbers  took  place  in 
the  quarters  of  the  French  *. 

From  the  infamy  of  this  most  bloody  and  disgraceful  act,  than 
which  no  fouler  crime  sullies  the  darkest  page  of  the  History  of  the 
Crusades,  Philip,  however,  fortunately  for  his  memory,  is  personally 
exempt.  In  intellectual  attainments  he  was  at  least  not  exceeded 
by  Richard;  but  the  English  Prince  exhibited  a  superiority  of  bo- 
dily vigour,  a  greater  adroitness  in  military  exercises,  and  a  more 
reckless  and  daring  impetuosity  in  the  field,  which  dazzled  both 
the  Christians  and  the  Saracens;  and  which  have  continued  even  to 
our  own  days,  ( in  which  the  relative  value  of  such  qualities  is  by  no 
means  over-rated,)  to  invest  him  with  the  character  rather  of  one  of  the 
Paladins  of  Romance,  than  of  a  real  personage  belonging  to  sober 
History.  Even  an  inferiority  such  as  this  was  keenly  felt  by  the  King  of 
France,  and  he  was  most  anxious  to  quit  a  theatre  upon  which   he 

could  represent  only  a  secondary  part.  No  sooner,  therefore, 
July  27.       was  the  ultimate  fall  of  Acre  assured,  than  he  pleaded  that 

a  longer  stay  under  the  burning  skies  of  the  East  must  in- 
fallibly deprive  him  of  life ;  and  having  been  released  by  the  King  of 
England  from  the  engagement  which  bound  him  to  remain  in  Palestine, 
and  having  solemnly  renewed  the  oath  by  which  he  undertook  to  respect, 

nay  to  defend  the  dominions  of  his  ally,  even  as  if  they  were 
Aug.  3.      his  own,  he  committed  the  charge  of  his  army  to  Hugh 

Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  embarked  from  Tyre,  with  a  small 
train,  in  three  Genoese  galleys  f.  To  the  Lieutenant  whom  he  thus  left 
behind,  belongs  the  indelible  obloquy  of  participating  in  the  slaughter 
at  Acre. 

*  Roger Hoved en,  pp.  692.  698.  Rigordus  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  36.  Radolphus 
de  Diceto,  ibid.  641. 

f  Benedict.  Petroburg.  ibid.  541. 


A.  I).   1193.]  RETURN    OF    PUIMFPE-AUGUSTB.  M 

But   altliougli    Philip    is  thus  freed  from  a  pressure  of  guilt  and 
cruelty  which  can  never  be  If  mined  from  his  Cnifedcrates,  his  return 
to   Europe   was    marked  by   acts  of  most  dishonorable    perfidy    and 
violence.     $o  early  as  in  his  passage  through  Italy,  upon  the  shores  of 
which    Country    he    landed,    he   applied,  but  in  vain,  to  the  Pope  Ce- 
lestin  III.  for  dispensation  from  that  oath  which  lie  had  just 
sworn  to  Richard;  and  no  sooner  had  he  re-entered  Paris,      Dec.  27. 
ut'u -r  an  absence  of  eighteen  months,  than  he  prepared  an 
atiaek   upon   Normandy  in   direct   violation  of   the  amicable  engage- 
ments v,  hich  he  had  twice  solemnly  contracted.     As  a  prelude  to  this 
-   injustice,    which   he  could    not   but  be   conscious   must   arouse 
ral  reproach, he  endeavoured  to  cultivate  popularity  by  an  affectation 
of  religious  zeal ;  and  in  anticipatory  expiation  of  the  perjury 
which  he  meditated,  he  revenged  the  death  of  a  Christian    a.  d.  1 192. 
who  had  robbed  and  murdered  a  Jew    (and  who,  it  was 
said,  had  been  crucified  by  the  outraged  Family,  with  a  studied  resem- 
blance to  the  circumstances  attendant  on  the  Passion  of  our  Lord  *),  by 
burning  alive,  without  trial,  and  in  his  own  presence,  eighty  victims 
selected  from  that  devoted  and  miserable  Nation. 

To  degrade  the  reputation  of  the  ally  whom  he  designed  to  injure 
appeared  another  essential  preliminary  to  the  dark  course  which  Philip 
was  treacling;  and  he  either  invented  or  encouraged  imputations  equally 
groundless  and  odious  against  Richard.  Thus  it  was  affirmed  that  the 
King  of  England  had  maintained  a  constant  treacherous  intercourse 
with  Saladin ;  that  he  had  conspired  with  the  Saracens  for  the  ruin  of 
Gaza,  Joppa,  and  Ascalon ;  that  he  had  procured  the  murder  of  Conrad 
of  Montferrat;  and  that  he  had  leagued  with  the  Old  Man  of  the 
Mountain  (the  Head  of  a  band  of  Persian  Fanatics,  the  Assassins,  esta- 
blished on  Mount  Libanus)  for  the  death  of  Philip  himself.  A  charge 
so  improbable  as  the  last  was  likely  to  defeat  its  own  purpose;  and  the 
King  of  France  seasonably  repaired  his  improvidence,  by  forging  a 
letter  to  Leopold  of  Austria,  from  the  Eastern  Prince,  in  which  that 
mysterious  Chief  was  made  to  deny  that  any  such  project  had  ever  been 
meditated  f. 

It  was  far  more  easy  to  excite    insurrection    in   the  dominions   of 
Richard,   than  to  create  doubt  concerning  his  loyal: 
a  Christian  Knight;    and  in  John,  his  faithless  brother,    a.  n.  1193. 
was  found  a  ready  instrument  for  this  base  purpose.    With 
the  assistance  of  that  turbulent,  unprincipled,  and  remorseless  Pn 
Philippe  attacked  and  overran  a  great  portion  of  Normandy  ;  and  Rouen 

•  Rigord,  ibid.  p.  36. 

+  This  Letter,  which  is  printed  in  the  VcedefOy  i.  p.  61.  is  examined  in  the  .'. 
defAcad.des  Ins.,  xvi.  p.   loo.     The   two   Memoires  of  If.    Falconet,  accord!: 
Gibbon,  contain   "  all  that  can  be  known  of  the  Assassins  of  Persia  and  Syria," 
u  poured  out  with  copious  and  even  profuse  erudition."     XI.  41  J.  eh.  lxiv. 


G4  CONTINUED  WAR  WITH  RICHARD  I.  [CH.  IV. 

was  almost  the  only  considerable  city  which  repulsed  his  arms.  The 
long  captivity,  during  his  return  from  the  Holy  Land,  to  which  the 
King  of  England  was  doomed,  by  the  virulent  revenge  of  the  Duke 
of  Austria*,  and  by  the  avarice  of  the  Emperor  Henry  VI.,  afforded  time 
and  opportunity  for  the  development  of  Philip's  designs;  and  nearly 
fourteen  months  elapsed  before  the  King  of  England  recovered  his  free- 
dom by  consenting  to  the  payment  of  150,000  marks,  the  enormous 
and  iniquitous  ransom  demanded  by  his  Imperial  gaoler.  Philip 
then  discovered,  to  his  cost,  how  little  confidence  was  to  be  placed  upon 
the  alliance  of  a  traitor.  No  sooner  had  he  learned  the 
a.d.  1194.  arrival  of  Richard  in  England,  than  he  despatched  the  un- 
welcome news  to  John  by  whom  the  defence  of  the  impor- 
tant town  of  Evreux  had  been  undertaken.  The  warning  was  con- 
veyed enigmatically,  "Take  heed  to  yourself,  for  the  Devil  is  un- 
chained f  ;''  and  John,  who  well  understood  its  meaning,  profited  by  the 
early  intelligence  to  secure  reconciliation  with  his  brother.  To  detail 
the  petty  incidents  of  the  warfare  which  raged  with  little  intermission 
during  the  few  remaining  years  of  Richard's  life,  would  be  a  wearisome 
and  a  most  uninstructive  task.  No  events  in  its  course  are  worthy 
either  of  the  rival  of  Saladin,  or  of  the  future  conqueror  of  Normandy  {. 
In  the  contest  for  the  succession  to  the  Empire,  the  two  Kings,  as  may 
be  supposed,  espoused  opposite  candidates §.  Philip  was  in  the  Ghi- 
belin  interest;  Richard,  from  consanguinity  as  well  as  from  remem- 
brance of  the  grievous  injuries  which  he  had  received  from  the  Suabian 
Family,  supported  his  nephew,  Otho  of  Brunswick.    In  Germany,  how- 


*  The  death  of  Leopold  of  Austria,  which  occurred  at  the  close  of  the  year  ]  194, 
was  accompanied  with  circumstances  which  may,  in  some  degree,  excuse  contem- 
poraries for  esteeming  it  a  retributive  judgment.  His  horse  fell  with  him  at  a 
Tournament,  and  shattered  his  leg  so  fearfully,  that  amputation  offered  the  sole 
hope  of  preserving  life.  No  surgeon,  however,  could  be  found  who  possessed  sufficient 
skill  or  hardihood  to  attempt  the  necessary  cure;  and  Leopold,  almost  frantic  with 
excess  of  pain,  after  his  son  had  refused  to  execute  the  deed,  seized  an  axe  which  he 
forced  one  of  his  servants  to  strike  with  a  mallet  until  the  limb  was  severed.  Three 
blows  were  enough  for  the  purpose;  but  the  patient,  as  may  be  imagined,  did  not 
long  survive  the  rude  operation.  The  Clergy  of  Vienna  refused  interment  to  their 
deceased  Prince,  until  the  hostages  detained  to  guarantee  the  King  of  England's 
ransom  were  set  at  liberty.     Roger  Hoveden,  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  574. 

f  Roger  Hoveden,  ibid.  p.  5o9. 

X  M.  de  Sismondi,  vi.  169.  One  skirmish  near  Vendome  produced  an  important 
result  although  the  engagement  itself  was  trifling.  The  Royal  baggage  fell  into  the 
hands  of  an  English  ambuscade ;  and  among  much  other  rich  spoil  were  included 
all  the  Muniments  of  the  Crown  which  had  hitherto  accompanied  the  King's  person. 
In  order  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  a  similar  misfortune,  a  State-Paper-Office  was 
established,  called  at  first  Les  Archives  du  Palais,  and  afterwards  I^e  Tresor  det 
Chartes.     See  the  Mhn.  de  t 'Acad,  des  //«.,  xvi.  p.  ICG. 

§  Philip,  Duke  of  Suabia,  brother  to  the  deceased  Emperor  Frederic  Barbarossa, 
and  uncle  and  guardian  of  Frederic  II.,  a  child  of  five  years  old,  whose  claim  he 
set  aside,  disputed  the  Imperial  Crown  with  Otho,  son  of  Henry  the  Lion,  Duke 
of  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  by  Matilda  (Maude),  a  sister  of  Richard  I.  of  England, 
Pope  Innocent  III.  strenuously  exerted  himself  in  favour  of  the  latter. 


A.D.   1194.]  DKATH  OF  RICHARD  1. 

ever,  the  quarrel  between  France  and  England  was  chiefly  maintained 
by  an  expenditure  of  gold;  it  was  in   Normandy  that  they  encountered 
with  the  sword,  and  wasted  eacli  other's  force  by  most  savage  and  un- 
productive hostilities.     Yet  it  was  not  in  a  conflict  with  the   King  of 
France  that  Richard  was  at  length  to  terminate  his  brilliant  and  unquiet 
course.     An  inglorious  squabble  with  an  obscure  vassal, 
respecting  the  division  of  some  treasure-trove,  laid  low  a   a.d.  1199. 
Warrior  whose  name  had  even  then  become  a  proverb  of     April  6. 
terror  to  Asia,  and  which  still,  after  a  lapse  of  six  Centuries 
and  a  half,  dwells  upon  every  tongue  in  Europe,  whenever  Chivalry  is 
the  theme  under  discussion  *. 

During  the  few  short  intervals  of  Peace  which  had  occurred  in  the 
hitherto  troubled  reign  of  Philip,  he  had  not  been  unmindful  of  the 
Civil  improvement  of  his  People ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  his  Capital  are 
indebted  to  his  activity  for  the  first  attempts  to  rescue  its  foul,  narrow, 
and  mud-embedded  streets  from  the  reproach  which  its  Latin  name 
Lutetia  very  justly  implied.  Philip  expended  much  of  the  treasure, 
hitherto  devoted  solely  to  the  revels  of  the  Court,  in  works  of  public 
utility,  in  the  construction  of  paved  causeways  and  aqueducts,  in  founding 
Colleges  and  Hospitals,  in  commencing  a  new  City  wall,  and  in  the 
erection  of  the  Cathedral  of  NOtre-Dame.  Before  his  expedition  to 
Palestine,  he  had  become  a  widower ;  and  a  fresh  marriage 
which  he  contracted  with  Ingeburge  of  Denmarkf  was  pro-  a.  d.  1194. 
ductive  of  much  unhappiness.  Contemporary  report  speaks 
highly  of  the  virtues  and  the  beauty  of  that  Princess,  and  we  are  left  to 
vague  conjecture  as  to  the  reason  which  induced  the  King  to  separate 
himself  from  her  on  the  very  day  of  his  nuptials  J.  It  seems  probable, 
however,  that  his  affections  were  otherwise  engaged  at  the  time  of  this 
marriage,  and  that  his  chief  inducement  to  its  completion  was  the  poli- 
tical advantage  likely  to  be  derived  from  an  alliance  with  Denmark,  a 
Power  which  cherished  hereditary  animosity  against  England.  No  sooner 
was  the  King's  capricious  distaste  proclaimed  than  a  National  Synod 

*  Richard  I.  was  mortally  wounded  while  besieging  the  Castle  of  Chalnz-Chabrol, 
belonging  to  Guidomar,  Viscount  of  Limoges.  The  noble  declaration  of  Bertrand 
de  Gonrdon,  tbe  Soldier  who,  by  discharging  the  fatal  bolt,  avenged  the  deaths  of 
his  father  and  of  two  brothers,  the  generous  pardon  which  Richard  extended  to 
him,  and  its  faithless  violation  by  Marchades  (or,  as  Velly  says,  by  order  of  Philippe 
Auguste,  ii.  p.  189.)  after  the  King's  demise,  are  facts  too  well  known  to  need 
repetition. 

f  Daughter  of  Valdemar  the  Great,  sister  of  Canute  VI. 

\  Mezeray  settles  the  point  very  quietly:  belle  et  chaste  Princesse,  mats  qui  avoit 
que/que  defaut  secret.  Akfyt  Chron.  ii.  p.  600.  The  elder  authorities  are  very  un- 
certain and  vague  in  their  expressions.  Gervase  of  Durham  says,  Si/bito.  nescio  quiay 
tecretb  accitlit  ut  Rex  suom  quam  optaverat  Reymmn  repudiaret.  p.  67/.  Radulf  de 
Diceto  simply  notices  the  fact  divortium  inter  cos  solemniter  celebration  est  ex  insperatot 
p.  645;  and  Rigord  attributes  it  to  Witchcraft,  the  King  being  inttigemtc  Diabolo, 
quibutsdwn,  ul  diciiur,  maleficiis  per  sortiuriivs  impeditus.  p.  38. 

P 


66  philip's  marriage  and  divorce.  [ch.  iv. 

was  readily  prevailed  upon  to  find  the  necessary  pretext  for  divorce,  in 
consanguinity  between  the  first  and  second  Queens;  but  neither  the 
King  of  Denmark,  brother  of  the  repudiated  bride,  nor  the  Pope  when 
appealed  to,  was  so  easily  satisfied.     After  much  useless  discussion, 

Philip  braved  the  censures  of  the  Holy  See,  and  notwith- 
a.d.  1196.   standing   menaced   Excommunication,  gratified   a   passion 

which  he,  perhaps,  had  long  entertained  for  a  German  Lady, 
Mary  of  Me'ran*,  by  sharing  with  her  his  Crown.  The  cause  of  Inge- 
burge  was  ardently  espoused  by  Innocent  III.  on  his  accession;  and  that 

ambitious  Priest,  seizing  it  as  a  pretext  for  the  exaltation  of 
a.  d.  1200.    Sacerdotal  power,  laid  the  offending  Kingdom  under   an 

Interdict.  When  Philip  resisted  this  despotic  act,  his 
Clergy  were  the  chief  sufferers ;  if  they  disobeyed  the  Pontiff,  they  were 
suspended  from  their  functions,  and  were  cited  to  perform  penance  in 
Rome ;  if  in  accordance  with  his  commands,  they  refused  their  ministra- 
tion in  France,  Philip  expelled  them  from  their  Benefices,  and  confis- 
cated their  revenues.  At  length,  fatigued  rather  than  moved  to  com- 
passion by  the  sufferings  and  complaints  of  his  People,  who  firmly 

believed  that  the  privation  of  religious  offices  was  but  a 
a.d.  1201.    prelude  to  eternal  destruction,  Philip  consented  to  abide 

by  the  decision  of  a  Council.  Rome  was  then  amply  bribed, 
and  it  became  her  policy  to  agree  to  the  divorce;  but  when  the  Pre- 
lates, assembled  at  Soissons,  entered  upon  the  slow  processes  of  Canoni- 
cal legislation,  the  King  was  offended  and  humiliated  at  the  part  of 
defendant  which  they  imposed  upon  him,  and  hastily  withdrew  from  the 
Assembly,  with  an  unexpected  declaration,  that  whatever  might  be  the 
sentence  of  the  Church,  he  would  rejoin  the  wife  from  whom  he  had 
voluntarily  separated  himself.  The  death  of  Mary  of  Meranf  extricated 
both  parties  from  a  quarrel  which  had  thus  become  more  than  ever  in- 
volved; the  children  whom  she  had  borne  to  the  King  were  legitimated 
by  a  Papal  decree ;  and  Ingeburge,  although  ostensibly  reconciled  to 
her  husband,  still  appears  to  have  been  deprived  of  conjugal  rights,  and 
to  have  been  even  retained  in  conventual  seclusion. 

With  the  rapacious,  cowardly,  and  unstable  temper  of  John,  who,  on 

the  death  of  his  brother  Richard,  seized  the  Crown  of  Eng- 
a.  d.  1199.   land,  Philip  was  experimentally  well  acquainted;   and  by 

practising  on  his  necessities,  his  fears,  and  his  weakness,  he 

*  Berthold,  father  of  Mary,  whose  possessions  lay  in  the  Tyrol,  in  Istria,  and  in 
Bohemia,  is  called  by  Rigord  Dux  Meranice  et  Bohemia,  Marchioque  Istricp,  ap. 
Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  46.  Roger  Hoveden  styles  him  Dux  de  Gertest  (or  Guest)  in  Ale- 
mannia,  id.  577.  Rigord  in  the  above  passage  expressly  says  nomine  Mariam  t  later 
writers,  among  whom  is  Henault,  have  called  her  Agnes. 

f  Henault  states  that  Mary  of  Meran,  whom  he  names  Agnes,  died  broken- 
hearted. The  event  is  not  improbable,  but  it  is  not  so  recorded  either  by  Rigord, 
ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  54,  or  by  Roger  Hoveden,  id.  G12,  passages  in  which  the 
Queen's  death  is  related. 


A.  D.  1200.]  ARTnUR  OF  BRETANY.  G7 

by  turns  bribed,  terrified,  and  cajoled  him.  Arthur  of  Bretany  was 
despoiled  by  his  uncle,  and  betrayed  by  the  King  of  France,  upon 
whose  protection  he  had  thrown  himself  j  and  the  last  act  in  the  political 
lift  of  the  ambitious  Eleanor*  (of  whom  we  have  long  omitted  mention, 
and  who  was  now  approaching  her  eightieth  year)  was  the  conveyance 
of  her  grand-daughter,  Blanche  of  Castile,  from  Spain,  as  a  bride  for 
Louis,  the  heir-  apparent  of  France.  This  marriage  was  to  cement  Peace 
with  England,  and  the  rich  dower t  with  which  John  accompanied  it 
was  to  be  the  price  of  the  abandonment  of  Arthur.  But 
when  the  tyranny  and  the  libertinism  of  the  treacherous  a.  n.  1200. 
King  had  excited  rebellion  in  Aquitaine,  the  discontent 
was  secretly  encouraged  by  Philip,  notwithstanding  the  recent  Treaty. 
With  consummate  duplicity,  he  invited  his  ally  to  a  Conference  at 
Andely,  and  entertained  him  with  a  magnificent  show  of  hospitality  in 
Paris,  on  both  which  occasions  he  renewed  his  former  compacts.  But 
these  acts  of  seeming  friendship  did  not  prevent  open  war  when  John 
evaded  a  summons  before  the  Court  of  his  Feudal  Sovereign ;  and  the 
claims  of  Arthur,  who  then  received  Knighthood  from  Philip,  and  was 
betrothed  to  his  daughter  Mary  (a  child  of  six  years  old),  were  again 
advanced,  as  the  pretexts  under  cover  of  which  the  King  of  France 
might  prosecute  his  designs  upon  Normandy.  The  tragical  fate  of  the 
young  Prince  is  variously  related,  for  the  circumstances  under  which  he 
was  deprived  of  life  were  little  likely  to  admit  of  distinct  revelation. 
After  having  been  taken  prisoner  and  transferred  to  different  places  of 
confinement,  he  was  given  up  to  his  remorseless  uncle ;  and  unhappily 
there  are  not  any  redeeming  qualities  in  the  evil  character  of  John 
which  induce  us  to  reject  the  contemporary  belief  that  his  own  hands 
were  employed  in  the  murder  of  his  captive  nephew  J. 

The  general  indignation  excited  by  this  great  crime  assisted  the  views 
of  Philip,  and  from  John,  wholly  abandoned  to  debauchery,  he  en- 
countered little  opposition.  The  siege  of  Andely  delayed  the  progress 
of  the  French  arms  during  five  months ;  but  its  defence  was  conducted, 
not  by  the  King  of  England  himself,  but  by  his  valiant  soldier,  Roger 
de  Lacy,  Constable  of  Chester.  On  its  fall,  John  hastily 
retired  to  England,  and  the  entire  conquest  of  Normandy  a.  d.  1204. 
and  of  Poitou  succeeded  his  flight.  The  heritage  of  the 
Plantagenets,  which  had  been  separated  from  France  during  three  Cen- 
turies, was  regained  in  a  single  campaign  almost  without  a  struggle. 

*  Eleanor,  on  her  return  from  this  Mission,  secluded  herself  in  a  Convent  at 
Fontevraux,  Senio  et  /onyx  itineris  labore  fatigata,  Roger  Hoveden,  p.  603,  where  she 
died  in  1204. 

f  All  the  English  possessions  in  Berry  and  20,000  Marks  of  Silver.  Fvedtra,  i. 
p.  79  :  May,  1200.    Roger  Hoveden,  p.  601. 

%  R.  Coggleshall,  ap.  Bouquet,  xviii.  p.  96.  Matt.  Paris,  p.  208  (Ed.  Watts). 
The  Count  Daru,  who  has  fully  investigated  the  History  of  Arthur,  pronounces 
against  John,  Hist,  de  Bretagne,  torn,  i.  p.  415. 

f2 


68         JOHN  SUMMONED  BEFORE  THE  COURT  OF  PEERS.     [CH.  IV. 

But  the  imbecility  of  John  had  not  yet  been  visited  with  the  full 
measure  of  disgrace  which  it  was  fated  so  deservedly  to  encounter.  His 
Provinces  in  France  had  been  wrested  from  him  by  force  of  arms ;  their 
alienation  was  to  be  confirmed  by  a  solemn  act  of  judicature,  in  which 
the  King  of  England,  arraigned  at  the  bar  as  a  criminal,  was  condemned 
and  sentenced  to  the  punishment  inflicted  on  felony.  Into  the  obscure 
origin  of  the  Court  of  the  Twelve  Peers  of  France*,  its  revival  or  its 
creation  by  Philippe  Auguste,  its  constitution  and  its  authority,  we  by 
no  means  propose  to  inquire ;  and  it  is  sufficient  here  to  state,  that  before 
such  a  Tribunal  John  was  summoned  to  answer  for  the  murder  of 
Arthur  of  Bretany;  and  that  to  repeated  applications  for  a  safe-con- 
duct going  and  returning,  no  other  answer  was  vouchsafed  than  that  he 
might  freely  come  in  peace,  and  so  return  provided  he  were  allowed  by 
the  judgment  of  his  Peers f.  On  a  promise  thus  restricted  he  did  not 
venture  to  confide;  and  an  Arret  of  disinheritance  was  accordingly  pro- 
nounced against  the  contumacious  vassal.  Even  when  at  length,  stimu- 
lated by  the  reproaches  of  his  indignant  Barons,  he  hazarded  dis- 
embarkation with  an  armed  force  at  La  Rochelle,  during 
a.  d.  1206.  Philip's  absence,  the  expedition  served  but  to  increase 
Oct.  26.  his  dishonour.  After  eluding  a  personal  Conference  which 
he  had  demanded,  but  at  which  he  durst  not  present 
himself,  he  bargained  at  Thouars  for  a  two  years  Truce  by  assenting 
to  the  chief  provisions  of  the  judgment  of  the  Court  of  Peers  \. 

Fortune,  however,  once  again  placed  a  powerful  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  this  dastardly  and  despicable  Prince.     Philip  of 
a.  d.  1208.   Suabia,   the  recent  successful  candidate  for  the  Empire, 
June  22.     was  assassinated  in  a  private  feud,  and  Otho,  his  former 
competitor,  wras  at  once  unexpectedly  acknowledged  as  their 
Head  by  the  Germanic  Body.     The  approbation  of  Innocent  III.  con- 
firmed this  election,  and  bestowed  the  Imperial  Crown  upon  a  Guelf 
partizan  whom  Rome  had  always  secretly  favoured,  and  from  whose 
gratitude,   consequently,  implicit   obedience  was  expected.      Between 
John  of  England  and  his  nephew  Otho  a  strict  alliance  had  long  ex- 
isted; and  the  latter,  before  his  accession,  during  a  visit  in  which  he 
had  been  received  with  distinguished  splendour  at  the  English  Court, 
had  pledged  himself  to  assist  in  the  recovery  of  the  lost  Provinces  in 

*  Six  Laics,  representatives  of  those  who  placed  the  Crown  on  the  brows  of 
Hugues  Capet,  the  Dukes  of  Normandy,  of  Aquitaine,  and  of  Burgundy,  the 
Counts  of  Toulouse,  of  Flanders,  and  of  Vermandois,  for  the  last  of  whom  was  sub- 
stituted the  Count  of  Champagne.  Six  Ecclesiastics,  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims 
and  his  suffragans,  the  Bishops  of  Laon,  of  Noyon,  of  Beauvais,  and  of  Chalons, 
to  whom  was  added  the  Bishop  of  Langres,  suffragan  of  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons. 
P.  Brial,  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii. 

f  I/a  sit  si  Parium  suonon  judicium  hoc  permitiat.  Matt.  Paris,  p.  284.     The  date 
of  this  transaction  is  not  there  given,  but  Matthew  Paris  alludes  to  John's  con- 
demnation in  another  passage,  p.  281. 
95. 


A.  D.   1213]       ALLIANCE  BETWEEN  JOHN  AND  THE  EMPEROR  OTHO.  69 

France.  The  promised  aid  of  a  Prince  whom  disaster  had  reduced  to 
his  single  hereditary  State  of  Brunswick  had  little  which  could  give  it 
weight  at  the  time;  yet  John  rewarded  it  by  the  prodigal  disbursement 
of  a  pension  of  5000  marks  ;  and  the  current  of  events  soon  elevated 
the  value  of  his  bargain  to  a  height  which  he  never  could  reasonably 
have  hoped  it  would  attain. 

For  three  years  after  the  accession  of  Otho  the  resentment  which  the 
allied  Princes  cherished  against  France  wanted  opportunity  for  display, 
and  both  of  them  were  fully  occupied  by  domestic  entanglements.  At 
the  expiration  of  that  period,  the  similar  opposition  in  which  each  was 
engaged  against  Rome  increased  their  community  of  interests,  and  esta- 
blished a  yet  more  intimate  alliance  between  them.  John  was  under 
excommunication  on  account  of  his  struggle  for  the  retention  of  Eccle- 
siastical patronage;  Otho  because  he  had  endeavoured  to  strip  Frede- 
ric II.  of  the  sole  possession  now  remaining  to  the  once  great  Family 
of  HohenstaufTen,  the  Crown  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  The  Pope,  indignant 
at  the  refractory  spirit  manifested  by  an  Emperor  to  whose  elevation  he 
had  so  largely  contributed,  undertook  the  defence  of  Frederic;  and  many 
of  the  great  German  vassals  in  consequence  tendered  their  allegiance  to 
that  Prince.  The  policy  of  the  King  of  France  induced  him  to  support 
this  insurrectionary  movement;  and  John,  bound  by  alliance  with  Otho, 
always  jealous  of  Philip  and  in  open  dissension  with  Innocent,  was  eager 
to  take  up  arms  for  the  opposite  party. 

In  order  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  all  his  vassals  in  the  invasion 
of  England  which  he  meditated,  Philip  denounced  John 
as  an  enemy  of  the  Church,  and  proclaimed  that  the  War  a.  d.  1213. 
against  him  was  prompted  solely  by  motives  of  Religion. 
An  assembly  of  the  French  Barons  was  accordingly  convoked  at  Soissons, 
and  Ferdinand,  or  Ferrand  as  he  is  more  generally  named,  Count  of 
Flanders,  appears  to  have  been  the  chief  absentee  from  their  deliber- 
ations. That  Prince,  of  Portuguese  extraction,  had  married  Jane, 
daughter  of  Count  Baldwin  IX.,  whom  the  singular  caprice  of  the  IVth 
Crusade  had  elevated  to  the  Throne  of  Constantinople ;  and  Louis,  the 
eldest  son  of  France,  had  profited  by  an  informality  in  the  preliminary 
arrangements  of  their  nuptials  (to  the  celebration  of  which  the  consent 
of  the  Flemish  States  had  not  been  asked)  to  seize  and  to  retain  by  force 
the  towns  of  Aire  and  of  St.  Omer,  to  which  he  asserted  a  claim  in  right 
of  his  mother.  Ferrand  either  refused  to  attend  at  Soissons,  or  else  to 
stay  after  he  had  repaired  thither,  until  those  fortresses  should  be  again 
surrendered  to  him ;  and  the  consequences  of  this  resistance  were,  as  we 
shall  soon  perceive,  most  prejudicial  to  Flanders. 

As  a  proof  of  his  own  entire  obedience  to  Rome,  Philip  announced 
at  Soissons  his  complete  reconciliation  with  Ingeburge ;  and  so  just  and 
holy  did  the  enterprise  which  he  projected  appear,  that  not  a  single 


70  JOHN  DOES  HOMAGE  TO  THE  POPE.  [CH.  IV» 

Baron  demurred  to  assemble  his  contingent,  and  to  increase  by  it  one  of 
the  most  formidable  armies  which  had  ever  been  gathered  in  France. 
But  the  Legate  Pandolfo,  under  whose  immediate  eye  these  mighty  pre- 
parations were  advancing,  at  the  very  moment  in  which  he  was  stimu- 
lating the  exertions  of  Philip,  was  holding  also  a  secret  correspondence 
with  John.  The  object  of  this  duplicity  was  not  the  relief  of  the  English 
Monarch,  but  the  certain  aggrandizement  of  the  Holy  See,  without  any 
risk  from  the  chances  of  War ;  and  the  subtle  Priest,  by  revealing  to 
John  the  treachery  of  his  own  Nobles  and  the  unbounded  resources  of 
his  enemy,  by  deeply  impressing  upon  his  imagination  the  parallel  case 
of  Harold  before  the  Norman  invasion,  and  by  persuading  him  that  the 
Crown  was  retained  on  his  brow  only  by  a  thread  which  a  breath  might 
loosen,  terrified  the  craven  Prince  into  a  promise  of  almost  unconditional 
obedience.  John  renounced  all  present  and  future  claim. to  investiture; 
recalled  to  their  Country  and  to  their  Benefices  the  Ecclesiastics  whom 
he  had  banished ;  engaged  to  compensate  them  for  the  losses  which  they 
had  incurred ;  and  in  all  disputed  cases  to  admit  the  arbitration  of  the 
Legate  as  final.  The  Pope,  in  return,  consented  to  receive  the  King- 
doms of  England  and  Ireland  as  a  gift  from  their  Sovereign,  and  to 
invest  him  with  them  as  Fiefs  to  be  held  under  the  See  of  Rome,  by  the 
conditions  of  homage  and  the  annual  payment  of  1000  Marks*. 

No  sooner  had  this  ignominious  Treaty  been  ratified  with  ceremonies 

befitting  its  disgraceful  conditions,  than  Pandolfo  announced 

a.  d.  1213.    to  the   King  of  France  that  his  expedition  must  be  aban- 

May  — .      doned,  for  that  to  attack  a  faithful  vassal  of  St.  Peter  would 

be  an  act  of  mortal  sin.  It  was  in  vain  for  Philip  to 
represent  that  his  vast  preparations  had  been  made  not  only  in  concert 
with,  but  even  at  the  suggestion  of  Rome ;  that  he  had  armed  in  sup- 
port of  the  Pontifical  authority,  because  he  had  been  assured  that  by  so 
doing  he  would  expiate  his  own  sinst;  and  that  he  had  already  ex- 
pended much  treasure  in  his  military  outfit.  The  Diplomatist  of  the 
Vatican  continued  inexorable ;  but  he  adroitly  suggested  a  channel  into 
which  the  armament  of  France  might  still  be  directed  with  certainty  of 
reimbursement  for  its  cost.  The  Count  of  Flanders,  he  said,  had  denied 
Philip's  right  to  make  war  upon  John  while  that  King  was  yet  under 
Excommunication,  and  such  disobedience  required  punishment.  Philip 
eagerly  listened  to  the  advice ;  swore  on  the  moment  by  all  the  Saints, 
that  either  France  should  become  Flanders,   or  Flanders  France  j,   and 


*  The  homage  offered  to  Pandolfo  and  the  Legate's  insolent  behaviour  are  noticed 
by  Matt.  Paris,  p.  199.  Ed.  Watts.  John's  Charters  of  resignation  are  printed  in 
the  Fcedera,  i.  p.  115.  The  facts,  notwithstanding  some  doubts  which  have  been 
recently  suggested,  are  proved  by  evidence  the  most  distinct. 

f  Matthew  Paris,  ap.  Bouquet,  p.  700.    H.  Knyghton,  pp.  2418,  2420. 

X  Matt.  Paris,  id,  ibid. 


A.D.   1214.]  nilLIP  BURNS  HIS  FLEET  AT  DAM.  71 

put  his  whole  force  in  motion  to  enrich  himself  with  the  plunder  of  the 
sole  manufacturing  Country  in  Europe. 

The  French  fleet,  which  is  reported  to  have  amounted  to  1700  sail*, 
proceeded  first  to  Gravelincs,  then  to  Dam ;  the  army  marched  by  Cassel, 
Ypres,  and  Bruges,  upon  Ghent,  the  pride  of  which  wealthy  City  it 
announced  its  intention  of  humbling.  Scarcely,  however,  was  the  in- 
vestment begun,  when  Philip  learned  with  indignation  that  the  English 
had  already  captured  a  moiety  of  his  ships  in  the  roadstead  of  Dam,  and 
that  the  remaining  vessels  were  so  closely  blockaded  in  its  harbour,  as  to 
render  extrication  hopeless.  After  having  exacted  30,000  Marks,  as  the 
ransom  of  their  hostages,  from  each  of  the  great  Cities  which  he  had 
already  captured,  the  King  of  France  hastily  retraced  his  steps  in  order 
to  afford  succour  to  Dam.  Two  days  sufficed  for  his  march,  and  he 
arrived  in  sufficient  time  to  relieve  the  garrison.  But  to  rescue  the  fleet 
was  beyond  his  power ;  and  in  order  to  prevent  it  from  becoming  a  prey 
to  the  enemy,  he  destroyed  it  by  fire,  and  then  in  bitter  revenge  for  its 
loss,  committed  the  town  itself  to  a  similar  fate.  Nor  did  his  ravages 
cease  here.  Every  district  through  which  he  passed  in  his  retreat  upon 
the  Seine  was  subjected  to  military  execution ;  the  towns  were  razed 
and  burned ;  the  peasantry  were  put  to  the  sword  or  sold  as  slaves  ;  and 
the  French  army,  before  its  disbandment,  if  not  covered  with  glory,  had 
at  least  amply  satisfied  its  lust  for  rapine. 

But  the  destruction  of  the  French  fleet  had  so  far  inflated  the  hopes 
of  John,  that  he  now  in  turn  projected  a  descent  upon  his  rival's  terri- 
tories,  and  a  reconquest  of  his  lost  Provinces.     No  longer  content  to 
adopt  the  shield  of  Rome  as  a  defence  to  his  weakness,  he 
unsheathed  his  own    sword   for   attack.       The   reluctance    a.  d.  1214. 
manifested  by  his  Barons  to  second  this  design  for  a  while     Feb.  — . 
delayed  his  operations ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  close  of  the 
ensuing  Winter  that  he  was  in  condition  to  disembark  at  La  Rochelle. 

John  was  to  advance  from  the  Loire,  while  his  ally  Otho  made  a 
simultaneous  attack  from  Flanders;  but  the  armaments,  with  that  per- 
verseness  which  so  often  frustrates  movements  intended  to  be  combined, 
took  the  field  quite  independently  of  each  other.  It  was  not  till  the 
fickle  King  of  England,  disappointed  in  his  empty  hope  of  conquest  by 
a  repulse  from  Roche-au-Moine,  had  retired  to  his  transports,  that  the 
Imperial  Army,  as  it  was  called,  in  consequence  of  Otho  being  at  its 
head,  assembled  in  the  Low  Countries.  On  the  27th  of  August  the 
hostile  forces  were  unexpectedly  in  each  other's  presence,  on  the  banks 
of  a  little  tributary  of  the  River  Lys,  near  the  Bridge  of  Bouvines. 
Their  numbers  are  estimated  to  have  been  nearly  equal,  about  20,000 


See  Renault's  remarks,  i.  p.  236. 


*72  BATTLE  OF  BOUV1NES.  [CH.  IV. 

fighting  men  in  each  host*,  and  the  Battle  which  ensued  is,  perhaps, 
the  first  occasion  in  the  Wars  of  the  Middle  Ages  in  which  the  full  value 
of  Infantry  was  perceived.  Philip  was  unhorsed  in  the  heat  of  the 
engagement,  and  but  for  the  almost  impenetrable  armour  in  which  it  was 
the  fashion  of  a  Knight  to  be  cased,  he  would  probably  have  been  killed 
by  the  hooks  and  pikes  of  the  Flemish  Bourgeois.  When  Otho  had 
been  carried  from  the  field  by  his  wounded  and  terrified  horse,  and 
Count  Ferrand  himself,  grievously  hurt,  was  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
French,  the  rout  of  the  Flemings  became  general;  but  night  approached; 
the  prisoners  already  taken  were  too  numerous  and  too  valuable  to  be 
hazarded  by  the  indulgence  of  pursuit;  and  the  trumpets  of  Philip 
sounded  a  recall  before  his  victorious  troops  had  advanced  more  than  a 
mile  from  the  scene  of  conflict t-  The  return  to  Paris  was  a  march  of 
continued  triumph ;  popular  exultation  was  at  its  height ;  five  Counts, 
twenty-five  Bannerets,  and  a  multitude  of  inferior  captives  followed  in 
the  train  of  the  conquerors ;  the  King  generously  abandoned  the  ransom 
of  many  of  his  most  illustrious  prisoners  to  the  Communes  by  whose 
troops  he  had  been  so  faithfully  served ;  the  Capital  evinced  joy  equal 
to  that  which  had  been  shown  in  the  Provinces ;  and  the  Victory  of 
Bouvines  was  long  treasured  in  the  remembrance  of  the  French,  as  one 
of  the  chief  epochs  of  their  National  glory  %, 

This  discomfiture  of  the  Flemings  and  the  retreat  of  the  English  re- 
lieved Philip  from  two  great  embarrassments.  With  Otho  negociation 
was  superfluous,  for  even  before  the  Battle  of  Bouvines  Frederic  II.  had 
deprived  him  of  all  authority  in  the  Empire ;  and  the  fugitive,  seeking 
refuge  after  this  new  defeat  in  his  Castle  of  Hartzberg,  reappears  no 
more  in  History  §.  Jane  of  Flanders  obtained  restoration  of  her  Fief 
which  Philip  had  confiscated;  but  she  failed,  not  with- 
a.  d.  1214.  out  imputation  of  design,  in  her  efforts  to  procure  freedom 
Sept.  — .  for  her  husband  Ferrand  j] .  With  John,  a  Truce  for  five 
years  was  concluded,  on  terms  perhaps  more  easy  than  he 
was  entitled  to  expect. 

During  these  events  in  the  main  Annals  of  France,  some  very  me- 
morable incidents  had  occurred  in  her  Episodical  History  also.  One, 
the  Crusade  of  Children,  which,  if  it  were  not  avouched  by  undoubted 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  vi.  p.  356.  Henault,  i.  p.  237,  adopts  the  more  improbable 
computations  which  raise  the  French  to  50,000,  the  Imperialists  to  three  times 
that  number. 

f  Gulielmus  Armoricus  (of  Bretany),  Philip's  Chaplain,  who  was  stationed 
behind  the  King,  and  who  sang  Psalms  during  the  whole  Battle,  has  narrated  the 
incidents  most  vividly,  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  p.  99. 

\  Regularly  paid  troops  were  first  introduced  into  the  French  army  after  the 
Battle  of  Bouvines,  and  received  the  name  Soldats,  par  ce  que  le  Roy  les  soudoyait, 
Henault,  i.  p.  236. 

§  He  died  in  1218.  I  ||  He  remained  in  prison  till  1226. 


A.  D.  1214.]  CRUSADE  OF  CHILDREN.  >J3 

authority,  would  be  incredible,  and  if  it  had  not  terminated  miserably 
would  have  been  ludicrous,  we  shall  recite  as  nearly  as  possible  in  the 
words  of  a  contemporary*;  from  which  indeed,  on  account  of  its  sin- 
gularity, there  might  be  some  hazard  in  departing.  "  In  the  Summer 
of  1213,  a  certain  Boy,  a  Boy  truly  in  years,  but  in  wickedness 
thoroughly  adult,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Enemy  of  the  human  race, 
wandered  up  and  down  among  the  Cities  and  strong  towns  of  France, 
as  if  he  had  received  a  mission  from  Heaven,  and  always  chanting  in  the 
French  Tongue,  '  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  give  us  back  the  Holy  Cross  ! ■ 
adding  many  ejaculations.  Vast  multitudes  of  Boys  of  the  same  age 
were  induced  by  what  they  saw  and  heard  to  follow  this  guide ;  and, 
infatuated  by  some  Diabolical  spell,  they  quitted  fathers,  mothers,  nurses, 
and  friends,  and  chanted  the  same  stave  with  their  Prsecentor.  Wonder- 
ful as  it  may  appear,  no  bars,  no  bolts,  nor  persuasions  of  their  kinsfolk, 
could  hinder  them  from  pursuing  the  course  which  this  their  Master 
advanced  towards  the  Mediterranean  Sea,  passing  over  the  intermediate 
Country  in  an  orderly  and  disciplined  march,  and  chanting  as  they  went 
along.  So  great  was  the  throng,  that  no  City  could  hold  them  in  its 
walls.  Their  Chief  rode  in  a  Chariot,  strewed  with  cloaks,  and  sur- 
rounded by  an  armed  body-guard  which  shouted  round  its  wheels.  The 
crowd  at  length  became  so  dense,  that  they  trampled  down  each  other. 
Blessed  was  that  hand  esteemed  which  could  gather  up  even  a  thread  or 
purloin  any  of  the  nap  from  the  clothes  of  their  leader.  In  the  end, 
through  the  machinations  of  that  old  Impostor  Satan,  all  of  them  perished 
either  on  Land  or  in  the  Sea." 

Respecting  another,  and  a  far  more  important,  transaction  we  feel 
proportionably  greater  difficulty.  The  Crusade  which  Innocent  III.  and 
the  Cistercian  Monks  excited  against  the  Albigenses  in  the  Southern 
Provinces  of  France  wrould  be  deprived  of  its  chief  interest  if  we  ven- 
tured upon  abridgment ;  and  its  whole  details  are  manifestly  too  exten- 
sive for  our  contracted  limits.  The  narrative  indeed  demands  and 
deserves  entirely  independent  treatment;  and,  fortunately,  in  its  outset, 
it  is  enough  separated  from  the  National  History  to  permit  commence- 
ment at  the  point  in  which  the  connexion  becomes  more  immediate ; 
after  a  survey  of  its  preliminary  course,  rapid  indeed,  but  sufficiently 
distinct  to  render  the  events  which  follow  intelligible. 

The  inhabitants  of  Languedoc,  of  Provence,  and  of  the  neighbouring 
districts,  appear  to  have  been  greatly  in  advance  of  their  Northern  brethren 
in  all  the  Arts  of  cultivated  life;  and  doubtless  to  that  superiority  of  civi- 
lization is  to  be  attributed  their  more  early  discovery,  and  their  conse- 
quent abhorrence  of  the  corruptions  of  Rome.  Without  inquiring  too 
closely  into  the  disputed  origin  of  the  names  Valdenset  and  Albiyenses, 

*  Matt.  Paris,  p.  242.  Bernard  Guido,  in  his  Life  of  Innocent  III.,  estimates 
the  number  of  these  children  at  90,000  ;  part  of  them  embarked  at  Marseilles,  part 
at  Brindisi,  ap,  Muratori.  Script.  I  tat.  iii.  p.  482. 


*74  THE  ALBIGENSES.  [CH.  IV. 

or  into  the  precise  nature  of  all  the  doctrines  which  those  Sects  professed, 
it  is  evident  that  several  of  their  tenets  may  be  identified  with  those 
which  became  more  firmly  established  in  the  XVIth  Century.  The 
Romish  Hierarchy  as  yet,  however,  had  been  unaccustomed  to  oppo- 
sition, at  least  in  Spiritual  affairs ;  and  it  was  swayed  at  the  period 
upon  which  we  are  about  to  enter  by  one  of  the  most  intelligent, 
enlightened,  and  unscrupulous  Pontiffs,  who  ever  sought  to  extend 
the  influence  of  his  See.  Innocent  III.  in  organizing  the  persecution 
of  the  Catharins,  the  Patarins,  and  the  Pauvres  de  Lyons,  exer- 
cised a  spirit,  and  displayed  a  genius  similar  to  those  which  had  already 
elevated  him  to  almost  universal  dominion;  which  had  enabled  him 
to  dictate  at  once  to  Italy  and  to  Germany;  to  control  the  Kings  of 
France,  of  Spain,  and  of  England ;  to  overthrow  the  Greek  Empire ; 
and  to  substitute  in  its  stead  a  Latin  dynasty  at  Constantinople.  In 
the  zeal  of  the  Cistercian  Order,  and  of  their  Abbot,  Arnaud  Amalric ; 
in  the  fiery  and  unwearied  preaching  of  the  first  Inquisitor,  the  Spanish 
Missionary,  Dominic ;  in  the  remorseless  activity  of  Foulquet,  Bishop  of 
Toulouse;  and,  above  all,  in  the  strong  and  unpitying  arm  of  Simon  de 
Montfort,  Earl  of  Leicester,  Innocent  found  ready  instruments  for  his 
purpose.  Thus  aided,  he  excommunicated  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  as 
Chief  of  the  Heretics,  and  he  promised  remission  of  sins,  and  all  the 
privileges  which  had  hitherto  been  exclusively  conferred  on  adven- 
turers in  Palestine,  to  the  champions  who  should  enrol  themselves  as 
Crusaders  in  the  far  more  easy  enterprise  of  a  Holy  War 
a.  d.  1209.  against  the  Albigenses.  In  the  first  invasion  of  his  terri- 
tories, Raymond  VI.  gave  way  before  the  terrors  excited  by 
the  300,000  Fanatics  who  precipitated  themselves  on  Languedoc ;  and 
loudly  declaring  his  personal  freedom  from  Heresy,  he  surrendered  his 
chief  Castles,  underwent  a  humiliating  penance,  and  took  the  Cross 
against  his  own  subjects.  The  brave  resistance  of  his  nephew  Raymond 
Roger,  Viscount  of  Bezieres,  deserved  but  did  not  obtain  success.  When 
the  Crusaders  surrounded  his  Capital,  which  was  occupied  by  a  mixed 
population  of  the  two  Religions,  a  question  was  raised  how,  in  the  ap- 
proaching sack,  the  Catholics  should  be  distinguished  from  the  Heretics. 
"  Kill  them  all,"  was  the  ferocious  reply  of  Amalric ;  *  the  Lord  will 
easily  know  His  own*."  In  compliance  with  this  advice,  not  one  human 
Being  within  the  walls  was  permitted  to  survive ;  and  the  tale  of  slaughter 
has  been  variously  estimated ;  by  those  who  have,  perhaps,  exaggerated 
the  numbers,  at  60,000,  but  even  in  the  extenuating  despatch,  which  the 
Abbot  himself  addressed  to  the  Pope,  at  not  fewer  than  15,000  t- 

Raymond  Roger  was  not  included  in  this  fearful  massacre,  and  he  re- 
pulsed two  attacks  upon  Carcassonne,  before  a  treacherous  breach  of  faith 

*  Raynaldi  Annul.  Eccl.  ad  ami.  1209,  §  22.   Hist,  de  Languedoc  (Vai  et  Vaissette), 
xxi.  pp.  57,  169. 

\lEpist.  Innoc.  III.  xii.  p.  108. 


A.  D.  1215.]  SIMON  DE  MONTFORT.  »J5 

placed  him  at  the  disposal  of  l)e  Montfort,  by  whom  he  was  poisoned 
after  a  short  imprisonment.  The  removal  of  that  young  and  gallant 
Prince  was  indeed  most  important  to  the  ulterior  project  of  his  captor, 
who  aimed  at  permanent  establishment  in  the  South.  The  Family  of  De 
Montfort  had  ranked  among  the  Nobles  of  France  for  more  than  two 
Centuries ;  and  it  is  traced  by  some  writers  through  an  illegitimate 
channel  even  to  the  Throne*:  but  the  possessions  of  Simon  himself 
were  scanty  ;  necessity  had  compelled  him  to  sell  the  County  of  Evreux 
to  Philippe  Auguste;  and  the  English  Earldom  of  Leicester  which  he 
inherited  maternally,  and  the  Lordship  of  a  Castle  about  ten  leagues 
distant  from  Paris,  formed  the  whole  of  his  revenues.  Much  distinction 
had  attended  him  in  the  IVth  Crusade ;  and  personal  valour,  austerity  of 
manners,  an  iron  frame  both  of  mind  and  body,  inflexibility  of  purpose, 
ambition  tempered  by  subtlety,  and  fanaticism  which  inspired  a  con- 
viction that  perfidy  and  cruelty  became  virtues  when  employed  in  behalf 
of  his  Faith,  combined  to  render  him  one  of  the  heaviest  scourges  which 
has  ever  been  wielded  by  Persecution. 

Without  following  De  Montfort  step  by  step  in  his  cruelties  and  his 
conquests,  we  shall  proceed  at  once  to  his  great  Victory  at 
Biuret,  in  which  the  overthrow  and  death  of  Pedro  King  of  a.  d.  1213. 
Aragon  deprived  the   Toulousains  of  their  last  and  most    Sept,  12. 
powerful  ally.     The  object  of  the  Crusade  might  have  been 
then  thought  accomplished ;  for  of  the  Albigenses,  few,  if  any,  were 
remaining  for  sacrifice.     But  the  fervour  which  had  originally  supplied 
the  army  of  the  Church  with  combatants  by  no  means  subsided  simulta- 
neously with  the  cause  which  had  given  it  birth ;  and  new  votaries  per- 
petually coveted  Indulgences  which  were  to  be  purchased  by  a  short  and 
easy  warfare. 

In  the  Spring  of  1215,  Louis  of  France,  the  heir  of  Philip,  notified 
his  intention  of  serving  the  prescribed  term  of  forty  days  against  the 
Albigenses ;  and  this  first  personal  interposition  of  one  closely  connected 
with  the  Throne,  was  regarded  by  De  Montfort  with  jealous  suspicion. 
The  usurpations  of  that  victorious  soldier  had  not  yet  been  formally  con- 
firmed ;  and  it  seemed  probable  that  Louis  might  either  assert  claims  for 
himself,  or  be  persuaded  to  undertake  the  protection  of  his  near  relative 
the  Count  of  Toulouse.  These  fears,  however,  proved  groundless :  Louis, 
who  was  actuated  by  motives  of  devotion,  not  of  policy,  having  per- 
formed his  vow,  returned  to  the  North;  and,  not  many  months  after  his 
campaign,  the  IVth  Council  of  Lateran  declared  the  Preaching  against 
the  Albigenses  to  be  at  an  end ;  and,  stripping  Raymond  of  Toulouse  of 
all  his  possessions,  except  the  County  of  Venaissin,  and  the  Marquisate 
of  Provence,  conferred  their  investiture  upon  Simon  de 
Montfort.  Philip,  in  the  following  year,  admitted  this  new  April  1216. 
vassal  to  the  performance  of  homage,  received  him  with 
*  To  a  natural  son  of  Robert. 


*16  INVASION  OF  ENGLAND  BY  LOUIS.  [CH.  IV. 

marks  of  distinguished  favour,  and  acknowledged  his  establishment  under 
the  substantial  titles  of  Duke  of  Narbonne,  Count  of  Toulouse,  Viscount 
of  Bezieres  and  of  Carcassonne. 

Meantime,  the  discontents  in  England  had  nearly  transferred  that  King- 
dom to  foreign  rule.  John  eagerly  sought  to  be  relieved  from  the  Great 
Charter  which  he  had  sworn  to  observe ;  and  the  Pope,  not  less  anxious 

to  maintain  the  power  of  a  vassal,  whose  obedience  he  had  now 
a.  d.  1215.    secured,  than  he  had  formerly  been  to  secure  that  obedience, 

pronounced  the  Charter  to  be  vile,  shameful,  illegal,  and 
iniquitous*,  and  excommunicated  the  Barons  who  adhered  to  that  com- 
pact. By  promises  of  the  spoil  of  their  opponents,  John,  whose  treasury 
was  exhausted  by  prodigal  expenditure,  tempted  a  ferocious  band  of 
adventurers  disengaged  from  the  Albigensian  Crusade,  and  from  other 
services  in  which  they  had  of  late  years  been  occupied,  to  embark  in  his 
cause;  and  the  Barons,  on  the  other  hand,  in  order  to  free  themselves 
from  the  tyranny  of  a  perjured  King,  sought  assistance  from  Philip, 
and  invited  his  Son  Louis  to  take  possession  of  the  Crown  of  England. 
Philip,  however,  was  by  no  means  inclined  to  provoke  a  dispute 
with  Rome,  which  had  openly  declared  John  to  be  under  her  protection ; 
and  the  course  which  he  adopted  was  probably  a  juggling  trick  concerted 
with  his  son,  in  order  to  elude  the  resentment  of  the  Vatican,  and  yet 
not  to  lose  the  chance  of  gratifying  his  ambition.  He  refused  assent  to 
the  preparations  of  Louis,  without  opposing  any  effectual  obstacle  to 
their  completion.  The  young  Prince,  accordingly,  manned  upwards  of 
400  sail,  and,  landing  in  the  Isle  of  Thanet,  marched  at  once  upon 
London.  In  that  Capital,  he  wras  hailed  with  enthusiastic  joy ;  the  chief 
insurgent  Barons  tendered  their  homage;  and  received  counter-assur- 
ances that  he  would  protect  their  existing  laws  and  privileges,  and 
restore  their  confiscated  Fiefs  f.  So  general  was  the  revolt,  that  the 
Castles  of  Dover  and  of  Windsor  were  the  only  fortresses  of  the  South 
which  remained  faithful  to  John,  who  not  daring  to  confront  the  invader 
retired  upon  Winchester.  The  claim,  however,  which  Louis  asserted 
was  untenable,  even  if  the  act  of  the  Barons  in  dethroning  their  King  had 
possessed  any  show  of  legitimate  right.  It  was  founded  upon  the  title  of 
his  wife,  Blanche  of  Castile,  daughter  of  Eleanor,  a  sister  of  John. 
But  not  only  was  John  the  parent  of  children  whose  succession  could 
not  be  justly  affected  by  the  deposition  of  their  father,  but  there  existed 
several  descendants  from  collateral  branches  elder  than  that  of  Eleanor  J. 

*  Litter ce  Inn.  III.  Boronibus  Anglice.     Sept.  1215.    Fcedera,  i.  136. 

f  Matt.  Paris,  282. 

%  The  title  assumed  by  Louis  spoke  his  own  misgiving :  he  called  himself 
Premier-ne  du  Seigneur  Roi  de  France,  than  which  nothing  could  be  more  remote 
from  pretension  to  the  Crown  of  England.  Besides  John's  children,  the  Princess 
of  Bretany,  the  Emperor  Otho,  and  the  Queen  of  Leon  had  rights  prior  to  those  of 
Blanche. 


A.  D.  1217.]  niS  RETREAT.  77 

It  was  to  the  sword,  therefore,  the  ultimate  arbiter  of  most  contested 
Kingdoms,  that  the  final  appeal  was  likely  to  be  made;  and  the  chances 
of  its  decision  were  apparently  most  unfavourable  to  the  reigning 
Family. 

This  seemingly  falling  cause  was  accelerated  in  its  decline  by  the  death 
of   Innocent  III.;  its  ruin  was  arrested  by  that  of  John 
himself,  which   succeeded  about  three  months   afterwards.    July  16. 
Chagrin  at  an  important  military  loss  affected  the  Tyrant's     Oct.  19. 
health ;  and  it  is  probable,   as  some  contemporary  writers 
affirm,  that  his  days  were  terminated  by  poison  *.     The  Barons  had  not 
failed  to  perceive  that  Louis,  instead  of  warring  for  their  emancipation, 
had  already  occupied   every  Castle  which  fell  into  his  hands  with    a 
French  garrison ;  and  they  became  keenly  alive  to  an  apprehension  that 
by  elevating  him  to  the  Throne,  they  were  in  truth  only  substituting  the 
yoke  of  foreign  conquest  for  that  of  domestic  oppression.     From  the  rule 
of  the  eldest  son  of  their  late  King,  at  that  time  a  child  in  his  tenth 
year,  they  had  little  to  fear,  and  with  him  also  they  might  barter  for  a 
Constitution.      Henry  III.,  accordingly,   received   a   daily  increase  of 
partizans,  and  it  was  only  in  London  that  the  authority  of  the  invader 
continued  undisputed. 

Louis  marked  this  growing  disaffection  with  anxious  vigilance ;  and 
when  he  received  warning  that  Honorius  III.,  the  successor 
of  Innocent,  was  about  to  issue  against  him  the  most  solemn    a.d.  1217. 
Excommunication  with  which  the  Church  of  Rome  was  used 
to  accompany  her  censures,  he  determined  upon  a  personal  application 
to  his  father  for  assistance.     Philip,  at  least  openly,  refused  all  aid; 
and  the  French  Prince,  upon  his  return  to  England,  found  that  his  short 
absence  had  materially  diminished  his  party.     A  defeat  at 
Lincoln  (in  which  the  rout  was  so  total,  and  the  spoil  so      May  19. 
rich,  that  the  conquerors  in  derision  named  the  engagement 
Lincoln  Fair  t)  yet  further  contributed  to  his  dismay  ;  and  the  dispersion 
of  a  fleet,  which  Blanche,  whose  energy  and  affection  were  unwearied, 
fitted  out  with  reinforcements,  deprived  him  of  all  hope  of  future  success. 
It  was  by  no  means  the  policy  of  the  supporters  of  Henry  III.  to  protract 
a  Civil  war;  and  the  Earl  of  Pembroke  as  Regent  willingly 
accepted  the  first  overtures  made  by  Louis  for  Peace.     By     Sept.  11. 
the  Treaty  which  permitted  his  evacuation  of  England,  he 
released  all  his  partizans  from  their  allegiance,  and  formally  renounced 
his  pretension  to  the  Crown ;  at  the  same  time  most  honourably  stipu- 
lating, that  the  Barons  by  whom  he  had  been  supported  should  be 

*  Matt.  Paris  does  not  notice  the  rumour  of  poisoning,  which,  however,  is  cre- 
dited by  II.  Knvghton,  2425,  and  by  W.  Hemingford,  op.  Gale.  Script.  Her.  Any. 
ii.  p.  560. 

f  H.  Knvghton,  2429.  R.  Coggleshall,  113.  Roger  Hoveden,  134.  Annates 
JJ'averteierwes,  205. 


18  DEATH  OF  SIMON  DE  MONTFORT.  [cil.  IV. 

restored  to  their  Fiefs,  with  full  immunity  for  the  part  which  they  had 
taken*.  Unlike  most  other  discomfited  invaders,  Louis  quitted  the 
shores  from  which  he  had  been  repulsed,  with  the  consolatory  reflection, 
that  those  by  whom  he  had  been  invited,  and  whom  he  was  compelled 
to  abandon,  were  not  exposed  to  destruction  on  account  of  their 
fidelity. 

During  these  occurrences  in  England,  the  continued  barbarity  of 
De  Montfort  had  provoked  a  renewal  of  War  on  the  Rhone ;  and  acts 
of  treachery  the  most  savage  marked  every  variety  of  fortune  which  he 
underwent.  His  ascendant,  however,  was  manifestly  passed  ;  and  the 
universal  detestation  which  his  cruelty  had  inspired  predominated  over 
even  the  terror  of  his  name,  and  armed  almost  every  hand  against  him. 
Toulouse  was  in  perpetual  revolt,  and  defied  all  his  efforts,  whether  of 

fraud  or  of  violence ;  till,  during  a  third  siege  to  which  he 

a.  d.  1218.    had  led  his  forces,  a  huge  stone,  discharged  from  a  mangonel 

June  25.     on   the  walls,   terminated  the  career  of  this  unrelenting 

Fanatic.  His  son  Amaury,  by  whom  he  was  succeeded  in 
command,  was  compelled,  after  many  fruitless  assaults,  to  abandon  the 
enterprise.  To  the  prowess  of  a  son  of  Raymond  VI.,  who  shared  the 
name  and  authority  of  his  father,  whom  he  greatly  exceeded  in  energy, 
was  owing  the  gallant  rescue  of  Toulouse,  and  the  subsequent  recovery 
of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  lost  dominion.  But  the  Court  of  Rome 
witnessed  with  regret  the  downfall  of  that  power  which  De  Montfort 
had  erected  under  its  auspices ;  and  it  assisted  Amaury,  by  allowing  him 
a  moiety  of  the  twentieth  just  imposed  upon  the  Clergy  of  France,  for 
the  service  of  the  Vth  Crusade. 

With  the  force  raised  by  this  subsidy,  Louis  of  France  repaired  to 

join  Amaury  in  the  investment  of  the  Castle  of  Marmande. 
a.  d.  1219.    In  blindness  of  zeal  against  imputed  Heresy,  the  young 

Prince  was  scarcely  exceeded  by  any  enthusiast  of  his  time, 
but  a  more  delicate  sense  of  honour  than  seems  to  have  been  cherished 
by  the  Ecclesiastics  who  accompanied  his  camp  saved  him  from  the 
infamy  of  violating  his  pledged  faith,  when  he  was  urged  by  them  to 
condemn  to  the  stake  the  whole  garrison,  which  had  capitulated  on 
assurance  of  personal  safety.  Amaury  did  not  equally  respect  the  laws 
of  War ;  and  while  Louis  was  engaged  in  protecting  one  portion  of  the 
inhabitants,  who,  relying  upon  his  promise,  had  laid  aside  all  means  of 
defence,  his  confederate,  treading  in  the  steps  of  his  father,  commanded 
an  indiscriminate  massacre  of  the  remaining  population.  Babes  and 
women  were  included  in  the  sacrifice,  which  swept  away  5000  victims. 
But  this  inhuman  slaughter  disappointed  the  hopes  of  its  perpetrator, 
and  instead  of  alarming  the  Toulousains  into  prompt  submission,  it 
increased  the  pertinacity  of  their  resistance.    When  they  learned  further- 

*  The  Treaty  is  printed,  Foederu,  i.  148. 


A.  D.   1223.]  DELIVERANCE  OF  TOULOUSE.  79 

more,  that  the  Papal  Legate  in  the  besieging  army  which  moved  down 
upon  them  had  registered  a  vow,  not  to  permit  one  human  Being,  male 
01  female,  old  or  young,  to  survive,  nor  one  stone  to  surmount  another 
within  their  gates,   this  ardour  was  heightened  to  desperation  ;    and 
Raymond  and  the  1000  Knights  who  followed  his  banner  found  un- 
expected support  from  Burghers  hitherto  unused  to  arms.     The  diseases 
of  a  hot  climate  and  of  an  unhealthy  season,  and  frequent  sorties  of  a 
garrison  thus  resolute,  thinned  the  ranks  of  the  Crusaders.     Division 
also  was  rife  in  their  Councils  ;  for  the  zealots  looked  with  suspicion  on 
the  comparative  moderation  of  Louis.    As  the  term  of  Feudal 
service  expired,  his  troops  gradually  withdrew ;  and  after     Aug.  1. 
about  six  weeks  employed  under  the  walls  of  Toulouse, 
with  great  loss  both  of  lives  and  of  reputation,  he  burned  his  engines 
and  artillery,  and  commenced  a  hasty  retreat. 

Three  years  of  ineffectual  struggle  succeeded,  during  which  Amaury 
was  almost  entirely  stripped  of  his  father's  conquests,  and 
lost  every  hope  of  restoration.  The  spirit  which  had  so  a.  d.  1222. 
long  animated  the  Languedocian  Crusaders  had  become 
extinct,  or  was  diverted  into  other  channels ;  and  the  open  perils  of 
Egypt  or  of  Palestine  seemed  to  those  whom  Devotion  still  engaged  as 
soldiers  of  the  Church  far  more  tolerable,  and  less  to  be  dreaded  than 
the  secret  vengeance  of  the  Provencal  dagger,  which  sooner  or  later 
overtook  every  partizan  of  the  hated  Race  of  De  Montfort.  Thus  des- 
titute and  discouraged,  Amaury  offered  to  cede  to  Philip  that  inhe- 
ritance which  in  truth  he  no  longer  possessed  :  but  advancing  years  and 
infirmities  had  deadened  in  the  King's  breast  all  passion  for  uncertain 
enterprise;  and  he  found  sufficient  pretext  for  declining  the  specious 
offer,  notwithstanding  it  was  urged  upon  him  by  the  solicitation  of  Rome. 

Already  indeed  was  Philip  under  the  influence  of  a  disease  which, 
after  many  months  of  slow  languishing,  terminated  his  life. 
During  a  long  reign  of  forty-four  years,  he  had  more  than   a.  d.  1223. 
doubled  in  extent  the  territory  which  had  descended  to  him      July  14. 
from  his  predecessor;    he  had  elevated  himself  from  the 
dubious  tenure  of  the  mere  Head  of  a  Feudal  Aristocracy  to  the  con- 
firmed authority  of  a  Feudal  King ;  he  had  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
Constitutional  Monarchy  ;  he  had  advanced  Literature  and  the  Arts  by 
inviting  to  the  School*  of  Paris  the  most  distinguished  Students  of  his 
Age,  and  by  expending  large  sums  in  remunerating  their  discoveries ; 
and  although  we  may  smile  at  the  contemporary  flattery  which  assimi- 
lated his  Capital  to  Athens,  and  pronounced  France  to  be  more  highly 
cultured  than  Egypt  during  its  zenith f,  uo  scanty  praise  is  due  to  a 

*  It  was  not  dignified  with  the  title  University  till  the  reign  of  St. Louis.  Vtlly, 
ii.  255. 

f  In  diebus  if/is  studium  literarum  Jiorebai  Parisius,  nee  legimus  tanlatn  a/iquandofuisse 
scholarium  frequentiam  Athenk  vel  Mgypto,  vel  in  qvd/tbet  parte  tnundi,  quanta  locum 


80  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER  OF  PHILIPPE  AUGUSTE.  [CH.  IV. 

Prince  who,  amid  the  prevalent  barbarism,  ignorance,  and  darkness  by 
which  he  was  surrounded,  excited  or  assisted  the  intellectual  improve- 
ment of  his  People.  Architecture  was  among  his  favourite  pursuits; 
and  instead  of  confining  himself,  as  had  hitherto  been  customary  with 
Royal  Builders,  to  the  erection  of  Churches,  he  raised  many  useful 
edifices  for  secular  purposes  also.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  liberal 
disbursements  which  he  was  ever  prepared  to  make  for  works  of  public 
utility,  so  admirable  were  the  regulations  which  he  had  introduced  into 
Finance,  that  the  vast  treasure  bequeathed  by  his  "Will  is  a  subject  of 
just  surprise.  The  Church,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  a  large  sharer  in 
his  legacies.  "  Christ,"  says  an  Ecclesiastic  of  the  time,  "  was  the 
heir  of  this  King  gorged  with  riches*."  His  executors  were  instructed 
in  the  outset  to  apply  50,000  livres  (a  sum  estimated  at  the  present 
value  of  1, 200,000) t  to  make  conscientious  restitution  in  all  cases  in 
which  they  believed  that  the  King  had  committed  an  injustice.  The 
Templars  and  Hospitallers,  the  Abbey  of  St.  Denis,  that  of  St.  Victor 
which  he  had  founded  near  Charenton,  and  the  Poor  of  Paris  were 
especially  remembered;  and  20,000  livres  were  given  to  Amaury  de 
Montfort  for  the  extirpation  of  the  Albigenses.  The  last,  and,  in  most 
instances,  the  least  considerable,  donations  were  reserved  for  his  own 
Family ;  and  for  his  widow  Ingeburge  "and  his  son  Philip  J  10,000 
livres  each  were  considered  a  sufficient  provision.  Louis,  his  successor, 
was  to  enjoy  the  residue  of  his  accumulated  wealth;  and  the  sum  which 
he  was  thus  to  inherit  was  either  purposely  left  blank,  or  was  erased 
from  the  Will§. 


CHAPTER  V. 

From  a.d.  1223,  to  a.  d.  1248. 

Louis  VIII. — Conquests  in  Poitou — Baldwin  of  Fianders — Crusade  against  Ray- 
mond VII.  of  Toulouse — Siege  and  capture  of  Avignon — Retreat  and  Death  of 
Louis  VIII. — Blanche  and  Thibaud  of  Champagne— Louis  IX. — Disaffection  of 
the  chief  Nobles  during  his  Minority — Siege  and  capture  of  Toulouse — Subju- 

prcedictum  siudendi  gratia  incolebat.  Gul.  Armoricus  ap.  Bouquet,  xvii.  82.  Is  it  worth 
while  to  mention  here  that  Parisius  (and  similarly  Gabius,  Tarquinius,  fyc.J  is  the 
Low  Latin  usage  for  Paiisiis  ?     Lutetia  Parisius  is  Lutece  en  Parisy. 

*  Chron.  Turonense,  303. 

f  M.  de  Sismondi,  vi.  525. 

I  Philippe  Hurepel,  ou  le  Rude,  a  son  by  Mary  of  Meran,  whose  legitimacy~was 
always  contested. 

§  Gul.  Armoricus,  ap.  Bouquet,  xviii.  114.  The  Will  is  printed  more  correctly 
there  than  it  is  by  Duchesne,  v.  201. 


A.  D.   1223.]  ACCESSION  OF  LOUIS  Vllf.  81 

gation  of  Raymond  VII. — "War  against  Thihaud  of  Champagne — His  elevation 
to  the  Tin-one  of  Navarre — Majority  of  Lonis  IX. — Purchase  of  the  Crown  of 
Thorns — Foundation  of  /-</  Saimie  Ckapefk — Enmity  of  Gregory  IX.  against  the 
Emperor  Frederic  II. — The  Imperial  Crown  tendered  hy  the  Pope  to  Rohert  of 
Artois — Reply  of  the  French  Court— The  English  invade  Poitou — Their  disasters 
— Truce — Innocent  IV.  elected  Pope — Fixes  his  residence  at  Lyons — Illness  of 
Lonis  IX. — He  assumes  the  Cross — Marriage  of  Charles  of  Anjou  with  Beatrice 
of  Provence — Stratagem  practised  hy  the  King  to  increase  the  numher  of  Cru- 
saders—  Prolongation  of  the  Truce  with  England — Louis  embarks  for  the  Crusade. 

The  short  reign  of  Louis  VIII.  presents  few  incidents  worthy  of  record, 
and  may  indeed  be  considered  as  little  more  than  a  supple- 
ment to  the  long  and  glorious  rule  of  his  father.  So  strong  a,d.  1223. 
an  assurance  did  Philippe  Auguste  entertain  of  the  stability 
of  his  power,  that  he  had  neglected  the  precaution  hitherto  observed  by 
every  King  of  the  Third  Race ;  and  Louis  celebrated  his  Sawe  without 
previous  Association.  Henry  III.  of  England  refused  attendance  at  the 
Coronation,  and  instead  of  presenting  himself  at  Rheims,  he  sent  an 
embassy  to  demand  restitution  of  the  Fiefs  which  had  been  conquered 
from  his  father.  Under  the  pretext  of  revenging  this  insult,  and 
tempted  by  the  weakness  of  a  Minority,  Louis,  in  opposition  to  the 
expressed  prohibition  of  Rome,  determined  to  wrest  from  the  English 
Crown  the  remainder  of  its  Continental  possessions.  In  the  Summer  of 
1224  he  overran  Poitou,  captured  La  Rochelle,  the  only  town  which 
appears  to  have  offered  any  serious  resistance,  and  extended  his  conquests 
along  the  whole  Northern  bank  of  the  Garonue. 

A  popular  movement  in  Flanders  excited  by  a  remarkable  event, 
which  still  remains,  and  must  now  for  ever  remain  one  of  the  unresolved 
problems  of  History,  soon  diverted  the  arms  of  Louis  to  another  quarter 
of  his  dominions.  Twenty  years  before,  after  the  Latin  conquest  of 
Constantinople,  the  united  suffrages  of  the  French  and  Venetians  had 
raised  Baldwin  IX.,  Count  of  Flanders,  to  the  Throne  of  the  Eastern 
Empire.  His  reign  was  of  short  duration ;  and  after  eleven  months  of 
turbulent  rule,  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bulgarians,  in  a  victory 
which  they  obtained  near  Adrianoplc.  The  subsequent  fate  of  the 
captive  Emperor  was  unknown ;  rumour  indeed  stated  that  a  horrible 
death  had  been  inflicted  by  the  Barbarian  King  Joannice ;  but  so  little 
credit  was  attached  to  this  report,  that  Henry,  brother  of  the  absent 
Prince,  delayed  for  sixteen  months  his  assumption  of  the  Crown  to 
which  he  was  proclaimed  successor.  On  Henry's  death,  the  sceptre  of 
the  East  passed  to  a  new  Family  ;  and  the  misfortunes  of  Baldwin  were 
almost  forgotten,  when  a  personage  whose  features  were  ad- 
mitted strikingly  to  resemble  those  of  the  lost  Emperor,  a.  d.  1225. 
with  such  alterations  only  as  were  attributable  to  increased  April  — . 
age  and  lengthened  suffering,  presented  himself  in  Flanders, 
and  related  a  not  improbable  story  of  frightful  captivity  in  Bulgaria, 

G 


82  BALDWIN  OF  FLANDERS.  [CH.  V. 

and  of  his  method  of  escape;  and  finally,  as  the  rightful  Baldwin, 
demanded  re-investiture  with  the  Government,  which  had  passed  in  due 
succession  to  his  daughter  Jane. 

Jane  was  eminently  and  deservedly  unpopular  among  her  subjects ; 
her  sway  was  harsh ;  she  lived  in  scandalous  defiance  of  public  repute 
and  feminine  honour ;  she  had  allowed  her  husband  Ferrand  to  linger 
through  ten  years  of  imprisonment,  by  her  refusal  to  defray  his  ransom ; 
and  she  supported  her  despotism  by  an  unnatural  alliance  with  his 
gaoler,  the  King  of  France.  On  these  accounts,  and  from  the  remem- 
brance of  his  gentle  rule,  the  tale  of  the  real  or  pretended  Baldwin  was 
received  with  open  and  assenting  ears;  every  town  in  Flanders  ad- 
mitted his  claims  with  avidity;  and  Jane,  flying  before  the  general 
revolt,  sought  refuge  in  Paris,  and  demanded  aid  from  Louis. 

While  the  King  of  France  was  actively  engaged  in  preparations  for 
armed  interference,  the  tardy  and  faithless  alliance  of  Henry  III.  was 
promised  to  the  Flemings.  A  War  in  the  Low  Countries  afforded 
prospect  of  rich  spoil,  and  was  therefore  most  alluring  to  the  French 
Knights;  in  England,  on  the  other  hand,  distracted  parties,  empty 
coffers,  and  the  childhood  of  the  Sovereign,  formed  insurmountable 
obstacles  to  any  energetic  policy.  Before  Louis,  however,  proceeded  to 
open  hostilities,  he  summoned  the  claimant  to  attend  a  Council  as- 
sembled at  Peronne,  to  decide  upon  his  pretensions ;  and  Baldwin  (as 
he  must  be  called),  having  obtained  a  safe-conduct,  unhesitatingly  re- 
paired to  the  Tribunal.  A  Papal  Legate  was  assessor  to  the  King  of 
France,  and  before  those  arbiters  the  Countess  Jane  affirmed  that  the 
Impostor,  who  assumed  her  father's  title,  was  Bernard  de  Rays,  a 
Hermit  of  Champagne,  well  known  to  resemble  him  in  person.  The 
claimant  replied  satisfactorily  to  numerous  interrogatories  relative  to  his 
former  life,  but,  it  is  said,  that  he  failed  on  three  particulars.  He  was 
unable  to  state  the  place  at  which  he  had  performed  homage  to  Philippe 
Auguste ;  that  at  which  he  had  been  admitted  to  Knighthood ;  and  both 
the  place  and  the  day  on  which  he  had  espoused  Mary  of  Champagne. 
Louis  accordingly  rejected  his  appeal;  but  with  fitting  respect  to  the 
safe-conduct  which  he  had  granted,  he  dismissed  the  stranger  under  an 
escort  to  his  frontiers.  The  decision  of  the  Council  however  proved 
fatal  to  the  cause  of  Baldwin,  and  the  wretched  man,  finding  that  his 
adherents  decreased,  attempted  escape  in  disguise.  On  his  arrest  and 
deliverance  to  Jane,  she  condemned  him  to  the  gibbet  after  the  in- 
fliction of  exquisite  tortures.  The  memory  of  the  Princess,  in  conse- 
quence, has  never  been  free  in  her  own  Country  from  the  horrible  sus- 
picion of  parricide.  "  I  myself,  even  in  the  present  day,"  says  the 
Chronicler  Oudegherst*,  writing  in  the  XVIth  Century,  "  have  found 
this  opinion  so  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the  People,  especially  in  the  City 

*  Chap,  cviii.  fol.  178. 


A.  I).    1225.]         NEW  CRUSADE  AGAINST  RAYMOND  OF  TOULOUSE.  83 

ot'  Lille,  that  it  was  impossible  to  eradicate  it."  The  means  adapted  by 
the  PpunteBB  to  remove  the  impression  entertained  against  her  were 
\ivnc  likely  to  be  effectual  in  her  own  times  than  with  posterity.  She 
despatched  Envoys  to  Adrianople;  and,  on  their  return,  she  circulated  a 
report  of  the  discovery  of  the  spot  in  which  her  father  had  been  interred, 
of  a  supernatural  light  which  environed  it,  and  of  miraculous  cures 
which  had  been  performed  in  its  vicinity.  This  defence  will  now  be 
received,  and  perhaps  not  unjustly,  as  affording  corroborative  evidence 
of  the  guilt  which  it  sought  to  disprove. 

The  project  of  a  new  Crusade  to  the  Holy  Land  was  warmly  espoused 
by  Ilonorius  III.,  and  he  laboured  to  produce  a  sufficiently  good  under- 
standing between  the  Kings  of  France  and  of  England,  to  permit  their 
confederation  with  the  Emperor  Frederic  II.  for  the  recovery  of  Jeru- 
salem. Two  years,  however,  were  to  pass  before  this  armament  could 
be  completed;  and  the  Pope,  reluctant  that  so  long  a  period  should 
elapse  unappropriated  to  the  service  of  the  Church,  resolved  to  employ 
it  in  completing  the  ruin  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse.  True  it  is  that 
Raymond  VII.  had  tendered  submission  the  most  entire,  had  fervently 
disavowed  any  participation  in  Heresy,  and  had  altogether  abandoned 
the  protection  which  at  an  earlier  season  he  had  afforded  to  the  Albi- 
genses.  But  he  had  once  dared  to  withstand  the  Vatican,  and  cordial 
and  permanent  reconciliation  with  that  Court  was  therefore  to  be  es- 
teemed impossible. 

Having  arrested  the  progress  of  some  menaced  hostilities  between 
France  and  England  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bordeaux,  Honorius  ac- 
cordingly refused  the  absolution  for  which  Raymond  had 
applied  to  a  National   Council  assembled  by  a  Legate  in     Nov.  — . 
the  presence  of  the  King  of  France  at  Bourges  ;  and  Louis 
was  bribed  by  a  grant  of  the  tenth  of  all  Ecclesiastical  Revenues  in  his 
dominions  for  the  ensuing  five  years  (if  the  war  should  continue  for  so 
long  a  term)  to  undertake  the  commission  of  the  Church,  "  since  no 
other  hand,"  said  the  presiding  Cardinal,  "  is  so  well  able  to  purge  the 
Earth  from  the  sinfulness  of  Heresy." 

The  right  of  Amaury  de  Montfort  to  a  territory  which  his  father  had 
won  by  the  sword,  and  which  himself  had  similarly  lost,  was  still 
esteemed  sufficiently  valid  to  be  made  the  subject  of  barter;  and  he 
ceded  to  Louis  all  the  conquests  of  the  former  Crusaders,  in  consider- 
ation of  the  promised  reversion  of  the  dignity  of  Constable  of  France. 
Meantime,  Raymond,  deserted  by  every  ally  excepting  the  Count  of 
Foix,  learned  with  consternation  that  the  host  moving  down  for  the 
avowed  object  of  his  destruction  amounted  in  horsemen  only  to  the  huge 
number  of  50,000  combatants. 

In  common  with  most  of  the  Country  immediately  on  the  left  of 
the  Rhone,  Avignon,  the  first  important  town  in  the  line  of  the  French 

g2 


84  CONQUEST  OF  AVIGNON.  [cH.  V. 

a.  r>.  1226.   march,   formed  a  portion  of  the  Kingdom  of  Aries,   and 
therefore  was  nominally  subject  to  the  Empire.     But   it 
had  long  virtually  established  independence,  and  was  governed  by  its 
own  Magistrates.     With  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  the  Avignonese  main- 
tained an  amicable,  and  even  an  affectionate,  intercourse;  but  hopeless 
of  either  receiving  succour  from  his  hands,  or  of  opposing  effectual  re- 
sistance by  themselves,  they  hastened  to  negociate  with  Louis,  offering 
supplies  and  a  free  passage  over  the  Rhone  by  their  bridge,  provided 
his  army  would  forbear  from  traversing  their  streets.      The  haughty 
Prince,  prompted  by  the  Legate,  replied,  that  he  must  pass  with  his 
sword   drawn,  and  followed  by  all  his  troops  in  military 
June  — .     pomp,  through  the  very  heart  of  their  City ;  and  the  Magis- 
trates, justly   irritated  on   receiving   this  unexpected   and 
unreasonable  demand,  closed  their  gates,  and  prepared  for  defence. 

The  contest   was   manifestly   unequal ;    nevertheless,  Avignon  was 
strongly  situated  by  nature ;  it  was  well  fortified,  amply  provisioned, 
and  numerously  garrisoned;  and  we  are  assured,  in  the  only  and  very 
brief  account  transmitted  to  us  of  the  ensuing  struggle,  that  the  besieged 
returned  unsparingly  and  in  kind  every  weapon  which  the  perverse  skill 
of  the  times  supplied  for  mutual  destruction ;  that  they  invented  engines 
which  counteracted  the  engines  of  their  enemies ;  and  that  they  inflicted 
many  deadly  wounds  upon  the  French*.     After  numberless  assaults, 
and  the  loss  of  20,000  lives  by  disease,  fatigue,  scantiness  of  food,  and 
the  sword,  during  three  months  close  investment,  Louis  at 
Sept.  12.     length  found  himself  master  of  the  City  by  capitulation. 
But  the  conquest  was  barren  of  results ;  the  season  was  too 
far  advanced  to  admit  much  farther  progress  during  the  remainder  of 
the  campaign ;  and  Raymond,  with  the  hope  of  obtaining  an  increase  of 
his  own  force,  and  of  meeting  a  feebler  enemy  in  the  ensuing  Spring, 
avoided  battle,  and  gave  way,  although  the  French  advanced  within  four 
leagues  of  his  Capital.     In  one  respect  his  anticipations  were  justified. 
Louis,  fatigued  and  disappointed,  prepared  for  return  to  the 
Oct.  29.     North;  and  on  his  arrival  at  Montpensier  in  Auvergne,  he 
died  there  after  a  few  days  illness.     The  most  generally 
received  opinion  attributes  his  death  to  the  same  epidemic  disease  which 
had  occasioned  so  much  ravage  in  the  camp  at  Avignon;  but  there 
were  not  wanting  some  who,  unwilling  that  a  King  should  perish  by  an 
ordinary  cause,  reported  that  he  was  the  victim  of  poison.     Even  an 
author  was  found  for  the  crime. ;  and  Thibaud  of  Champagne,  one  of 
the  most  skilful  of  the  Troubadour  Poets  f,  and,  according  to  the  fan- 
tastic custom  of  the  time,  an  avowed  lover  of  Queen  Blanche,  notwith- 

*  Matt.  Paris,  p.  333. 

f  De  La  Ravailliere  published,  in  1742,  in  two  volumes  l2mo.,  an  edition  of 
Les  Poesies  du  Roi  de  Navarre,  illustrated  with  Notes  and  Dissertations. 


A.D.   1227.]  DEATH  OF  LOUIS  VIII.—  MINORITY  OF  I.OUIS  IX.  85 

standing  the  disparity  of  their  ages,  was  said  to  have  drugged  the  cup. 
This  most  heinous  charge,  however,  appears  to  be  very  slenderly  founded; 
and  no  other  motive  is  assigned  than  the  inadequate  one  of  some  heated 
words  which  passed  after  the  surrender  of  Avignon. 

The  fluctuating  conduct  of  Thibaud  during  the  turbulent  season  which 
ensued  upon  the  death  of  Louis  VIII.  contributed  to  strengthen  the  sus- 
picion that  he  was  inflamed  by  a  passion  for  Blanche.  That  Princess, 
endowed  with  commanding  intellect,  and  distinguished  for  personal 
charms,  approached  indeed  her  fortieth  year  at  the  time  of  her  hus- 
band's decease,  and  Thibaud  was  much  her  junior*.  Yet,  although  we 
dismiss  the  scandal  of  the  contemporary  Monkf  (prompted,  as  there  can 
be  little  doubt,  by  a  very  pardonable  National  hostility),  as  too  gross  for 
either  transcription  or  belief,  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  Blanche 
might  employ  the  influence  of  Beauty  as  well  as  that  of  Royalty,  to 
control  a  vassal  whose  chivalrous  gallantry  partook  of  the  nature  of 
religious  devotion,  and  whose  support  was  most  important  for  the  pre- 
servation of  her  authority. 

The  ten  years  of  the  Minority  of  Louis  IX.,  during  which  his  Govern- 
ment was  administered  by  his  mother,  were  marked  indeed  by  an  almost 
perpetual  struggle  with  the  great  Feudatories  jealous  of  her  power;  and 
Thibaud  was  found  by  turns  in  the  ranks  of  each  party.     The  chief  dis- 
contented Nobles  were  Philippe  Hvrepel  (or  le  Rude),  Count  of  Bou- 
logne, an  uncle  of  the  young  King,  whose  qualities  are  justly  betokened 
by  the  addition  to  his  name  ;    Pierre  de  Dreux,   Count  of  Bretany, 
whose  opposition  to  the  Church  had  obtained  for  him  the  sobriquet  of 
Mauclerc  ;  Savary  of  Mauleon  ;  and  Hugues  X.  of  Lusig- 
nan,  Count  de  la  Marche.     Of  these  great  Members  of  the     Nov.  29. 
Baro/maye,  the  first  was  the  only  one  who  attended  the  Coro- 
nation of  Louis;  and  before  the  close  of  the  following  year,  so  powerful 
was  their  cabal,  that  if  they  had  not  been  prevented  by  the  armed  inter- 
ference of  the  Bourgeois  of  Paris,  a  service  which  Louis 
ever  after  gratefully  acknowledged,  they  would  have  obtained    a.  d.  1227. 
mastery  of  his  person,  by  carrying  off  from  Montlheri  both 
himself  and  his  mother. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  dangers  which  assailed  her  power,  Blanche 
skilfully  conducted  to  a  triumphant  close  the  War  against  the  Albigenses, 
which  had  been  bequeathed  to  her  by  her  husband.  In  the  outset,  a 
few  successes  of  Raymond  VII.  were  sullied  by  very  odious  cruelty,  not 
to  be  palliated  even  by  the  remembrance  of  former  inflictions  from  the 
barbarous  fanaticism  of  the  Crusaders.  But  the  reviving  spirit  of  the 
Toulousains  was  effectually  subdued  by  a  frightful  measure  of  devas- 
tation suggested  by  Fouquet,  their  sanguinary  and  unrelenting  Bishop. 

*  At  least  thirteen  years.     M.  de  Sismondi,  vii.  p.  1J. 
f  Matt.  Paris,  p.  334. 


86  ANNEXATION  OF  LANGUEDOC.  [cH.  V. 

Taking  the  City  as  a  centre,  lie  distributed  the  neighbouring  territory, 
as  far  as  the  belt  of  mountains  by  which  it  is  surrounded,  into  a  number 
of  equal  portions;  and  upon  each  of  these  rays,  as  they  may  be  termed, 
a  merciless  troop  of  the  besiegers  moved  daily,  uprooting  vineyards, 
trampling  down  harvests,  and  firing  cottages,  till  the  whole  vicinage 
presented  the  face  of  a  Desert.  During  three  months  of  patient  suffering, 
the  miserable  inhabitants  of  Toulouse  witnessed  from  their  ramparts  this 
hourly  destruction  of  their  property ;  at  the  end  of  that  period,  Raymond 
agreed  to  an  almost  unconditional  surrender.  He  aban- 
a.  d.  1229.  doned  to  Louis  all  his  possessions  in  France,  to  the  Legate 
April  12.  all  those  in  Aries,  on  permission  to  retain  as  a  Fief  during 
life  a  small  allotment  of  his  great  hereditary  territories. 
Even  that  Fief,  at  his  death,  was  to  form  the  portion  of  a  daughter 
whom  he  engaged  to  bestow  in  marriage  upon  the  King's  third  brother, 
Alphonse.  A  large  monied  payment,  the  rasure  of  the  fortifications  of 
Toulouse  and  of  thirty  other  towns,  the  admission  of  French  garrisons 
into  the  remainder,  and  the  disbanclment  of  his  routiers,  completed  the 
ruin  but  not  the  humiliation  of  this  most  unhappy  Prince.  He  was 
further  enjoined  to  offer  rewards  for  the  arrest  of  his  own  heretic 
subjects,  and  to  employ  the  little  force  remaining  to  him  in  the  subju- 
gation  of  his  most  faithful  ally,  the  Count  of  Foix*.  Barefooted,  and 
in  his  shirt,  he  was  disciplined  on  the  naked  shoulders  by  the  Legate,  in 
the  Porch  of  Notre  D&me  at  Paris;  and  after  receiving  absolution,  and 
undergoing  six  weeks  imprisonment  in  the  Tower  of  the  Louvre,  he 
was  permitted  to  offer  homage  for  his  Fief,  and  was  dismissed  to  its 
administration. 

This  annexation  of  Languedoc  to  France  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was 
followed  by  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition  in  Toulouse,  through 
the  subtle  operation  of  which  most  accursed  Tribunal  it  wras  hoped  that 
all  freedom  of  opinion  would  speedily  be  extinguished.  But,  in  another 
attempt,  the  very  excess  of  precaution  which  Rome  adopted  frustrated 
its  own  purpose.  In  order  to  insure  unity  of  doctrine,  it  was  stipulated 
that  Raymond  should  maintain  at  his  own  cost,  during  ten  years,  certain 
Professors  of  the  Canon  Law  and  of  Theology.  To  this  Faculty^  how- 
ever, others  became  gradually  annexed;  and  the  original  bigoted  Insti- 
tution formed  a  nucleus,  round  which,  in  opposition  to  the  design  of 
its  founders,  was  accumulated  a  School  of  Liberal  Science  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Toulouse. 

Before  the  conclusion  of  this  War  in  the  South  of  France  a  formidable 
conspiracy  had  been  organized  in  another  part  of  the  Kingdom,  where 
Mauclerc,  Count  of  Bretany,  appeared  in  arms  after  renouncing  alle- 

*  The  Count  of  Foix  obtained  Peace  on  hard  terms  a  few  months  afterwards,  but 
Trencavel,  Viscount  of  Bezieres,  another  ally  of  Raymond,  was  stripped  of  his 
dominions,  and  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the  Court  of  Aragon. 


A.  D.  1231.]  WAR  AGAINST  THIBAUD  OP  CHAMPAGNE.  87 

giance  to  the  Crown.     The  chief  operations  of  the  malecontents  were 

directed  against  Champagne,  which  they  ravaged  with  a  vindictive  spirit, 

in  consequence  of  Thibaud's  adherence  to  the  Regent.     Even  his  title 

to  his  Fiefs  was  questioned,  and  Alice,  Queen  of  Cyprus,  the  daughter 

of  an  elder  brother  of  his  father,  was  invited  to  France  in  order  to 

assert  her  pretensions.     Thibaud  denied  the  legitimacy  of  his  cousin ; 

and  the  Process  was  referred  to  the  lingering  adjudication  of  both  the 

Canonists  and  the   Civilians*.      Meantime,  Blanche  found  means  to 

protract  the  arrival  of  a  formidable  succour  which  Henry  III. 

of  England  had  promised  to  the  insurgents;  nevertheless,   a.  d.  1230. 

at  the  close  of  the  Spring  of  1230,  that  Prince  disembarked       May  3. 

at  St.  Malo.     His  unwarlike  temper,  however,  avoided  the 

field,  and  the  few  months  which  he  passed  in  France  were  chiefly  spent 

in  idle  festivity  at  Nantes.      But  his  very  presence  was  sufficient  to 

excite  alarm ;  and  Thibaud,  upon  whose  Fief  the  whole  storm  of  War 

had  fallen,  was  at  length  compelled  to  yield  to  its  fury.     In  order  to 

expiate  the  great  crime  of  the  late  King's   murder,  with 

which  he  was  still  charged,  and  which  necessity  compelled      Oct.  26. 

him  in  part  to  admit,  he  consented  to  devote  himself  to 

service  in  Palestine ;  and  the  chief  object  of  the  War  having  been  thus 

attained,  the  King  of  England  gladly  recrossed  the  Channel. 

In  the  following  summer,  a  Truce,  renewable  at  the  ex-    a.  d.  1231. 

piration  of  three   years,    was    signed    at    Saint  Aubin   de 

Coursier,  which,  embracing  every  Member  of  the  League,  terminated 

the  Civil  wars  of  Blanche's  Regency. 

Thus  far  Blanche  had  been  eminently  successful ;  and  the  Barons, 
who  at  first  had  submitted  to  her  with  impatience,  or  had  opposed  her 
with  obstinacy,  now  began  to  feel  accustomed  to  the  sway  at  which 
they  had  murmured  as  exercised  by  one  who  was  both  a  Woman  and  a 
Foreigner.  The  intrigues  of  Thibaud,  however,  still  required  vigilance. 
That  Prince,  ever  fluctuating  in  his  policy  and  hating  repose,  once  again 
changed  his  party,  and  was  negociating  a  family  alliance  with  Mauclerc 
of  Bretany,  the  most  formidable  and  the  most  persevering  of  the 
Regent's  enemies.  But  some  unexpected  events  removed  her  fears. 
At  the  very  moment  at  which  Thibaud  had  most  occasion  to  dread 
an  unfavourable  decision,  transferring  his  Fief  of  Champagne  to  Alice, 
the  hopes  of  the  Queen  of  Cyprus  were  extinguished  by 
the  sudden  death  of  her  great  advocate  and  supporter,  a.  d.  1234. 
Philip  Hurcpel ;  whose  bounty  defrayed  the  expense  of  Feb.  — . 
her  Process,  and  whose  subtle  spirit  well  knew  the  argu- 

*  Henry  II-,  Count  of  Champagne,  an  elder  brother  of  Thibaud's  father,  by 
Isahelle,  Heiress  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  had  daughters,  of  whom  Alice, 
married  to  Guy  of  Lusignan,  King  of  Cyprus,  was  the  eldest.  Thibaud  pleaded  that 
the  marriage  of  Isahelle  was  uncanonical,  having  been  contracted  while  she  had  a 
former  husband  living,  and  therefore  that  Alice  was  illegitimate. 


88  ELEVATION  OF  THIEAUD  TO  THE  CROWN  OF  NAVARRE.  [CH.  V. 

merits  most  likely  to  prevail  with  the  Courts  at  Rome.  A  death  so 
opportune  was  not  likely  to  escape  suspicion,  and  Thibaud  was  accused 
of  having  administered  poison,  on  evidence  which  seems  not  more  con- 
clusive than  that  which  before  imputed  to  him  the  similar  murder  of 

Louis  VIII.     Not  long  afterwards,  the  Crown  of  Navarre 
April  7.       devolved  upon  him  by  the  death  of  his  uncle  Sancho  VII. 

without  issue*;  and  in  order  both  to  direct  his  undivided 
attention  to  establishment  in  this  new  Kingdom,  and  also  to  terminate 
a  vexatious  dispute  concerning  his  ancient  inheritance,  he  willingly 
agreed  to  a  compromise.  Alice,  deprived  of  her  chief  stay,  renounced 
all  pretensions  upon  Champagne  and  Brie,  in  consideration  of  an  annual 
allowance  of  2000  livres;  and  Blanche,  at  the  price  of  40,000  more, 
annexed  to  the  Crown  of  France  Chartres,  Blois,  Sancerre,  and  Chateau- 
dun.     Thus,  having  replenished  his  coffers,  Thibaud,  abandoning  his 

intrigues  in  France,  departed  for  Pampeluna  with  a  brilliant 
May  — .     retinue,  and  received  his  Crown  without  opposition.     Little 

addition,  however,  was  made  to  his  real  power  by  this  in- 
crease of  dignity.  Champagne  and  Navarre  were  too  far  apart  to  afford 
mutual  support,  and  each  had  separate  interests  which  involved  it  in 
disputes  by  no  means  advantageous  to  the  other. 

The  marriage  of  her  son  was  the  next  point  which  awakened  very 
natural  anxiety  in  Blanche ;  and  so  dexterously  did  she  conduct  this 

arrangement,  that  it  by  no  means  diminished  her  mater- 
May  27.      nal  control.     The  consort  whom  she  selected,  after  much 

secret  enquiry,  was  Margaret,  eldest  daughter  of  Raymond 
Berenger  IV.,  Count  of  Provence ;  and  under  pretext  of  the  tender  age 
of  the  bride  and  bridegroom  (the  former  of  whom  had  not  yet  com- 
pleted thirteen  years,  the  latter  barely  nineteen),  she  established  regu- 
lations concerning  their  intercourse,  which  effectually  prevented  the 
young  Queen  from  obtaining  much  conjugal  influence.  During  the  day- 
time, they  were  always  carefully  separated ;  and  it  was  only  by  stratagem, 
and  under  considerable  fear  of  detection,  that  the  King,  by  means  of  a 
private  staircase,  enjoyed  some  stolen  interviews  with  his  wife,  when- 
ever he  could  obtain  permission  to  visit  the  Castle  of  Pon- 
a.  d.  1236.  toise,  which,  on  that  account,  became  a  favourite  residence f. 
Jan.  1 4.     Eleanor  j,  next  sister  to  the  Queen  of  France,   was  soon 

afterwards  married  to  Henry  III.   of  England ;   and  the 

*  Blanche  of  Navarre,  mother  of  Thibaud,  was  sister  of  Sancho  VII.,  who, 
jealous  of  his  natural  heir,  concluded  a  Treaty  with  James  I.  of  Aragon,  in  1231, 
by  which  the  two  Kings  mutually  adopted  each  other  as  successors.  James  was  the 
survivor;  but  upon  Sancho' s  death  he  was  too  deeply  involved  in  "War  with  tbe 
Moors  to  profit  by  this  arrangement,  and  he  allowed  Thibaud  to  take  undisputed 
possession  of  his  Throne. 

f  Joinville,  p.  126.     Ed.  1761. 

%  Her  brother  Pierre,  who  settled  in  England,  built  the  Savoy  Palace,  so  named 
from  its  founder. 


A.  D.   1236.]  MAJORITY  OF  LOUIS  IX.  89 

alliance,  although  not  productive  of  any  immediate  amity  between  the 
brothers-in-law,  in  the  event  materially  affected  the  politics  of  the  two 
Kingdoms. 

At  length  the  attainment  of  his  one  and  twentieth  year  nominally 
emancipated  Louis  from  the  rule  of  his  mother;  but  he  appears  no 
otherwise  to  have  exhibited  independence  than  by  commissioning  a  body- 
guard. Even  that  act  of  Royal  prerogative  is  explained  away  by  a  con- 
temporary legend,  to  which  little  more  than  a  passing  allusion  is  neces- 
sary *.  According  to  the  veracious  report  of  the  Annalists,  the  "  Sultan 
of  the  Arsacides,"  better  known  as  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain  f, 
employed  two  of  his  fanatic  Assassins  to  despatch  King  Louis  ;  but 
afterwards  repenting  this  mission,  he  warned  the  unsuspecting  Prince 
of  his  danger  by  other  messengers,  who  enabled  him  to  discover  the  first 
agents  early  enough  to  prevent  their  crime.  It  is  added  that  both  the 
first  and  second  party  were  dismissed  by  Louis  not  only  with  personal 
immunity,  but  enriched  with  costly  presents.  Perhaps,  however,  some 
difficulty  might  arise  in  assigning  a  motive  for  either  the  enmity  or  the 
forbearance  of  the  Oriental  Despot ;  who  probably  also,  at  the  season  to 
which  the  Fable  is  referred,  was  unacquainted  with  the  very  existence 
of  such  a  person  as  the  King  of  France. 

The  little  public  interest  belonging  to  the  first  years  of  the  Majority 
of  Louis  IX.  is  strongly  evinced  by  the  importance  attached  to  an  event 
which,  in  more  stirring  times,  would  have  received  only  an  incidental 
record  in  the  Monastic  Chronicles.  Baldwin  II.,  expelled  by  the  Greeks 
from  the  Latin  Throne  of  Constantinople,  was  wandering  through  the 
European  Courts  to  solicit  aid  for  the  recovery  of  his  dominions.  The 
Pope,  Gregory  IX.,  warmly  espoused  his  interests;  and  the  Byzantine 
Crusade  was  preached  by  the  Vatican  with  far  greater  earnestness  than 
that  which  at  the  same  moment  was  arming  for  the  rescue  of  Palestine. 
Louis  IX.  granted  to  the  mendicant  Emperor  large  confiscations  from 
the  Jews  ;  the  reception  of  which,  as  the  money  was  originally  procured 
by  usury,  he  believed  would  pollute  his  own  coffers.  But  the  necessities 
of  the  Latin  Monarch  demanded  a  still  larger  supply ;  and,  for  their 
relief,  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  altogether  a  treasure  which  he  had 
hitherto  only  pawned.  Louis  undertook  to  redeem  from  the  Venetian  J 
and  Genoese  Merchants,  to  whom  it  had  been  pledged,  the  Crown  of 
Thorns,  the  most  precious  Relique  possessed  by  the  Eastern  Capital. 
On  the  payment  of  13,134  perperi§  to  those  unimaginative  money- 

*  Rigord,  ap.  Duchesne,  v.  p.  35.  The  story  is  examined  in  the  Mem.  de  PAcad. 
des  Ins.  xvi.  p.  159. 

f  Seep.  63. 

X  Nicolo  Quirini  was  the  Venetian  who  had  made  the  chief  advance. 

§  A  Constantinopolitan  coinage,  each  piraof  which  is  equivalent  to  about  twelve 
modern  francs. 


90  THE  CROWN  OF  THORNS.  [CH.  V. 

changers,  and  of  10,000  livres  in  addition  to  Baldwin  himself,  the 
transfer  was  negociated,  although  even  then  certain  difficulties  were  to 
be  overcome.  In  the  first  place,  the  Relique  was  not  without  some 
ambiguity  of  title ;  for  the  Abbey  of  St.  Denis  already  boasted  one  Crown 
of  Thorns,  the  genuineness  of  which  had  been  attested  by  Miracles*. 
But  there  wrere  precedents  in  Ecclesiastical  History  for  similar  double 
claims,  and  the  obstacle  therefore  was  by  no  means  insuperable.  It  was 
less  easy  to  satisfy  the  conscientious  scruples  entertained  by  Louis  against 
the  commission  of  Simony ;  a  Sin  within  which  the  Church  included  all 
bartering  for  Reliques.  But  the  ready  wit  of  Baldwin  evaded  this 
objection  also,  by  making  over  the  Crown  of  Thorns  to  the  King  of 
France  freely  and  gratuitously;  and  by  receiving,  not  at  all  in  return, 
but  as  an  equally  gratuitous  and  free  gift,  the  sum  necessary  for  his  own 
reimbursement. 

After  the  adjustment  of  these  important  preliminaries,  two  Dominicans 
were  sent  to  Venice,  to  convey  the  price  and  to  receive  the 
a. d.  1239.  purchase.  Six  months  were  consumed  in  their  mission; 
Aug.  18.  and,  on  their  return,  the  King,  laying  aside  his  robes,  and 
baring  his  feet,  advanced  half  a  league  without  the  walls  of 
Paris,  in  order  to  take  personal  charge  of  the  inestimable  acquisition. 
The  shrine  which  enclosed  the  Relique  w'as  a  burden  too  holy  to  be 
supported  by  any  shoulders  excepting  his  own  and  those  of  his  brother 
Robert ;  and  thus  borne,  it  was  conveyed  amid  a  numerous  escort  of 
Prelates  and  Barons,  and  an  enthusiastic  throng  of  the  populace,  who 
hailed  its  arrival  by  chanting  Hymns  and  Litanies,  first  to  Notre  Dame, 
and  afterwards  to  the  Chapel  of  St.  Nicolas  without  the  precincts  of  the 
Palace.  That  tabernacle  having  been  beautified  and  enriched,  or  rather 
having  been  rebuilt,  by  the  pious  munificence  of  Louis,  became  at  a 
later  period  the  depository  of  many  other  important  Reliques ;  and  few 
edifices  in  Christendom  have  excited  more  keenness  of  curiosity,  or  have 
been  visited  with  a  more  profoundly  reverential  awe  than  La  Sainte 
Chapelle  of  Paris  f. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  the  devout  spirit  which  animated  Louis  in  this 
transaction,  and  the  sincerity  which  he  exhibited  more  fully  at  a  later 
season  of  his  reign,  he  was  far  from  lending  himself  to  the  usurpations 
of  Rome,  or  from  becoming  instrumental  to  the  secular  aggrandizement 
which  the  Popes  were  labouring  to  consolidate,  We  do  not  attach 
implicit  faith  to  the  wording  of  the  document  which  we  are  about  to  cite 
below  from  Matthew7  Paris;  a  Historian  invariably  hostile  to  the  Vatican, 
and  who  may  be  supposed  therefore,  without  impugnment  of  his  general 

*  Rigord,  ap.  Duchesne,  v.  pp.  29,  33.    Greg.  Turonensis  de  gloria  Martyr,  p.  11. 

f  Nangis,  Chron.  (Achery),  33.  Nangis  Gesta  Lud.  IX.,  ap.  Duchesne,  v.  p.  333. 
Chro}?.  S.  Bertini,  ap.  Martini i,  Thes.  iii.  p.  170.  Chron.  S.  Denys.  ii.  56.  Gibbon, 
ch.  lxi. 


•A.  D\  1239.]      TIIE  IMPERIAL  CROWN  OFFERED  TO  ROBERT  OF  ARTOIS.      91 

veracity  (which  is  unquestionable),  to  have  easily  believed  a  report  in 
accordance  with  his  peculiar  opinions.  Nor,  even  if  the  words  he  ad- 
mitted, is  it  in  onr  power  to  determine  what  portion  of  them  is  to  be 
attributed  to  Louis  himself,  and  what  to  the  Council  of  Barons  by  which 
lie  was  assisted.  After  all  these  deductions,  affecting  only  its  accidents 
and  accompaniments,  the  main  fact,  however,  must  be  received  as  a 
striking  proof  that  France,  as  a  Nation,  at  the  period  under  our  present 
review,  by  no  means  yielded  blind  obedience  to  Ecclesiastical  despotism. 
The  virulence  with  which  Gregory  IX.  pursued  that  quarrel  with  the 
Emperor  Frederic  II.,  which  characterized  his  whole  Pontificate,  was 
most  unseemly  in  the  Head  of  the  Christian  Church.  Not  only  did  he 
impede  the  progress  of  the  Crusade  gathering  for  Palestine,  because 
Frederic  was  its  chief  promoter ;  but  when  all  Europe  was  menaced  with 
a  fresh  influx  of  Barbarism,  and  the  Mogol  Tartar  Hordes,  bursting 
from  their  savage  fastnesses,  had  already  desolated  the  plains  of  Hun- 
gary, the  Pope  interfered  to  prevent  the  assistance  which  the  Emperor 
had  demanded  from  his  brother  Sovereigns.  As  if,  indeed,  he  had  been 
leagued  with  the  Pagan  invaders,  Gregory  selected  the  very  moment  of 
their  onset  to  issue  the  extreme  censures  of  the  Church 
against  the  Prince  whom  the  Mogols  first  attacked.  He  a.  d.  1239. 
excommunicated  Frederic  ;  he  subjected  every  town  in  March  20. 
which  he  might  fix  his  residence  to  an  Interdict ;  he  re- 
leased his  subjects  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance;  he  degraded  him 
from  the  Imperial  dignity ;  /ind  he  even  despatched  a  Legate  to  tender 
the  Crown,  of  which  he  affected  the  disposal,  to  the  acceptance  of 
Robert  of  Artois,  brother  to  the  King  of  France*.  The  specious  offer 
was  declined  ;  and  it  is  concerning  the  manner  only  of  the  refusal  that 
any  hesitation  can  exist.  The  following  is  the  relation  of  Matthew 
Paris.  When  the.  Legate  had  finished  his  harangue,  the  Council  of 
French  Barons  and  Prelates  thus  prudently  replied,  "  With  what 
manner  of  spirit,  and  with  how  rash  a  daring,  has  the  Pope  disinherited 
so  great  a  Prince,  who  has  neither  a  superior,  nor  indeed  an  equal,  in 
Christendom !  how  has  he  hurled  him  from  his  Imperial  eminence, 
without  conviction  or  admission  of  the  charges  objected  to  him  !  If  his 
deposition  were  even  merited,  it  could  be  adjudged  only  by  a  General 
Council.  No  reliance  is  to  be  placed  upon  his  enemies,  among  whom 
the  Pope  is  known  to  be  pre-eminent,  when  they  testify  concerning  his 
transgression.  Towards  ourselves  as  yet  he  is  blameless;  for  he  lids 
proved  a  good  neighbour,  nor  have  we  observed  in  him  any  defect  either 
of  worldly  fidelity  or  of  Catholic  Faith.  We  know  furthermore  that  he 
has  been  a  faithful  soldier  for  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  opposing  himself 
with  confidence  to  perils  both  on  the  sea  and  in  battle.     In  the  Pope  we 

*  Before  the  Imperial  Crown  was  offered  to  Robert  of  Artois  it  had  been  refused 
by  Abele,  third  Son  of  Valdemar,  King  of  Denmark,  and  by  Otho,  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick.    Albericus,  cited  in  the  notes  on  Raynaldi  Anna/,  adann,  1239,  §  89. 


92  REPLY  OF  THE  FRENCH  BARONS.  [CH.  V. 

have  not  found  so  great  Religion.  On  the  contrary,  he  who  ought  to 
have  assisted  and  protected  one  who  had  undertaken  the  service  of  God, 
sought  to  overwhelm  him  in  his  absence,  and  wickedly  to  uproot  him. 
We  will  not  plunge  ourselves  into  danger  by  attacking  so  potent  a 
Monarch  as  Frederic,  whom  so  many  allies  will  assist  against  us,  and 
who,  moreover,  will  receive  support  from  the  justice  of  his  cause.  What 
cares  Rome  for  an  effusion  of  blood,  however  prodigal  it  may  be,  so  as 
her  own  vengeance  is  gratified  ?  If  through  us  and  others  she  should 
triumph,  she  will  tread  under  foot  all  the  Princes  of  the  World ;  uplift- 
ing the  horns  of  boasting  and  of  arrogance,  because  she  has  overthrown 
Frederic  the  mighty  Emperor.  But  that  we  may  not  appear  to  treat  the 
Papal  mandate  lightly,  well  as  we  know  that  the  Romish  Church  has 
issued  it  more  out  of  hatred  to  the  Emperor,  than  out  of  any  love  towards 
ourselves,  we  will  send  some  well-advised  ambassadors  to  Frederic,  who 
shall  diligently  enquire  and  certify  to  us  what  are  his  opinions  regarding 
the  Catholic  Faith.  If  nothing  but  that  which  is  sound  be  discovered, 
why  should  he  be  molested  ?  But  if,  on  the  other  hand,  there  be  any 
evil  heart  of  unbelief  either  in  him,  or  even  in  the  Pope  himself,  or  in 
any  other  man,  that  man  we  will  pursue  to  the  very  uttermost  *."  The 
embassy,  it  is  added,  was  despatched ;  and  Frederic,  having  been  vehe- 
ment in  his  professions  of  Orthodoxy,  the  French  Court  not  only  refused 
to  assist  in  his  proposed  degradation,  but  drew  yet  more  closely  the 
bonds  of  amity  by  which  it  had  heretofore  been  united  with  him. 

It  is  unnecessary  that  we  should  detail  the  failure  of  both  the  Crusades, 
the  disasters  of  Baldwin  at  Constantinople,  and  those  of  the 
a.  d.  1240.    King  of  Navarre  and  the  French  Barons,  whom  he  left  pri- 
soners in  Syria  ;  and,  without  turning  aside  to  these  foreign 
expeditions,  we  shall  continue  the  thread  of  domestic  History.     The 
investiture  of  the  King's  Brother  Alphonse  with  the  Fief 
a.d.1  241.     of  Poitou   once  more  awakened  the   slumbering  jealousy 
of  the  great  vassals  of  the  Crown ;  and  more  especially  of 
the  King  of  England,  who,  far  from  admitting  the  right  obtained  by 
Philippe  Auguste  t,  through  conquest,  had  already  bestowed  upon  his 
brother  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  the  title  of  Count  of  Poitou.     Not- 
withstanding the  reluctance  which  his  Parliament  had  expressed  against 
War,  Henry  III.,  accompanied  by  this  chivalrous  brother,   (flushed  by 
the  recent  glories  which  he  alone  among  all  the  Crusaders 
a.  d.  1242.    had  obtained  in  Palestine,  and  justly  proud  of  being  the 
March.       deliverer  of  his  Christian   brethren,)    disembarked    at   the 
mouth   of  the  Gironde,  intending  to  unite  his  forces  with 

*  Matt.  Paris,  518.  Raynaldus,  however,  attributes  this  insolent  message  to  the 
invention  either  of  the  Monk  of  St.  Alban's,  or  that  of  some  one  of  his  transcribers, 
veneno  Hcsreseos  imbulus :  ut  sup.  §.  38. 

f  The  Knglish  maintained  that  the  surrender  of  these  conquests  formed  one  of 
the  conditions  upon  which  they  permitted  the  retirement  of  Prince  Louis  in  1217, 


A.  D.  1242.]  THE  ENGLISH  INVADE  POITOU.  93 

those  of  Hugues  Count  de  la  Marche*,  who  was  already  in  arms;  and 
relying  upon  the  promised  aid  of  Raymond  of  Toulouse  and  of  the 
King  of  Navarre. 

The  Count  de  la  Marche,  however,  afforded  hut  scanty  assistance ; 
and  neither  Raymond  nor  Thibaud  had  commenced  any  movements, 
when  Henry  found  himself  at  Tailleburg  on  the  Charente,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  an  enemy  greatly  superior  to  him  in  numbers.  In  this  peril 
he  employed  the  diplomacy  of  his  brother;  and  the  Earl  of  Cornwall, 
unarmed,  and  in  the  habit  of  a  Pilgrim,  was  despatched  to  the  French 
camp,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  negociate  an  armistice  for  twenty-four 
hours. 

The  scene  which  ensued  affords  a  noble  subject  for  the  Pencil. 
Among  the  retinue  of  the  French  King  were  many  of  the  Barons  who  had 
been  lately  redeemed  from  the  prisons  of  Gaza  by  the  prowess  of  Richard ; 
and  who,  after  having  been  abandoned  by  Thibaud  and  their  own  Country- 
men, were  indebted  for  their  freedom  to  the  undaunted  constancy  of  the 
English  Prince.  No  sooner,  therefore,  did  they  recognize  their  deliverer, 
in  the  very  garb  which  he  had  borne  with  so  much  honour  in  Palestine, 
than  they  acknowledged  his  presence  with  shouts  of  gratitude  and  joy. 
Thronging  around  him  with  eagerness  and  affection,  they  formed  his 
escort  to  the  tent  of  Louis,  and  announced  him  to  the  King  as  the  most 
illustrious  champion  of  the  Cross,  and  as  their  own  chief  benefactor. 
Louis  was  not  of  a  temper  so  moulded  as  to  resist  this  generous  contagion; 
he  received  the  Princely  Envoy  with  marked  distinction,  thanked  him 
for  the  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  France  and  to  Christendom, 
and  without  hesitation  consented  to  the  proposed  armistice  t- 

Profiting  by  this  arrangement,  Henry  retired,  during  the  night,  upon 
Saintes ;  but  his  military  array  at  dawn  little  resembled  that  of  the  pre- 
ceding sunset.  Many  of  his  troops  had  abandoned  their  ranks  in  the 
darkness  and  confusion  of  retreat,  either  through  accident  or  with  the 
intention  of  deserting;  all  who  remained  were  dispirited;  and  in  a 
skirmish  which  ensued  at  the  expiration  of  the  armistice,  and  which, 
but  for  the  obstacles  presented  by  numerous  vineyards  intersecting  the 
ground,  might  have  become  a  general  engagement,  the  English  were 
driven  from  the  field.  The  Count  de  la  Marche  lost  no  time  in  nego- 
ciating  a  separate  Peace ;  and  Louis  was  far  from  reluctant  to  grant 
conditions  tending  to  dissolve  a  League,  which,  notwithstanding  his 
opening  success,  might  eventually  prove  dangerous.  Meanwhile  the 
Bourgeois  of  Saintes  observing  with  dismay  that  Henry  was  preparing  to 
expose  them  to  the  perils  of  a  siege,  notified  to  the  King  of  France  their 
readiness  to  submit.  The  army  of  Louis  was  already  on  its  march  for 
a  general  attack,  when  Henry  was  opportunely  warned  of  the  faithlessness 

*  The  Count  de  la  Marche  had  married  Isabelle,  relict  of  King  John,  notwith- 
standing her  former  abduction, 
f  Matt.  Paris,  590. 


94  FIDELITY  OF  HERTOLD  OF  MIREMBEAU.  [CH.  V. 

of  his  allies,  and  of  the  imminent  hazard  of  capture  which  he  must  con- 
sequently encounter.  Abandoning  the  table  at  which  he  had  been 
seated,  he  fled  with  precipitation  to  Blaye  on  the  Garonne;  and  on 
mustering  the  shattered  remnant  of  fugitives  who  had  succeeded  in  tra- 
versing the  sixteen  intervening  leagues  from  Saintes,  he  found  himself 
almost  wholly  deprived  of  horses  and  baggage.  The  Barons  of  Aquitaine 
temporized,  until,  under  pretext  of  indemnification  for  their  losses,  they 
had  exhausted  the  thirty  barrels  of  coin,  with  which  the  King  of  England 
had  laden  his  transports,  in  order  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  arma- 
ment; and  they  then,  one  by  one,  fell  away,  and  obtained  reconciliation 
with  Louis.  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  indeed,  persevered,  and  his  arrival 
at  Bordeaux,  for  a  while,  restored  some  confidence  to  the  defeated  and 
betrayed  Monarch.  It  would  be  unjust  also  to  the  memory  of  a  humbler 
vassal  if  we  omitted  to  record  his  loyalty.  The  Castle  of  Mirembeau,  on 
the  frontiers  of  La  Saintonge  and  of  the  Bourdelois,  was  invested  by  the 
French ;  and  Hertold,  its  Lord,  after  effecting  his  passage  through 
the  enemy  to  Bordeaux,  offered  to  return,  and  to  defend  it  to  extremity, 
if  such  a  measure  were  likely  to  prove  advantageous  to  the  English. 
Henry,  who  by  that  time  had  discovered  the  hopelessness  of  his  enter- 
prise, released  his  faithful  retainer  from  his  perilous  allegiance;  and 
when  Hertold  surrendered  Mirembeau  with  a  declaration  that  he  yielded 
most  unwillingly,  and  only  to  a  superior  force,  Louis,  also,  touched  by 
this  rare  display  of  courage  and  fidelity,  restored  the  Castle  to  his 
command,  requiring  no  other  guarantee  of  his  future  obedience  beyond 
the  payment  of  homage  *. 

An  attack  upon  Bordeaux  and  the  meditated  expulsion  of  the  English 
from  Guienne  as  well  as  from  Poitou,  were  prevented  by  the  customary 
effects  of  War  in  an  unhealthy  climate.  Dysentery,  as  we  may  believe 
that  malady  to  have  really  been  which  passed  under  unnumbered  names, 
and  was  attributed  to  a  myriad  of  fanciful  causes,  consumed  20,000 
victims;  and  when  Louis  himself  was  attacked,  he  wisely  broke  up  his 
camp,  and  returned  to  Paris.  Before  the  close  of  the  year,  however,  he 
renewed  the  Treaty  of  Peace  with  Raymond  of  Toulouse,  who  had 
hitherto  been  successful  in  Langucdoc ;  but  who  upon  personal  inter- 
course with  the  King  of  England  had  admitted  a  tardy  conviction  of  the 

incapacity  of  his  ally.     Henry,  thus  left  alone,  consented 
a.  d.  1243.    to  a  Truce  for  five  years,  which  he  was  compelled  to  pur- 
April  7.      chase  by  the  ignominious  cession  of  the  Isle  of  Rhe,  together 

with  some  other  fortresses  which  he  had  mastered  during  the 
Winter,  and  by  an  annual  payment  of  1000/.  sterling  f.  Notwith- 
standing the  murmurs  of  his  suffering  People,  he  levied  fresh  exactions 
to  supply  the  expenses  of  a  Summer  which  he  consumed  in  festivity 
with  the  Gascons ;  and  when  he  landed  upon  the  shores  of  England, 

*  Matt.  Paris,  593.  f  Id.  600. 


A.  D.   1244.]  I'ArACY  OF  INNOCENT  IV.  95 

he  summoned  his  Barons  to  await  his  disembarkation,  and     Sept.  23. 
to  receive  him  with  the  triumphant  pomp  of  a  Conqueror*. 

A  personal  change  in  the  occupant  of  the  See  of  Rome  had  not  pro- 
duced any  revolution  in  the  policy  long  maintained  by  the  Popes  towards 
the  Emperor.  Celestin  IV.,  who  succeeded  Gregory  IX.,  filled  the 
Chair  of  St.  Peter  during  only  eighteen  days  ;  and  nearly  twenty  months 
were  then  passed  before  the  College  of  Cardinals,  reduced  in  its  numbers 
to  seven  or  eight  Members,  agreed  in  another  election.  The  general 
outcry  of  the  Christian  Princes  at  length  prevailed ;  and  some  threats 
on  the  part  of  even  the  devout  Louis  to  exercise  an  ancient  privilege 
granted  by  Saint  Clement  to  Saint  Denis,  which  empowered  the  Kings 
of  France  in  cases  of  necessity  to  appoint  a  Cisalpine  Pope  t, 
hastened  the  decision  of  the  reluctant  Conclave.  Sinibaldo  a.  d.  1243. 
of  Fiesco,  a  Genoese,  and  hitherto  a  strenuous  partizan  of  June  24. 
the  Imperial  faction,  was  proclaimed  Sovereign  Pontiff  at 
Anagni ;  and  the  hopes  of  the  Ghibelins  were  greatly  excited  at  this 
elevation  of  Innocent  IV.  Frederic  was  better  acquainted  with  human 
nature  than  most  of  his  courtiers ;  and  he  replied  to  their  congratulations 
sagaciously  and  almost  prophetically,  "  We  have  lost  a  friend  in  the 
Cardinal,  and  we  have  added  to  our  enemies  in  the  Pope  J." 

This  prognostic   of  the    Emperor  was   speedily  verified.      Whether 
Innocent  were  conscious  of  treachery  on  his  own  part,  or  whether  he 
were  really  warned  of  its  existence  on  that  of  Frederic,  must  ever  remain 
doubtful ;  but  after  having  agreed  to  an  amicable  Confe- 
rence, and  even  having  advanced  some  stages  towards  the  a.  d.  1244. 
meeting,  he  unexpectedly  abandoned  his  Court  by  night,  at    June  27. 
Sutri,  and  having  disguised  and  lightly  armed  himself,  he 
mounted  a  swift  horse,  outrode  all  his  retinue,  and  traversed  thirty-four 
leagues  of  a  difficult  road  before  dawn.     At  Civita  Vecchia,  he  threw 
himself  on  board  a  galley  which  awaited  his    arrival,  and  proceeded 
onward  to  Genoa  §. 

But  it  was  not  upon  the  weak  support  of  his  native  Republic  that 
Innocent  rested  his  hopes  of  ulterior  success.  He  felt  assured  that  by 
imputing  evil  designs  to  the  Emperor,  he  should  arouse  indignation  in 
the  bosoms  of  the  King  of  France  and  of  his  mother,  both  of  whom  had 
hitherto  been  distinguished  by  Religious  zeal.  With  this  expectation 
he  traversed  Savoy,  and  entered  Lyons,  a  City,  nominally 
dependent  upon  the  Empire,  but  really  governed  in  part  by  November, 
its  Ecclesiastical  Body,  on  whose  devotion  to  himself  the  Pope 
might  fully  rely,  and  in  part  by  a  Municipality  which  held  the  Ghibelins 

•  Matt.  Paris,  604. 

f  Id/602.      Henault  considers  this  opinion  of  Matthew  Paris  to  be  absolument 
dttruite. 

I  R.  Malespina  ap.  Muratori,  Script,  Ital,  viii.  p.  965.    Villani,  vi.  4. 
§  Matt.  Paris,  637. 


96  RESIDENCE  OF  INNOCENT  IV.  AT  LYONS.  [CH.  V. 

in  abhorrence.  The  position  also  of  that  City  upon  the  borders  of 
France,  from  which  it  was  divided  only  by  the  Saone  *,  gave  facilities  to 
the  negociation  which  he  contemplated  \  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any 
residence  could  have  been  selected  more  opportune  for  his  purpose. 

Louis,  however,  although  deeply  impressed  with  respect  for  the 
Church  (a  respect  which  the  ignorance  surrounding  him  frequently  ren- 
dered subservient  to  practices  of  ascetism  and  superstition),  entertained 
also  correct  notions  of  Kingly  dignity ;  and  he  forbore  from  lending 
himself  as  an  instrument  by  which  the  degradation  of  the  Emperor 
might  be  compassed.  To  a  petition  offered  by  500  Cistercians  at 
once,  in  a  scene  well-concerted  to  affect  the  Imagination  t,  he  replied 
soberly  and  discreetly  that  he  would  protect  the  Church  against  any 
violence  which  Frederic  might  offer,  so  far  as  he  was  permitted  by 
honour  % ;  and  that  he  would  freely  afford  an  asylum  to  the  exiled  Pope, 
if  the  great  Council  of  his  Nobles  (which  no  King  of  France  could  dis- 
regard) should  grant  assent. 

A  circumstance  also  had  occurred,  about  the  very  time  at  which 
Innocent  arrived  at  Lyons,  which  rendered  Louis  more  than  ever  dis- 
inclined to  break  with  the  Emperor.  His  health  had  been  greatly 
affected  since  the  expedition  to  Poitou,  and  during  an  attack  of  dy- 
sentery, in  which  he  was  deprived  of  speech,  and  considered  by  his 
attendants  to  be  fast  approaching  the  agonies  of  death,  he  recovered 
sufficient  strength  and  utterance  to  demand  investment  with  the  Cross, 
which  in  case  of  recovery   should  bind   him  to  service  in  Palestine. 

The  Holy  Badge,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  his  mother 
Nov.  27.       and  of  his  consort,  was  brought  to  his  sick  couch;  and 

we  are  told  that  from  the  moment  at  which  the  irrevocable 
vow  was  pledged,  his  amendment  commenced.  An  intimate  corre- 
spondence with  Frederic  was  the  necessary  result  of  this  union  with  the 
projected  Crusade. 

At  the  Council  which  Innocent  IV.  convened  at  Lyons,  and  in  which 

the  excommunication  of  Frederic  was  renewed,  Louis  de- 

a.  d.  1245.  clined  attendance ;   nevertheless  soon  after  its  dissolution 

July  16.     he  agreed   to  the  Pope's  request  for  a  personal  interview, 

which  accordingly  took  place  at  Cluny.  Seven  days  were 
passed  together,  in  private  communication,  which  Queen  Blanche  alone 
was  permitted  to  share :  it  may  be  conjectured,  however,  that  the  King 
exerted  himself  as  a  mediator,  and  it  is  plain  that  definitive  arrange- 
ments were  not  concluded,  because  a  second  Conference  was  fixed  for 
the  ensuing  Easter,  at  wThich  Louis  promised  that  he  would  endeavour  to 
persuade  the  Emperor  also  to  be  present. 

*  One  portion  of  the  City  on  the  Western  bank  of  the  River  was  actually  in 
France. 

f  Flexis  genibus,jtmctis  manibus,  obortisque  lucrymis.     Matt.  Pari  i,  6'4!). 
\    Quantum  Hunestas  pertnitteret.     Id.  Ibid, 


a.  n.  121.").]        chart.es  of  anJou  obtains  Miovence.  <j7 

The  Royal  authority  was  greatly  strengthened  towards  the  close  of  the 
same  year,  by  the  acquisition  of  an  important  Fief,  and  at  the  same  time 
l)y  the  prevention  of  a  marriage  which  might  hate  consolidated  the 
South  of  France  into  a  rival  independent  Kingdom.  Raymond  Berenger, 
Count  of  Provence,  being  without  male  issue,  determined  to  pass  over  his 
three  elder  daughters,  who  were  richly  married  to  the  King  of  France, 
the  King  of  England,  and  the  Earl  of  Cornwall.  He  framed  a  Will, 
therefore,  leaving  his  dominions,  after  the  payment  of  a  trifling  and  inade- 
quate compensation  to  the  disinherited  claimants,  to  Beatrice  the  fourth 
and  youngest  of  his  children,  who,  being  as  yet  unmarried,  was  free 
from  any  ties  which,  like  those  of  each  of  her  sisters,  were  likely  to  com- 
promise the  independence  of  her  Country.  Some  years  afterwards, 
Raymond  of  Toulouse  became  an  approved  suitor  for  the  hand  of 
Beatrice;  and  no  doubt  was  entertained  that  the  Pope  would  dissolve 
the  existing  marriage  of  this  Prince  with  Margaret  de  la  Marche  *,  and 
thus  enable  him  to  contract  the  desired  engagement.  The  union  of  his 
Fiefs  (much  as  they  had  been  curtailed)  with  those  of  Provence  would 
have  created  a  Power  nearly  equalling  that  of  the  Capets  in  territorial 
extent,  far  exceeding  it  in  wealth  and  civilization. 

Before  the  necessary  Dispensation,  however,  for  these  nuptials  was  pro- 
cured, death  overtook  Raymond  Berenger ;  and  no  sooner 
was  the  testamentary  disposition  of  his  States  made  public,  a.  d.  1245. 
than  two  fresh  candidates  for  the  hand  of  Beatrice  presented  Aug.  19. 
themselves  in  Pedro,  son  of  James  of  Aragon,  and  in  Charles, 
Count  of  Anjou,  brother  to  the  King  of  France.  The  pretensions  of 
the  latter  were  espoused  by  the  Provencal  Nobles,  who  foresaw  entangle- 
ment in  CivilWar  from  either  of  the  other  connexions.  Louis,  in  the 
recent  interview  at  Cluny,  had,  perhaps,  secured  the  countenance  of  the 
Pope,  who  temporized  and  amused  the  Count  of  Toulouse  with  hopes  of 
the  Dispensation  which  in  the  end  he  peremptorily  refused.  Immedi- 
ately on  the  demise  of  Raymond  Berenger,  500  French  Knights  took 
military  possession  of  his  vacant  Fief  in  the  name  of  the  Queen  of 
France.  Neither  the  Spanish  Prince,  nor  the  Count  of  Toulouse  f  was 
sufficiently  strong  enough  to  enter  upon  armed  resistance  to  this  prompt 
movement;  and  Charles  of  Anjou,  the  most  ambitious,  the  most  enter- 
prising, and  perhaps  the  most  able  of  the  four  sons  of  Blanche,  obtained 
without  opposition  from  his  rivals,  and  with  the  cordial  good  will  of  his 
new  subjects,  a  Bride  distinguished  for  great  personal  beauty,  and 
dowered  with  a  portion  which,  however  splendid  in  itself,  was  regarded 
by  the  fortunate  suitor  only  as  a  stepping  stone  to  yet  higher  elevation. 

*  Velly,  ii.  390,  doubts  whether  this  marriage  had  ever  been  actually  celebrated. 

f  Raymond  of  Toulouse  afterwards  engaged  bimself  in  the  Crusade,  but  died  be- 
fore the  term  fixed  for  his  embarkation.  In  bim  terminated  the  male  line  of  the 
Counts  of  Toulouse,  who  bad  been  invested  by  Charles  the  1'ald  in  849.  His  Fiefs 
were  inherited  by  his  daughter  Jeanne,  wife  of  Alfonse,  Count  of  Poitiers. 

II 


9S  PIOUS   FRAUD    OP    LOUIS.  [CH.  V. 

From  the  moment  at  which  Louis  had  assumed  the  Cross,  the  fulfil- 
ment of  his  vow  appears  to  have  heen  the  object  predominating  in  his 
thoughts ;  and  amid  the  many  proofs  of  high-minded  integrity  which 
the  life  of  this  most  upright  Prince  exhibits,  one  instance  of  pious 
roguery  occurs,  which  not  only  was  permitted  by  his  conscience,  but  was 
even  suggested  by  his  zeal.  The  anecdote,  however  light,  is  by  no  means 
unworthy  of  record  in  grave  and  sober  History ;  both  as  it  affords  a 
curious  illustration  of  National  manners,  and  also  as  it  attests  the  prone- 
ness  of  Human  Nature  to  measure  actions  more  by  their  result  or  their 
motive,  than  by  any  abstract  moral  standard.  In  a  Parliament  which  Louis 
had  convoked  at  Paris,  a  considerable  body  of  his  most  illustrious  Barons 
followed  the  example  of  their  Sovereign,  and  the  number  of  Pilgrims  was 
largely  increased  by  a  stratagem  which  the  King  did  not  think  it 
either  beneath  his  dignity  or  inconsistent  with  his  honour  to  practise 
upon  those  who  hesitated.  At  the  great  Festivals,  it  was  an  established 
custom  for  the  chief  Feudal  Lords  to  present  their  vassals  with  livrees, 
a  custom  which  may  still  be  traced  in  the  etrennes  of  later  days.  The 
King  notified  his  intention  of  celebrating  Mass  on  Christmas  morning 
before  dawn  ;  and  each  of  the  numerous  Courtiers  who  thronged  to  this 
matin  service,  on  his  entrance  to  the  Royal  Chapel  in  the  twilight,  was 
invested  with  a  cloak,  which  he  gratefully  received  as  an  honourable 
token  of  his  Master's  favour.  When  the  Sun  rose  on  the  wondering  Con- 
gregation, every  man  perceived  his  neighbour  to  be  decorated  by  a  Cross, 
unconscious  that  a  similar  badge  was  embroidered  on  his  own  shoulder. 
This  act  of  virtuous  swindling  had  been  arranged  by  the  King  himself; 
and  so  correctly  had  he  estimated  the  temper  of  his  times,  that  childish 
as  the  deception  may  appear  to  our  present  judgment,  few,  if  any,  were 
found  bold  enough  to  retract  the  involuntary  pledge  which  had  been 
thus  unfairly  extracted  from  them. 

In  order  to  secure  the  friendship  of  that  Power  from  which  he  was 
most  apprehensive  of  hostilities  during  his  absence,  Louis  offered  to  ex- 
tend the  Truce  which  he  had  concluded  with  England  into  a  permanent 
and  definitive  Peace  ;  and  the  base  upon  which  he  was  willing  to  nego- 
ciate,  as  Matthew  Paris  has  stated  it,  appears  by  no  means  inequitable. 
He  proposed  to  surrender  the  conquests  made  by  Philippe  Auguste  in 
Aquitaine,  provided  Henry  would  cede  all  pretensions  upon  the  Duchy  of 
Normandy.  The  King  of  England  was  little  able  effectually  to  prose- 
cute his  claims  upon  either  of  those  Provinces  ;  and  he  would  have  acted 
with  more  sober  policy  if  he  had  accepted  the  commutation,  than  he 
evinced  by  employing  the  high-sounding  words  which  are  attributed  to 
him  in  reply;  that  he  would  not  impede  the  Crusade  by  objecting  to  the 
prolongation  of  the  Truce  for  any  desired  term,  but  that  neither  would 
he  pacifically  abandon  any  of  his  claims  *. 

*  Matt.  Paris  (Ed.  Watts),  p.  092. 


A.  D.  1248.]  niS  EMBARKATION  FOR  THE  CRUSADE.  99 

This  answer,  although  not  quite  satisfactory,  was  sufficient  to  remove 
any  immediate  alarm  ;  but  the  hitterness  with  which  Innocent  IV.  con- 
tinued his  quarrel  with  the  Emperor  created  serious  impediments  to  the 
progress  of  the  Crusade.  All  the  Ports  in  which  the  French  armament 
might  most  conveniently  winter  belonged  to  Frederic,  as  King  both  of 
Jerusalem  and  of  the  Two  Sicilies;  yet  the  Excommunication  under 
which  he  laboured,  prohibited  Christian  Knights  from  entering  his  har- 
bours. No  remission  of  the  Ecclesiastical  sentence  was  to  be  expected  ; 
for  the  Pope,  instead  of  listening  to  the  mediation  which  Louis  had 
offered,  actively  supported  two  claimants  to  the  title  of  King  of  the 
Romans,  in  which  the  Emperor  sought  to  confirm  his  son  Conrad.  On 
the  death  of  one  of  these  rivals,  Henry,  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  Inno- 
cent, after  failing  in  numerous  applications  to  Princes  of  greater  influ- 
ence, roused  the  ambition  of  William,  the  young  Count  of  Holland,  and 
by  dint  of  bribery  procured  his  election.  Conrad,  unable  to  make  head 
against  this  Pretender,  retired  to  his  father  in  Italy;  and  the  Pope 
eagerly  but  vainly  endeavoured  to  divert  the  zeal  of  the  Crusaders  from 
the  rescue  of  Palestine,  to  the  gratification  of  his  own  personal  hatred. 

But  the  menaces  and  the  Indulgences  with  which  he  alternately 
sought  to  terrify  and  to  allure  were  alike  unsuccessful.  The  confederated 
Barons  abided  by  their  promise ;  Louis  with  great  efforts,  and  at  vast 
expense,  constructed  the  Port  of  Aigues-Mortes *  for  their  embarkation; 
and  created  a  new  Town  on  the  pestilential  shores  of  Lan- 
guedoc,  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  free  access  to  the  a.  d.  1248. 
Mediterranean.  He  assumed  the  Pilgrim's  scrip  and  staff; 
received  the  Oriflamme  at  St.  Denis,  with  the  customary  solemnities ; 
appointed  his  mother  Blanche  Regent  during  his  absence ;  and  accom- 
panied by  his  Queen  and  by  his  brothers,  Robert  of  Artois  and  Charles 
of  Anjou,  embarked,  with  no  great  number  of  followers,  on  the  25th  of 
August.  It  is  said  that  his  fleet  did  not  amount  to  more  than  thirty-eight 
vessels  of  heavy  burden,  and  a  few  lesser  transports  f. 

*  Aigues-Mortes  is  now  a  desolate  town,  half  a  league  distant  from  the  Port,  which 
has  become  almost  inaccessible  from  an  accumulation  of  sand. 

f  A  MS.  cited  by  La  Chaise,  Hist,  de  St.  Louis,  lib.  vi.  c.  27.  p.  35G ;  but  re- 
specting which  M.  de  Sismondi  remarks  that  neither  the  date  nor  the  authenticity 
arc  specified,  vii.  337. 


H    2 


100  JoiNviLtt:. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

From  a.  d,  1248,  to  a.  d.  1270. 

Personal  history  of  Joinville — The  Crusaders  arrive  at  Cyprus — Landing  at  Dami- 
etta — Occupation  of  that  City — Long  delay  in  it — Advance  of  the  Army — Battle 
of  Mansourah — Death  of  the  Count  d'Artois — Second  Battle — Sickness  and  dis- 
tress of  the  Crusaders — Their  retreat — The  King  is  taken  prisoner — Negociation 
— Revolution  in  the  Saracen  Government — Great  danger  of  the  prisoners — Re- 
newal of  the  Treaty — Release  and  embarkation  of  the  King — Distress  of  Queen 
Margaret — The  King  disembarks  at  Acre  ;  and  resolves  to  continue  in  the  Holy 
Land — Operations  during  his  stay  in  Palestine — Internal  state  of  France  during 
the  Regency  of  Blanche — Crusade  of  Shepherds — Death  of  Raymond  of  Toulouse 
— of  Queen  Blanche — Louis  returns  to  France — His  domestic  administration — 
Dearth  of  contemporary  authorities — Cession  of  Aquitaine  to  Henry  III. — Death 
of  the'  Heir-apparent,  Louis — Edict  suppressing  private  wars — Treaty  with  Ara- 
gon — Reforms — Pragmatic  Sanction — Arbitration  between  Henry  III.  and  his 
Barons — Affairs  of  Italy — Charles  of  Anjou  accepts  the  Crown  of  the  Two 
Sicilies — Disasters  of  the  East — Louis  projects  a  new  Crusade — Expedition  to 
Tunis — Pestilence — Sickness  and  Death  of  Louis  IX. 

The  First  Crusade  of  Louis  IX.  has  been  narrated  by  a  Chronicler 
who  possessed  close  personal  access  to  the  King,  and  who 
a.  d.  1248.  deserved  the  intimate  confidence  which  he  enjoyed;  and 
even  at  the  risk  of  being  thought  tedious,  we  shall  there- 
fore more  frequently  refer  to  his  minute  but  correct  and  characteristic 
representations,  than  to  the  general,  and  therefore  loose  and  less  vivid 
statements  of  writers  not  so  immediately  connected  with  the  scenes  and 
actions  which  they  relate. 

John,  Lord  of  Joinville,  was  the  representative  of  an  ancient  and  illus- 
trious House  in  Champagne,  of  which  Province  he  was  also  hereditary 
High-Seneschal.  His  wealth,  however,  appears  by  no  means  to  have 
corresponded  with  the  dignity  of  his  birth  and  station ;  the  larger  part 
of  his  estate  was  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  his  mother's  dower ; 
and  when  he  had  resolved  to  accompany  Louis  IX.  in  his  expedition, 
and  to  maintain  at  his  own  cost  the  moderate  retinue  of  nine  Knights, 
that  portion  of  his  lands  which  remained  free  from  the  mortgages  by 
which  he  provided  funds  necessary  for  his  outfit,  furnished  a  rental  of 
only  1200  livres  *.  It  is  probable  that  he  was  about  twenty  years  of  age 
when  he  assumed  the  Cross ;  and  notwithstanding  the  enthusiasm  by 
which  he  was  animated,  some  tender  feelings  prevailed  as  the  moment 

*  On  his  arrival  at  Cyprus,  Joinville  had  only  240  livres  remaining  in  all  ;  and 
several  of  his  retinue  would  bave  abandoned  him,  if  the  King,  hearing  of  bis  distress, 
had  not  made  him  an  allowance  "  like  a  kind  lord"  of  800  Hires  tuumois.  We  refer 
throughout  to  Johues's  translation  of  Joinville. 


A.  D,    1248.]  WINTER  IN  CYPRUS.  101 

of  departure  drew  near  :  so  that  when  lie  passed  his  Castle  of  Joinville,  he 
durst  not  raise  his  eyes,  lest  his  courage  should  fail  at  the  remembrance 
of  a  beloved  abode,  and  of  two  children  whom  he  was  leaving,  perhaps 
for  ever.  He  embarked  at  Marseilles,  in  August;  and  the  Priests 
and  Clerks,  'mounting  the  forecastle  while  the  Mariners  unfurled  the 
sails,  chanted  "  Veni  Creator'*  lustily,  till  the  canvass  was  filled  by  the 
winds. 

The  piety  of  the  Chronicler,  and  the  strong  impressions  of  awe  which 
a  landsman  necessarily  feels  when  he  is  launched  for  the  first  time  upon 
the  great  deep,  are  most  naturally  expressed.  "  I  must  say  here,  that 
he  is  a  great  fool  who  shall  put  himself  in  such  danger,  having  wronged 
any  one,  or  having  any  mortal  sins  on  his  conscience  ;  for  when  he  goes 
to  sleep  in  the  evening,  he  knows  not  if  in  the  morning  he  may  not  find 
himself  under  the  sea."  Three  weeks  were  sufficient  for  the  voyage  to 
Cyprus;  in  spite  of  a  fearful  delay  off  a  "  a  great  round  mountain  "  on 
the  coast  of  Barbary,  which,  like  some  Capes  described  in  Romance, 
appeared  to  defy  the  progress  of  his  vessel.  During  two  nights  and  a 
whole  day,  the  crew  made  all  sail ;  and  when  they  imagined  themselves  to 
be  full  fifty  leagues  beyond  the  hated  rock,  "  it  was  all  the  same,  they  still 
had  the  mountain  near  at  hand."  By  the  advice  of  the  Dean  of  Mauru, 
"  a  very  discreet  Churchman,"  they  made  a  procession  round  the  masts  of 
the  ship.  The  day  chanced  to  be  Saturday,  and  the  holy  man  assured  his 
companions,  from  experience  in  his  own  Parish,  that  he  never  knew  any 
natural  evil,  arising  from  want  of  rain,  or  other  causes,  which  was  not 
relieved  by  God  and  His  Mother,  provided  they  were  solicited  by  pro- 
cessions, made  thrice,  with  becoming  devotion,  on  that  day.  Joinville 
at  the  moment  was  suffering  so  acutely  from  want  of  habituation  to  the 
sea,  that  he  was  obliged  to  be  supported  under  the  arms,  in  order  to 
enable  him  to  partake  of  the  votive  service  ;  but  no  sooner  was  it  com- 
pleted than  they  lost  sight  of  the  mountain,  and  proceeded  without  fur- 
ther difficulty  to  Cyprus. 

Louis,  who  was  in  advance  of  his  main  armament,  had  collected 
plentiful  stores  in  that  Island;  and  it  was  probably  during  his  stay  there 
that  he  resolved  upon  his  final  destination,  by  adopting  a  favourite 
political  maxim  of  his  times,  that  the  Holy  Land  was  to  be  conquered  in 
Egypt.  The  wine-casks,  bought  two  years  before  and  left  in  the  open 
fields,  were  piled  up  like  great  houses ;  and  the  masses  of  grain,  similarly 
heaped  together,  appeared  as  so  many  green  mountains.  The  corn, 
indeed,  in  all  the  outer  coating  which  was  unprotected  by  thatch  or 
roofing,  had  sprouted  under  the  rains ;  but  when  that  crust  was 
removed,  all  beneath  was  as  fresh  and  fair  as  if  it  had  just  been  threshed. 
In  the  course  of  the  winter,  Louis  held  much  friendly  communication  with 
several  Eastern  Princes;  who  arc  described  by  Joinville,  under  the  titles 
of  the  Great  Cham  of  Tartary,   the   King  of  Armenia,  a  vassal  of  the 


102  LANDING  AT  DAMIETTA.  [CH.  VI. 

Sultan  of  Connie,  and  the  Sultan  of  Babylon,  who  imagined  that  the 
French  were  about  to  make  war  upon  his  enemy  the  Sultan  of  Hamault*. 
The  zeal  of  Louis  perceived  in  these  overtures  from  Infidel  Powers  a 
golden  opportunity  for  missionary  efforts;  and  he  despatched  to  the 
Cham  of  Tartary  two  Black  Monks  skilled  in  the  Saracen  language  ; 
who  among  the  inducements  to  conversion  which  they  were  instructed 
to  offer,  were  the  bearers  of  a  rich  tent  of  fine  scarlet  cloth,  embroidered 
on  the  inside  with  portraitures  of  the  Annunciation  and  of  other  mys- 
teries of  the  Christian  Faith. 

On  Whitsun  eve  in  the  following  year,  eighteen  hundred  vessels 
quitted  Cyprus  for  Egypt.  It  was  a  pleasant  sight  to  be- 
A.  a.  1249.  hold  ;  for  it  seemed  as  if  the  whole  sea,  as  far  as  eyes  could 
reach,  was  covered  with  cloth,  from  the  great  quantity  of 
sails  that  were  spread  to  the  wind.  But  at  Lymesson,  where  the  King 
landed  in  order  to  hear  Mass,  of  full  2800  Knights  who  had  embarked 
with  him,  only  700  were  mustered.  The  rest  had  been  dispersed  in  a 
gale,  and,  for  a  time,  much  apprehension  was  entertained  regarding  their 
safety.  On  the  morrow,  however,  the  diminished  army  proceeded  to 
Damietta,  where  the  Sultan  of  Egypt  had  gathered  his  whole  force  in 
order  to  prevent  a  landing.  They  were  handsome  men  to  look  at, 
and  with  their  horns  and  nacaires,  or  kettle  drums,  they  made  a  noise 
frightful  to  hear,  and  which  seemed  very  strange  to  the  French.  The 
Sultan  -}-  wore  arms  of  burnished  gold,  of  so  fine  a  polish,  that  when  the 
Sun  shone  on  them  he  seemed  like  the  Sun  itself.  Louis,  however,  was 
undismayed  by  this  parade  of  war ;  and  when  urged  to  await  the  arrival 
of  his  missing  force,  he  argued  that  delay  would  encourage  the  enemy, 
and  that  a  second  gale  might  still  further  lessen  his  own  numbers. 

Joinville  was  among  the  first  who  landed,  on  the  morrow;  and  of  all 
those  whom  he  had  brought  with  him  from  France,  not  one,  either  friend 
or  servant,  was  by  his  side  on  this  most  perilous  occasion.  The  Knights 
as  they  sprang  to  shore,  formed  a  pavisade  or  barrier  wTith  their  shields 
and  stuck  their  spears  in  the  sand  with  the  points  inclining  outward. 
Against  this  cheval-de-frise,  the  charge  of  6000  Saracen  cavalry  was  un- 
availing; and,  after  an  idle  demonstration,  the  horsemen  wheeled  round, 
and  galloped  back  to  their  original  position. 

As  soon  as  the  Oriflamme  was  landed,  Louis  jumped  from  his  vessel 
into  the  sea,  which  rose  to  his  very  shoulders,  and  with  his  shield  round 
his  neck,  his  helmet  on  his  head,  and  his  lance  on  his  wrist,  in  spite  of 
the  remonstrance  of  the  Legate,   Odo,  Bishop  of  Tusculum,  he  waded 

*  This  was  not  the  Great  Cham  himself,  but  one  of  his  Tributaries  named  Ereatay 
or  Erchalchai.  Connie  is  Iconium  or  Coni.  Cairo  was  called  Babylon  by  the  Cru- 
saders.    Hamault  is  properly  Haman,  one  of  the  possessions  of  the  Lord  of  Aleppo. 

f  This  was  not  the  Sultan  Nedjm-addin  himself,  who  was  absent  from  the  army 
with  an  ulcerated  le<*,  which  afterwards  proved  mortal.  It  was  probably  his 
General  Fachr-addin,  Commander  of  the  Mamlouks. 


A.  D.  1249.]  OCCUPATION  OF  THE  CITY.  103 

forward  till  he  had  joined  his  Knights  ;  by  whom  he  was  not  easily 
restrained  from  making  a  course  alone  against  the  Saracens.  But  so 
great  a  risk  was  now  altogether  unnecessary,  if  indeed  any  circumstances 
could  ever  have  rendered  it  advisable.  A  report  of  the  death  of  the 
Sultan*  alarmed  the  inhabitants  of  the  City  ;  and  its  garrison,  astonished 
at  the  firmness  of  the  Christians,  who  on  foot  had  dared  to  await  their 
onset,  (a  daring  to  which  in  their  native  wars  they  had  never  before  wit- 
nessed a  parallel,)  evacuated  Damietta,  after  setting  fire  to  its  ware- 
houses. Much  loss  accrued  to  the  conquerors  by  this  burning  ;  but  so 
hasty  was  the  retreat  of  the  Turks,  that  they  neglected  a  most  important 
military  operation,  and  left  their  bridge  of  boats  standing.  "  Let  us  ask 
ourselves,"  is  the  devout  comment  of  Joinville  upon  this  most  unex- 
pected success,  "  what  grace  did  not  God  the  Creator  show  us  in  pre- 
serving us  from  death  and  danger?"  A  few  hundred  in- 
fantry had  put  to  flight  a  host  of  well-appointed  horsemen  ;  June  7. 
and  a  strong  and  powerful  City,  which  heretofore  had  defied 
all  attacks  but  those  slowly  urged  by  famine  tj  had  been  abandoned 
without  the  advance  of  a  single  engine  against  its  ramparts. 

The  seeds  of  discontent,  however,  w?ere  scattered  among  the  Crusaders 
soon  after  this  splendid  success,  by  an  injudicious  disposition  of  the 
spoil.  According  to  ancient  custom,  one-third  had  invariably  been  ap- 
portioned to  the  King,  and  the  remainder  distributed  among  the  Pilgrims. 
Louis,  on  the  contrary,  reserved  for  the  future  supply  of  his  army  the 
entire  stock  of  provisions  taken  from  the  enemy,  and  proclaimed  that 
every  other  article  should  be  delivered  at  the  Legate's  quarters  on  pain 
of  Excommunication.  Much  of  the  plunder,  no  doubt,  was  surrep- 
titiously appropriated  to  private  use ;  for  the  entire  produce  of  its  sale 
amounted  to  not  more  than  6000  livres.  This  sum  was  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  John  de  Valeri, *c  a  good  and  discreet  man,"  who  refused  the 
office,  and  strenuously  objected  to  the  innovation.  Louis,  nevertheless, 
persisted,  sorely  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  many ;  and  this  evil  feeling  was 
increased  both  by  the  exactions  made  by  the  Royal  officers  from  the 
sutlers  and  merchants  who  followed  the  camp,  and  by  the  disorderly 
and  licentious  conduct  of  an  army  revelling  in  plenty. 

So  badly  at  one  time  was  the  camp  sentineled,  that  the  Saracens 
frequently  entered  it  by  night,  and  bore  away  the  heads  of  those  whom 
they  had  massacred  in  their  sleep,  receiving  from  the  Sultan  a  besant  of 
gold  for  each  of  their  mangled  trophies.  The  King  forebore  to  advance 
till  he  should  receive  intelligence  of  his  brother  of  Poitiers,  one  among 

*  The  Sultan  really  died  some  time  afterwards,  during  the  advance  of  the  Cru- 
saders. But  Aboal  Moucassin,  from  whom  we  derive  the  Arabic  account  of  this 
expedition,  mentions  that  an  Kmir  named  Nedjm-addin  was  killed  during  the  landing 
of  the  French.     The  identity  of  the  name  probably  occasioned  the  false  report. 

f  During  the  Vth,"  Crusade  John  of  Rrienne,  King  of  Jerusalem,  had  starved  Da- 
mietta into  surrender,  after  blockading  it  fifteen  months. 


104  ADVANCE  OF  THE  FRENCH.  [CH.  VI. 

the  Knights  who  had  separated  from  him  in  the  gale  before  mentioned*; 
and  who  did  not  re-appear  till  the  expedient  of  the  Saturday  procession 
had  been  twice  practised,  on  Joinville's  assurance  of  its  former  success 
in  his  own  instance.  Happy  was  it  for  the  Count  that  he  did  not 
attempt  to  rejoin  the  army  on  either  of  the  first  two  days  devoted  to  vows 
for  his  security;  for  on  both  of  them,  storms  so  hideous  prevailed  at 
Damietta,  that  twelve  score  vessels,  great  and  small,  were  wrecked  and 
sunk,  with  the  loss  of  their  crews. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Count  of  Poitiers,  after  a  delay  of  more  than  five 
months  at  Damietta  (a  want  of  prudence  to  which  all  the  subsequent 
disasters  may  be  attributed  f),  it  was  resolved  that  the  army  should  move 
onward;  but  the  object  of  march  was  still  undetermined,  and  both  Alex- 
andria and  Cairo  were  proposed  as  its  destination.  In  behalf  of  the 
former  were  urged  the  advantages  of  its  excellent  harbour;  but  the 
advice  of  the  Count  of  Artois  prevailed,  who  vowed  that  he  would 
never  enter  Alexandria  till  he  had  occupied  Babylon,  the  main  seat 
of  the  Egyptian  Empire;  adding  that  whoever  wished  to  kill  a  snake 

must  begin  with  the  head.  The  first  Canal  which  impeded 
Nov.  20.       their  march,  was  crossed  by  a  dam  framed  in  a  single  day ; 

and  the  chief  danger  then  encountered  arose  from  the 
treachery  of  a  band  of  500  Saracens,  whom  the  Sultan  had  sent,  under 
a  pretext  of  assistance  J.  One  of  these  traitors,  watching  his  opportunity, 
felled  a  Knight  in  the  vanguard  from  his  horse ;  but  they  wrere  attacked 
by  the  Templars,  on  the  moment,  so  fiercely,  that  not  a  man  among  them 
escaped  being  slain  or  drowned. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pause  upon  Joinville's  account  of  the  Nile,  and 

of  its  mysterious  origin  in  the  Terrestrial  Paradise.     The 
Dec.  20.      French  marched  upon  that  branch  of  it  from  which  is  derived 

the  Canal  of  Aschmoum  flowing  towards  the  City  of  Tenis§; 

*  It  seems  doubtful  whether  Alfonse  Count  of  Poitiers  was  separated  during  the 
gale,  as  Joinville  asserts,  or  whether,  according  to  the  Gesta  Dei  per  Francos  (89.  98) 
he  embarked  from  France  with  a  large  reinforcement  several  months  after  the  de- 
parture of  St.  Louis. 

f  M.  de  Sismondi  (vii.  405)  has  cited  a  dictum  of  Napoleon  on  this  point,  which 
must  be  deemed  conclusive,  both  on  account  of  the  military  skill  of  that  great  man, 
and  his  personal  acquaintance  with  the  Country  of  which  he  was  speaking.  "  If  on 
June  8,  124!),  St.  Louis  had  manoeuvred  as  tbe  French  did  in  1798,  he  would  have 
arrived  at  Mansourah  on  the  12th.  He  would  then  have  traversed  tbe  Canal  of 
Aschmoum  dryshod  ;  for  it  is  the  season  at  which  the  waters  of  tbe  Nile  are  lowest. 
He  would  have  reduced  Cairo  on  the  26th,  and  have  conquered  the  whole  of  Lower 
Egypt  within  a  month  after  his  disembarkation.  Montholon,"  Notes  el  Melanges  de 
Aapo/eon,  i.  82." 

I  It  is  difficult  to  understand  how  this  pretext  could  be  believed  by  a  General  who 
had  just  beaten  the  troops  of  the  Sultan,  and  was  in  full  hostile  march  upon  his 
Capital. 

§  The  River  of  Rexi,  as  Joinville  calls  it ;  but  if  Rexi  be,  as  it  probably  is, 
Raschit  or  Rosetta,  this  is  plainly  a  mistake ;  for  the  march  of  tbe  French  was  not 
between  the  Rosetta  and  the  Damietta  branches  of  the  Nile,  but  altogether  without 
the  Delta. 


A.  D.   1250.]  GREEK  FIRE.  105 

and  they  found  the  Emir  Fachr-addin*  encamped  upon  the  opposite 
bank.  Brfjrois  and  Chats-chastci/s-f,  and  other  military  engines  were 
here  constructed,  and  an  attempt,  like  that  which  had  before  succeeded, 
was  made  to  throw  a  dam  across  the  Canal.  But  the  Saracens  dug  wide 
and  deep  pits  on  their  side ;  the  reflux  of  the  stream  into 
which  carried  away  the  fresh-piled  earth,  and  ruined  in  one  a.  n.  1250. 
or  two  days  the  labour  of  three  weeks  or  a  month.  Mean- 
time, numerous  skirmishes  ensued,  in  which  the  Crusaders  suffered 
pitcouslv,  from  the  effects  of  the  formidable  Greek  fire  J,  now  classed 
among  the  deperdita.  "  No  one  can  possibly  save  us  from  this  peril, 
but  God  our  benignant  Creator,"  was  the  declaration  of  the  brave  Sir 
Walter  de  Curel,  when  a  shower  of  this  combustible  was  launched  from 
a  pcrricre  near  the  Chat-chastcil  which  he  was  guarding  in  company 
with  Joinville.  "  I  therefore  advise  you  all  to  cast  yourselves  upon  your 
hands  and  knees,  and  to  cry  for  mercy  to  our  Lord,  in  whom  alone  re- 
sides all  power.''  The  King  himself  whenever  he  heard  a  discharge  of 
this  fire  fell  upon  the  ground,  and,  with  extended  arms  and  eyes  turned 
to  the  heavens,  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  and  shedding  heavy  tears, 
"  Good  Lord  God,  Jesus  Christ,  preserve  me  and  all  my  people!" 
These  sincere  prayers,  adds  the  Seneschal  of  Champagne,  were  of 
great  service;  and  never,  if  we  may  judge  from  his  description  of  the 
fire,  were  prayers  more  needed.  "  In  appearance  it  was  like  a  large 
tun,  and  its  tail  was  of  the  length  of  a  long  spear;  the  noise  which  it 
made  was  like  to  thunder,  and  it  seemed  a  great  dragon  of  fire  flying- 
through  the  air,  giving  so  great  a  light  with  its  flame,  that  we  saw  in 
our  camp  as  clearly  as  in  broad  day." 

The  Chats-chasteils  while  under  the  guard  of  the  Count  of  Anjou  were 
burned  in  the  day-time  by  this  fire ;  and  Louis,  anxious  to  relieve  his 
brother  from  a  disgrace  which  heavily  oppressed  him,  constructed  fresh 
engines  at  infinite  cost,  by  transporting  over  land  every  boat  which  could 
be  spared  from  the  fleet.  The  timber  thus  employed  was  estimated  to 
be  worth  10,000  livres;  and  no  sooner  had  the  new  machines  been  com- 
pleted, than  they  were  again  similarly  destroyed.     Joinville  assures  us, 

*  Nedjm-addin  died  November  26,  and  the  Emir  Fachr-addin  assumed  command 
tiil  the  arrival  of  the  late  Sultan's  son  and  successor,  Touran  Chah,  who  was  absent 
in  his  Government  of  Damascus. 

f  The  Beffroi  was  a  lofty  wooden  tower  several  stories  in  height,  and  movable 
on  wheels.  The  word,  after  having  been  applied  to  signal-towers  on  frontier  towns, 
has  now  become  limited  to  the  peaceable  Bel/ru  of  Ecclesiastical  architecture.  The 
Chat  was  a  covered  gallery  fastened  to  the  walls  for  the  protection  of  Sappers  and 
Miners  ;  when  fortified  with  a  tower  it  bore  the  name  of  Chat'chasteil.  Very  simi- 
lar engines  are  described  by  Justus  Lipsius  in  his  I'u/iorcetictun,  as  in  use  among 
the  Romans. 

X  Ducange  has  written  lengthily  upon  the  Greek  fire,  both  in  his  Notes  on  Join- 
ville and  on  Villehardouin.  It  was  named  either  from  its  inventor  C'allinieus,  a 
Syrian  Greek,  or  because  the  knowledge  and  use  of  it  was  peculiar  to  the  Greeks. 
It  resisted  extinction  by  water,  and  was  either  blown  by  the  month  through  metallic 
tubes,  or  far  more  forcibly  discharged  from  various  engines,  as  the^x/rior,  tbe  ma- 
chine with  which  stones  (pierre*)  were  commonly  thrown. 


106  BATTLE  OF  MANSOURAH.  [dl.  VI. 

that,  on  each  occasion,  he  and  his  Knights  returned  thanks  to  God ;  for 
that,  if  the  attack  had  been  made  during  the  guard  which  devolved  upon 
them  by  night,  instead  of  that  of  the  Count  of  Anjou  by  day,  every  one 
of  them  must  inevitably  have  been  burned. 

Great  perplexity  arose  when  it  became  evident  that  no  passage  of  the 
Canal  could  be  effected  by  a  causeway;  till  an  Arab  offered, 
Shrove  for  500  besants,  to  show  a  ford  which  might  be  crossed  by 
Tuesday,  cavalry.  The  guide  was  true  to  his  promise ;  and  as  the 
Feb.  8.  divisions  which  had  been  sent  forward  to  explore  established 
themselves  upon  the  opposite  bank,  the  Saracens,  who  at 
first  seemed  inclined  to  offer  resistance,  turned  their  horses,  and  fled  at 
full  speed.  The  van  of  the  Crusaders  had  been  confided  to  the  Tem- 
plars ;  but  the  Count  d'Artois,  unable  to  restrain  his  ardour,  insulted 
them  as  tardy,  and  dashing  forward  in  pursuit,  galloped  onward  through 
the  town  of  Mansourah.  On  his  return,  the  narrow  streets  were  filled 
with  Turkish  archers ;  and  the  Count  himself,  300  of  his  Knights,  and 
nearly  as  many  Templars,  perished  under  the  cloud  of  arrows  with  which 
they  were  assailed.  The  King,  hearing  of  his  brother's  danger,  but  not 
of  his  death,  hastened  to  his  relief;  "  and  I  assure  you,"  says  Joinville, 
"  I  never  saw  so  handsome  a  man  under  arms.  He  was  taller  than  any 
of  his  troop  by  the  shoulders,  and  his  helmet,  which  was  gilded,  was 
handsomely  placed  on  his  head,  and  he  bore  a  German  sword  in  his 
hand."  The  conflict,  soon  becoming  general,  was  fought  man  to  man, 
with  sabres,  battle-axes,  and  butts  of  spears,  and  Louis  bore  himself 
most  gallantly.  Wherever  the  press  was  thickest  and  his  men  were  in 
greatest  jeopardy,  thither  rode  the  Prince;  and,  at  one  time,  by  his 
single  arm  he  disengaged  himself  from  the  grasp  of  six  Turks,  who  had 
seized  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  and  were  leading  him  away  as  their  pri- 
soner. Joinville  was  wounded  in  five  places,  his  second  horse  (he  had 
been  felled  senseless  from  his  first)  in  fifteen.  Yet  the  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  and  the  consequent  preservation  of  the  French,  appear  to  have 
been  altogether  due  to  the  Seneschal's  persevering  defence  of  a  bridge 
towards  the  close  of  this  hard-fought  action. 

The  French  asserted  victory  because  they  retained  possession  of  the 
Field ;  but  their  loss  had  been  most  severe,  and  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Saracens  appears  to  have  been  the  result  of  their  ordinary  tactics,  rather 
than  of  any  want  of  success,  notwithstanding  Fachr-addin  was  amongst 
the  killed.  The  attack,  indeed,  was  renewed  by  them  before  the  follow- 
ing daybreak,  when  Joinville  was  roused  from  a  brief  slumber  to  defend 
his  engines.  The  Mamlouk  who  succeeded  Fachr-addin  in  command 
either  really  believed,  or  else  thought  it  politic  to  represent,  that  the 
fallen  Count  of  Artois  was  the  King  of  the  French ;  and  having  dis- 
played in  his  camp  the  richly  embroidered  coat-armour  found  upon  the 
body  of  the  deceased  Prince,  he  notified  his  intention  of  following  up, 
at  the  expiration  of  three  days,  an  army  which  must  be  dispirited  by  the 


A.  I).   1250.]  SECOND  BATTLE.  107 

loss  of  its  Commander.  The  Battle  which  ensued  was  yet  more  mur- 
derous than  the  engagement  which  we  have  just  described.  The  divi- 
sion of  the  Count  of  Anjou  was  defeated,  and  he  himself,  who  fought  on 
foot,  was  "  very  uncomfortably  situated."  His  deliverance  was  effected 
by  the  personal  valour  of  the  King,  who  "  galloped  into  the  midst  of 
the  Battle,  lance  in  hand,  to  where  his  brother  was,  and  gave  most 
deadly  blows  to  the  Turks,  hastening  always  to  where  he  saw  the  greatest 
crowd.  He  suffered  many  hard  blows,  and  his  horse  was  covered  with 
Greek  fire."  Another  Battalion,  led  by  the  Master  of  the  Templars, 
"  fared  but  badly."  That  brave  soldier,  who  had  lost  one  eye  in  the 
former  action,  was  slain  in  this  second  after  losing  the  other  also.  "  It 
is  certain  that  in  the  rear  of  the  Templars  there  was  about  an  acre  of 
ground  so  covered  with  bolts,  darts,  arrows,  and  other  weapons,  that  you 
could  not  see  the  earth  beneath  them."  Joinville  and  his  Knights,  still 
smarting  with  their  wounds,  were  unable  to  wear  armour  ;  and  he  most 
ingenuously  confesses  his  thankfulness  to  God  that  the  strength  of  his 
position  saved  him  from  attack.  The  Count  of  Poitiers  was  at  one  time 
taken  prisoner,  and  was  rescued  only  by  a  tumultuous  but  successful 
charge  of  the  camp-followers  of  both  sexes.  These  details  are  unfavour- 
able to  the  Crusaders;  but  as  the  Saracens  again  drew  off,  Louis  once 
more  employed  the  language  of  success.  His  tone,  however,  was  mani- 
festly lowered ;  he  no  longer  boasted  of  dislodging  his  enemies  from  their 
quarters,  but  was  content  to  express  gratitude  for  having  retained  pos- 
session of  his  own.  "  This  Friday,  which  is  now  passed,  we  have  de- 
fended ourselves  against  the  Saracens,  very  many  of  us  being  without 
arms,  while  they  were  completely  armed,  on  horseback,  and  on  their  own 
ground." 

But  an  enemy,  far  more  formidable  than  the  Saracen  sword,  was  yet 
to  be  encountered.  Before  a  fortnight  had  elapsed  after  these  "  mar- 
vellously sharp  and  severe  Battles,"  the  current  of  the  Nile  was  choked 
by  the  corpses  of  the  slain,  which  then  began  to  float.  During  eight 
days,  100  men  were  employed  in  separating  the  bodies  of  the  Christians 
from  those  of  the  Infidels,  in  order  that  the  former  might  receive  burial; 
and  the  miasma  thus  occasioned  was  insufferable.  The  chief  sustenance 
of  the  army  during  the  season  of  Lent,  which  had  recently  commenced, 
was  a  loathsome  supply,  the  eel-pouts  of  the  river,  "  which  is  a  glut- 
tonous fish,  and  feeds  upon  dead  bodies."  The  scurvy  also,  generated  by 
drought  and  by  this  unwholesome  food,  spread  its  contagious  ravages 
widely ;  so  that  many  were  too  greatly  affected  in  the  gums  to  retain 
any  power  of  eating  ;  and  in  the  rude  operations  of  military  surgery  as 
then  practised,  their  agonies  no  doubt  were  greatly  enhanced  by  attempts 
at  their  relief.  The  groans  of  the  sufferers,  as  Joinville  expresses  him- 
self with  simplicity,  but  with  force  not  to  be  exceeded,  "  seemed  like  to 
the  cries  of  women  in  labour.     The  ilesh  on  our  legs  also  was  dried  up 


108  DISTRESS  OF  THE  FRENCH.  [cil.  VI, 

to  the  bone,  and  our  skins  became  tanned  as  black  as  the  ground,  or 
like  an  old  boot  that  has  lain  long  behind  a  coffer." 

These  miseries  were  increased  by  the  interception  of  supplies.  The 
Turks,  by  dragging  galleys  over  land  and  by  launching  them  again 
below  the  army,  had  excluded  all  communication  with  Damietta.  Yet 
so  ill  were  the  Crusaders  provided  with  intelligence,  that  they  did  not 
know  the  cause  of  this  interruption  by  which  their  astonishment  had 
been  excited,  till  the  Captain  of  a  vessel  which,  more  fortunate  than  her 
mates,  had  forced  a  passage,  informed  them  that  four  score  galleys  with 
their  entire  crews  had  already  been  captured  in  similar  attempts.  It 
was  now  obvious  that  speedy  retreat  alone  could  preserve  the  shattered 
remnant  of  the  army.  Some  overtures,  indeed,  were  made  towards  ne- 
gotiation with  an  Emir  of  the  new  Sultan  Touran  Chah ;  but  the  pride 
of  the  French  justly  revolted  at  the  preliminary  condition  demanded  by  the 
Turks,  that  Louis  should  be  delivered  to  them  as  a  hostage.  "  Rather 
let  all  of  us  perish,"  was  the  indignant  answer  of  that  good  Knight  Sir 
Geoffrey  de  Sergenes,  "  than  that  it  should  be  said  of  us  that  we  have 
pawned  our  King  !  " 

On  the  evening  on  which  the  retreat  began,  Joinville  with  two  of  his 
Knights,  all  that  remained  to  him  of  his  original  company, 
April  5.  threw  himself  into  his  vessel,  and  as  night  fell,  by  the  glare 
of  the  fires  which  the  King  had  ordered  to  be  kindled  to 
cherish  the  unfortunate  sick,  he  saw  the  Saracens  enter  the  camp,  and 
murder  those  poor  sufferers  who  were  lying  on  the  bank  of  the  Nile 
waiting  for  embarkation.  In  the  haste  in  which  the  crews  of  some 
larger  galleys  cut  their  cables  in  order  to  escape  this  massacre,  Joinville's 
light  craft  was  nearly  run  down  and  sunk ;  and  he  was  afterwards  shot 
at  with  cross-bows  by  the  Royal  sentinels,  because  he  had  sailed  before 
the  issue  of  orders.  At  sunrise,  he  found  himself  approaching  the 
Sultan's  galleys  which  blockaded  the  passage  to  Damietta;  on  one 
bank  was  a  body  of  French  horse  in  rapid  flight,  on  the  other  were  the 
Saracens  plundering  a  vast  number  of  captured  vessels,  and  putting 
their  prisoners  to  the  sword.  In  this  choice  of  dangers,  the  Seneschal 
preferred  surrender  to  the  galleys ;  and  even  then  his  escape  with  life 
was  owing  to  the  unexplained  friendliness  of  a  Saracen,  who  represented 
him  to  his  ferocious  comrades  as  a  person  of  mark,  a  cousin  of  the 
King*. 

Louis,  for  his  own  part,  although  grievously  afflicted  with  dysentery, 
still  continued  to  march  with  the  main  body  of  his  army.  His  sole 
immediate  attendant  when  he  arrived  at  the  village  of  Kiaree  (named 

*  The  devout  spirit  of  Joinville  rarely  embarrasses  itself  with  secondary  causes. 
It  is  enough  for  him  to  believe  that  "  God  sent  this  Saracen  to  his  aid."  The  only 
clue  furnished  to  the  Infidel's  conduct  (and  it  is  one  which  we  are  unable  to  un- 
ravel) is  that  he  was  a  servant  of  the  Emperor. 


A.  n.   1250.]  THFIR  CAPTIVITY.  1()0 

I  by  Joinville)  was  the  gallant  Knight  whom  we  have  just  men- 
tioned, Sir  Geoffrey  de  Sergenes,  who  kept  off  the  Turks  "  with  vigorous 
strokes  of  the  blade  and  point  of  his  sword,  and  defended  him  in  like 
manner  as  a  faithful  servant  does  the  cup  of  his  master  from  flies."  So 
exhausted,  however,  was  the  King  on  entering  Kiaree,  that  it  was  witli 
difficulty  he  could  dismount;  and  Sir  Geoffrey,  having  led  him  into  a 
house,  rt  placed  him  in  the  lap  of  a  woman  who  had  come  from  Paris, 
thinking  that  every  moment  must  be  his  last,  for  he  had  no  hopes  that 
he  could  ever  pass  that  day  without  dying."  It  happened  that  Sir 
Philip  de  Montfort  recognised,  in  the  same  village,  the  Emir  with  whom 
he  had  formerly  held  parley;  and  having  obtained  the  King's  permis- 
sion, he  renewed  proposals  for  a  Truce.  The  Emir  consented,  and  de- 
livered his  ring  as  a  pledge  of  fidelity;  when  an  unexpected  accident 
abruptly  terminated  the  negociation.  A  knave  or  a  coward  among  the 
French  (Joinville  stigmatizes  him  as  the  former,  "  a  villainous  traitor 
of  an  apostate  Sergeant  named  Marcel  ")  loudly  proclaimed  that  the 
King  commanded  his  Knights  to  surrender  as  the  only  means  of  saving 
either  his  life  or  their  own.  The  Knights  were  greatly  surprised,  but 
delivered  up  their  arms  in  obedience  to  these  false  orders ;  and  the  Emir, 
turning  to  De  Montfort,  remarked  that  Truce  was  no  longer  necessary 
with  those  who  were  already  prisoners. 

Joinville  had  suffered  lamentably  since  his  capture.  His  Chaplain 
and  his  Chaplain's  Clerk  had  been  murdered,  and  thrown  into  the  river 
under  his  eyes ;  and  scarcely  an  hour  had  passed  without  some  hideous 
image  of  death  being  presented  to  him.  After  five  days  of  this  acute 
misery,  the  Infidels  conveyed  him  to  the  spot  in  which  the  King  and  his 
Knights  were  prisoners.  The  chief  Nobles,  among  whom  Joinville  was 
admitted,  were  confined  in  a  large  pavilion.  Others  of  inferior  con- 
dition were  assembled  in  a  huge  area  surrounded  by  mud-walls,  whence 
they  were  led  out  one  by  one,  and  as  they  accepted  or  rejected  the  re- 
nunciation of  Faith  proposed  by  their  guards,  they  were  put  aside  or 
immediately  beheaded. 

The  Terms  offered  to  the  Barons  for  their  deliverance  were  the  aban- 
donment of  either  some  of  the  fortresses  in  the  Holy  Land  belonging  to 
the  Emperor  of  Germany,  or  some  of  those  in  possession  of  the  Templars 
and  Hospitallers.  Both  proposals  were  unhesitatingly  declined,  the  first 
as  not  being  within  their  power,  the  second  as  involving  perjury ;  for 
the  Companions  of  those  Orders  had  solemnly  sworn  upon  admission 
that  they  would  never  surrender  their  Castles  for  the  deliverance  of  any 
man  whatever.  The  Saracens  remarked  that  since  their  prisoners  were 
unwilling  to  regain  liberty  on  reasonable  conditions,  they  would  send 
those  to  them  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the  use  of  the  sword;  and 
that  they  might  expect  treatment  similar  to  that  which  their  comrades 
had  already  received.  "While  however  the  captives  were  awaiting  the 
appearance  of  their  executioners,  in  completion  of  this  menace,  they 


1  10  GREAT  TERIL  OF  THE  FRENCH.  [dl.  VI. 

were  surprised  by  the  glad  intelligence  that  the  King  had  succeeded  in 
obtaining  their  freedom. 

Louis,  undismayed  by  fearful  threats  of  torture*,  had  refused  com- 
pliance with  the  demands  of  the  Saracen  Council,  in  like  manner  and 
on  the  same  grounds  with  his  Barons.  "  1  am  your  prisoner,"  was  his 
reply,  "  do  with  me  what  you  please."  At  length  he  engaged  to  pay 
10,000  golden  besants,  that  is  500,000  livresf  for  the  ransom  of  his 
army,  and  further,  to  surrender  Damietta  for  the  purchase  of  his  own 
liberty,  since  he  was  of  a  rank  in  which  bodily  ransom  could  not  be  esti- 
mated by  the  value  of  money.  The  Sultan,  struck  by  the  liberality  with 
which  his  offer  was  at  once  accepted,  without  any  bargaining,  remitted 
a  fifth  of  the  payment.  But  scarcely  had  this  Treaty  been 
May  1.  arranged,  than  by  one  of  those  sudden  Revolutions  so  com- 
mon in  semi-barbarous  Governments,  the  French  were  again 
exposed  to  the  hazard  of  massacre.  The  Mamlouks,  discontented  with 
their  Sultan,  conspired  for  his  assassination  ;  and  one  of  the  murderers 
having  torn  the  heart  from  the  yet  palpitating  body  of  the  slaughtered 
Prince,  thrust  it  with  his  gory  hands  before  the  King  of  France,  asking 
at  the  same  time  what  reward  he  deserved  for  having  slain  an  enemy 
who,  if  he  had  lived  longer,  would  have  put  his  prisoner  to  death  J  ? 

When  thirty  others  reeking  from  the  scene  of  blood,  with  their  swords 
drawn  and  their  battle-axes  on  their  necks,  entered  the  galley  from 
which  Joinville  and  his  companions  were  not  yet  released,  the  Seneschal 
believed  that  his  last  moment  was  at  hand;  and  he  describes  his  antici- 
pations of  the  fate  which  he  thought  impending,  so  ingenuously  and  with 
so  entire  a  freedom  from  disguise,  that  not  a  doubt  can  exist  of  the  vera- 
city of  his  general  narrative.  He  saw  his  friends  around  him  confessing 
themselves  to  a  Monk ;  "  but  with  regard  to  myself,"  he  continues,  "  I 
no  longer  thought  of  any  sin  or  evil  which  I  had  done,  but  only  that  I 

*  The  King  was  threatened  with  the  Bernicles,  a  torture  upon  which  Ducange 
has  written  a  Dissertation  Cxix.),  which  he  thinks  was  probably  identical  with  the 
Cippus  of  the  Latins,  and  which  is  thus  fearfully  described  by  Joinville.  "  It  is  the 
greatest  torture  they  can  inflict  on  any  one.  The  Bernicles  are  formed  of  two  thick 
blocks  of  wood,  fastened  together  at  the  top  ;  and  when  they  use  tins  mode  of  tor- 
ture, they  lay  a  person  on  his  side  (sur  la  coste,  a  reading  which  Ducange  with  great 
probability  believes  to  be  wrong,  and  for  which,  on  the  authority  of  a  parallel 
passage,  he  substitutes  sitr  une  coute,  on  a  bed)  between  these  two  blocks,  passing 
his  legs  through  broad  pins.  They  then  fix  the  upper  block  on  the  sufferer,  and 
make  a  man  sit  on  it,  by  which  means  all  the  small  bones  of  his  legs  are  broken  or 
dislocated.  To  increase  the  torture,  at  the  end  of  three  days,  they  replace  bis  legs, 
which  are  now  greatly  swollen,  in  the  Bernicles,  and  break  them  again,  which  is 
the  most  cruel  thing  ever  heard  ;  and  they  tie  his  head  down  with  bullock's  sinews 
for  fear  he  should  move  himself  when  in  them."   p.  172. 

•}■  Ducange,  Dissertation  xx. 

X  Louis  was  informed,  that  the  Emirs,  after  this  Revolution,  were  very  desirous 
to  elect  him  Sultan  of  Babylon.  "  He  one  day  asked  me,"  says  Joinviile,  "  if  I 
were  of  opinion  that  if  the  Kingdom  of  Babylon  had  been  offered  him  he  ought  to 
have  taken  it  ?  I  answered,  that  if  he  had,  he  would  have  done  a  foolish  thing, 
seeing  they  had  murdered  their  Lord,  Notwithstanding  this,  the  King  told  me  he 
should  scarcely  have  refused." 


A.D.  1250.]         TREATY  FOR  THEIR  RELEASE.  '  111 

about  to  receive  my  death.  In  consequence,  I  fell  on  my  knees  at 
the  fout  of  one  of  the  Saracens,  and  making  the  sign  of  the  Cross,  said 
1  Thus  died  Sic.  Agnes.'  Sir  Guy  d'Ebelin,  Constable  of  Cyprus,  knelt 
betide  me,  and  confessed  himself  to  me;  and  I  gave  him  such  absolution 
as  God  was  pleased  to  grant  inc  the  power  of  bestowing  ;  but  of  all  the 
things  which  he  had  said  to  me,  when  I  rose,  up,  I  could  not  remember 
one  of  them.''  Joinville  was  well  prepared  to  die  for  his  Faith,  and  his 
bravery  and  his  piety  had  been  often  tried  and  were  undisputed;  but  he 
was  botli  too  pious  and  too  brave  to  feel  any  humiliation  in  acknow- 
ledging that  he  was  affected  by  natural  terror  at  the  immediate  prospect 
of  a  sudden  and  violent  death.  The  avarice  of  the  unbelievers,  however, 
prevailed  over  their  blood-thirstiness.  The  Barons  were  confined  in  the 
hold  of  their  galley,  and  laid  "  head  and  heels  together*."  They  passed 
a  night  of  feverish  alarm,  for  they  reasonably  believed  that  the  Saracens, 
afraid  of  attacking  them  in  a  body,  had  disposed  them  in  this  fashion  in 
order  that  they  might  put  them  to  death  singly.  In  the  morning,  how- 
ever, they  were  informed,  that  the  Convention  was  renewed,  and  that  the 
King  had  sworn  to  pay  the  first  moiety  of  their  ransom  before  he  quitted 
the  Nile,  the  second  on  his  arrival  at  Acre.  Some  difficulty  had  arisen, 
even  at  this  critical  moment,  respecting  the  wording  of  the  oathf;  that 
which  was  at  first  proposed  had  been  drawn  up  by  a  Renegade,  to  the 
following  purport :  that  if  the  King  violated  it,  "  he  should  be  reputed 
as  much  dishonoured  as  a  Christian  who  had  denied  his  God  and  his 
Faith;  and  who,  in  despite  of  God,  had  spate  upon  the  Cross,  and 
trampled  it  under  foot."  These  expressions  were  firmly  rejected  by 
Louis  as  blasphemous  ;  and  he  persisted  in  refusal  not  only  when  assured 
that  non-compliance  would  occasion  the  inevitable  death  of  both  himself 
and  all  his  people,  but  even  after  the  aged  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  upon 
whose  suggestion  he  was  falsely  supposed  to  act,  was  tied  to  a  stake  in 
his  presence,  as  if  for  immediate  execution.  So  violent  was  the  usage 
of  that  Prelate,  who  had  passed  his  eightieth  year,  that  the  blood  spouted 
from  his  swollen  hands  compressed  behind  his  back.  In  his  agonies  he 
cried  out,  "  Ah,  Sire,  Sire,  swear  boldly,  for  I  take  the  whole  sin  of  it 
upon  my  own  soul ;  since  it  is  by  this  means  alone  that  you  may  have 
the  power  to  fulfil  your  promises."  "  I  know  not,"  says  Joinville  in 
continuation,  "  whether  the  oath  was  taken  at  last;  but,  however  that 
may  be,  the  Emirs  at  length  held  themselves  satisfied  with  the  oaths  of 
the  King  and  of  his  Lords  then  present." 

On  the  surrender  of  Damietta,  much  disorder  occurred ;  the  Saracens 

*  Joinville  tells  us,  *  I  had  my  feet  right  in  the  face  of  the  Count  Peter  of  Brit- 
tany, whose  feet  in  return  were  beside  my  face."  The  Count  died  on  the  voyage 
homeward. 

f  The  oath  taken  by  the  Emirs  ran  in  the  following  form  ;  that  in  case  they 
should  fail  in  their  Convention  with  the  King,  they  would  own  themselves  dis- 
honoured like  those  who,  for  their  sins,  went  on  a  Pilgrimage  to  Mecca  bareheaded ; 
like  those  who,  having  divorced  their  wives,  took  them  back  again  j  or  like  those 
Believers  who  should  eat  Pork. 


112  SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  QUEEN'/  [cH.  Vl. 

drank  to  intoxication  of  the  wines  which  they  found  in  the  City ;  de- 
stroyed and  burned  for  three  days  the  military  engines  which  they  were 
hound  to  restore  unharmed,  and  the  salted  meats  which  it  was  unlawful 
for  them  to  consume  as  food ;  and  killed  all  the  sick  and  wounded  whom 
they  had  undertaken  to  nurse  and  to  protect.  Even  the  massacre  of  the 
King  and  of  the  other  prisoners  was  debated  in  their  Council,  as  a  measure 
which  would  ensure  repose  for  forty  years  to  come ;  and  so  doubtful  was 
it  whether  this  atrocious  proposition  would  not  be  adopted  in  the  end, 
that  the  galleys  in  which  the  Barons  were  confined  were  moved  back  a 
full  league  up  the  River.  Fear,  Mercy,  the  love  of  money,  or  a  horror 
of  crime,  decided  in  favour  of  the  Christians ;  and,  about  sunset,  they 
were  finally  landed.  Twenty  thousand  Saracens,  on  foot  and  girt  with 
swords,  surrounded  the  King,  when  he  entered  the  Genoese  galley  des- 
tined for  his  reception,  in  company  with  the  Count  of  Anjou,  Sir  Geoffrey 
de  Sargenes,  Joinville,  and  three  other  Noblemen ;  the  Count  of  Poitiers 
remaining  as  hostage  till  the  first  instalment  of  the  ransom  should  be 
completely  paid.  The  money  was  to  be  weighed,  and  each  weighing 
amounted  to  10,000  livres.  The  Infidels  miscounted  one  scale,  and  the 
Christian  by-standers  wished  to  profit  by  their  inadvertence  :  the  King, 
however,  indignantly  refused  connivance  with  this  pitiful  fraud,  and  in- 
sisted that  the  whole  sum  for  which  he  had  agreed  should  be  disbursed 
to  the  uttermost  farthing. 

Not  until  the  payment  had  been  fully  and  faithfully  discharged  could 
Louis  be  persuaded  to  make  sail  from  the  Port;  and  his 
May  8.  company  then  advanced  a  league  at  sea,  reflecting  in  me- 
lancholy silence  upon  the  danger  which  still  encompassed 
the  Count  of  Poitiers.  The  approach  of  his  galley  was  at  length  an- 
nounced, and  the  King,  loudly  expressing  his  delight,  commanded  his 
own  ship  to  be  lighted  up,  in  order  that  he  might  satisfy  himself  that  the 
intelligence  was  true,  by  viewing  his  brother  with  his  own  eyes*. 

During  these  events,  the  Queen,  Margaret,  had  endured  her  own 
peculiar  sorrows ;  and  the  hazards  of  war  and  of  captivity  by  no  means 
exceeded  the  bitterness  of  heart  which  she  must  have  undergone.  The 
news  of  her  husband's  great  disaster  arrived  only  three  days  before  she 
gave  birth  to  a  child ;  and  so  troubled  was  her  spirit,  that  "  she  seemed 
continually  to  see  her  chamber  filled  with  Saracens,  and  she  incessantly 
kept  crying  out  '  Help,  help,'  when  there  was  not  a  soul  near  her." 
An  aged  Knight,  fourscore  years  old,  or  perhaps  more,  was  appointed 
to  watch  at  the  foot  of  her  bed  without  sleeping,  and  every  time  she 
screamed,  he  held  her  hands,  and  said,  "  Madam,  do  not  be  thus  alarmed; 
I  am  with  you,  quit  your  fears."     Before  the  good  Lady  was  brought  to 

*  Ducange  has  a  Note  to  show  that  it  was  customary  to  light  the  Binnacle  in 
order  to  assist  the  steersman.  Mr.  Johnes  understands  the  words  rt  alume  !  a/umeJ" 
as  a  testimony  of  rejoicing.  But  surely  Joinville  himself  explains  his  meaning  as 
we  have  given  it  above.  //  foisoit  wit  close,  et  il  vouloit  quon  Ceclairat  pour  n'en 
croire  que  scs  t/cux. 


A.  D.  1250.]  RESIDENCE  OF  LOUIS  IN  PALESTINE.  113 

hed,  she  ordered  every  person  to  leave  her  chamher  except  this  ancient 
Knight ;  when  she  cast  herself  out  of  bed  on  her  knees  before  him,  and 
requested  that  he  would  grant  her  a  boon.  The  Knight  with  an  oath 
promised  compliance.  The  Queen  then  said,  "  Sir  Knight,  I  request 
on  the  oath  you  have  sworn,  that  should  the  Saracens  storm  this  town 
and  take  it,  you  will  cut  off  my  head  before  they  seize  my  person."  The 
Knight  replied  that  he  would  cheerfully  so  do,  and  that  he  had  before 
thought  of  it  in  case  such  an  event  should  happen.  Shortly  afterwards, 
she  was  delivered  of  a  Prince,  who  wras  named  John  Tristan,  in  allusion 
to  the  dolorous  circumstances  under  which  he  was  born  ;  and  before  her 
perfect  recovery  and  the  arrival  of  her  husband,  she  was  compelled  to 
rise  and  set  out  for  Acre,  in  consequence  of  the  surrender  of  Damietta. 
During  her  residence  in  that  City,  she  expended  360,000  livres  in 
buying  provisions  for  the  poorer  commonalty,  chiefly  Pisans  and  Ge- 
noese, who  were  nearly  exhausted  by  famine. 

Out  of  the  2800  Knights  who  had  embarked  with  Louis  from  Cyprus 
not  100  remained  on  his  landing  at  Acre;  nevertheless,  he  was  received 
with  marks  of  joy  and  distinction,  for  although  almost  every  thing  else 
had  been  lost,  his  Honour  was  unstained.  The  miseries  of  the  late 
campaign  produced  an  epidemical  disease  among  the  survivors;  and 
Joinville,  who  was  attacked  by  it,  and  who  had  not  a  single  attendant 
to  comfort  him  while  upon  his  bed  of  sickness,  counted  twenty  funerals 
daily  as  they  passed  his  window.  Nevertheless,  when  the  King  pro- 
posed the  question  of  return  to  France  for  debate  in  Council,  the  Sene- 
schal of  Champagne,  although  the  youngest  member  and  only  fourteenth 
in  rank,  had  the  courage  to  oppose  the  great  majority  of  voices,  and 
strenuously  to  express  his  opinion,  that  to  stay  was  more  consistent  with 
Honour.  Louis  privately  expressed  approbation  of  this  bold  advice,  and 
bestowed  an  increase  of  confidence  on  its  giver.  He  then  licensed  the 
retirement  of  his  brothers,  but  declared  his  own  resolution  not  to  quit 
the  Holy  Land. 

The  scantiness  of  the  force  which  remained  to  him,  and  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  recruits,  forbade  any  extensive  military  operations ;  and  the 
four  years  of  his  abode  in  Palestine  were  chiefly  devoted  to  Treaties  with 
the  native  Powers,  and  to  the  completion  or  the  erection  of  fortresses. 
Vast  sums  were  thus  expended  at  Caesarea,  at  Jaffa,  at  Sidon,  and  at 
Acre.  At  one  time,  he  was  offered  a  safe-conduct  to  Jerusalem  by  the 
Sultan  of  Damascus,  and  he  was  most  eager  to  profit  by  the  opportunity. 
His  Barons,  however,  protested  against  reliance  upon  the  dubious  fidelity 
of  the  Saracens,  and  they  added  an  argument  which,  perhaps,  proved  far 
more  weighty  with  Louis  than  any  consideration  of  personal  safety ;  that 
if  He,  the  greatest  Monarch  in  Christendom,  should  undertake  a  Pil- 
grimage to  Jerusalem  without  delivering  it  from  the  enemies  of  God, 
every  other  Prince  who  might  wish  to  make  a  similar  Pilgrimage  would 

i 


114  CRUSADE  OF  [CH.  VI. 

think  that  he  had  done  amply  enough  if  he  achieved  as  much  as  had 
heen  effected  by  the  King  of  France. 

Little  interest  attaches  to  the  internal  History  of  France  during  these 
great  events  which  affected  her  King  in  his  Eastern  expedition.  The 
Regency  of  Blanche  was,  for  the  most  part,  tranquil ;  and  the  single 
popular  movement  by  which  it  was  disturbed  was  the  result, 
a.  d.  1251 .  not  of  discontent,  but,  probably,  in  some  degree,  of  an  effer- 
vescence of  loyalty.  Matthew  Paris,  indeed,  from  whom 
we  derive  the  fullest  account  of  the  transaction,  affirms  that  the  Rene- 
gade Hungarian  who  first  suggested  the  Crusade  of  Shepherds,  did  so 
in  consequence  of  having  promised  the  Sultan  of  Babylon,  in  whose 
service  he  was  engaged,  that  he  would  give  him  an  opportunity  of  cap- 
turing a  vast  multitude  of  Christians ;  so  that  France,  being  denuded  of 
her  population  while  her  King  also  was  prisoner,  might  easily  be  acces- 
sible by  invasion.  But  Matthew  Paris  is  a  writer  in  whose  pages  we  are 
far  more  likely  to  find  a  correct  narrative  of  facts,  than  a  judicious  esti- 
mate of  their  causes.  It  is  more  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  excite- 
ment of  the  agricultural  classes,  which  we  are  about  to  relate,  was  gene- 
rated either  by  the  deserved  popularity  of  Louis  himself,  or  by  a  remnant 
of  that  Fanaticism  which  but  a  few  years  before  had  assembled  an  army 
of  Children  for  the  rescue  of  Palestine*. 

The  doctrine  of  the  itinerant  Preacher  who  aroused  another  Crusade, 
taught  that  the  pride  of  Chivalry  was  offensive  to  God,  who  reserved  the 
deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land  for  the  Shepherd  and  the  Herdsman.  The 
Virgin  Mary,  he  said,  had  announced  this  message  from  Heaven ;  and 
he  grasped  in  one  of  his  hands,  which  he  never  opened,  a  written  man- 
date to  that  effect,  delivered  to  him  by  the  Mother  of  God.  Blanche,  at 
first,  either  deceived  by  these  bold  pretensions,  or  believing  that  they 
might  obtain  a  powerful  aid  for  her  captive  sons,  extended  her  favour  to 
the  Enthusiasts.  Their  numbers  soon  exceeded  100,000  men,  and  they 
were  gathered  under  a  standard  blazoned  with  a  lamb  bearing  a  pennon; 
the  former  being  emblematical  of  innocence  and  humility,  the  latter  a 
symbol  of  victory. 

Thieves,  outlaws,  runaways,  and  the  excommunicated,  all  whom  the 
French  denote  by  that  convenient  and  comprehensive  term  Ribaldes-\y 
flocked  to  this  banner,  under  which  500  similar  ensigns  were  speedily 
unfurled.  The  huge  throngs  which  followed  them  were  rudely  and 
diversely  armed ;  they  contracted  uncanonical  marriages  ;  they  deviated 
from  received  Articles  of  Faith ;  and  they  encouraged  the  abomination 
of  Lay-Preaching.  We  cannot  but  think  that  the  Monk  of  St.  Alban*s 
is,  in  some  degree,  indulging  his  own  private  antipathies,  while  he 
relates  the  invectives  which,  it  is  said,  the  Pastoureaux  directed  against 

*  Allusion  is  made  to  the  latter  of  these  two  causes  by  Matthew  Paris  himself. 
p.  822.  f  Id.  p.  823. 


A.  D.  1251.]  SHEniKRDS.  115 

the'Regular  Clergy.  The  reaching  Friars  and  Minorites  were  stigma- 
tised by  them  as  vagabonds  and  hypocrites  ;  the  Cistercians  were  most 
avaricious  lovers  of  flocks  and  fields;  the  Canons  were  semi-secular  and 
gluttonous;  the  Bishops  and  their  Officials  were  coveters  of  filthy  lucre 
and  wallowers  in  luxury.  Of  Rome  itself  scandals  were  asserted  which 
it  would  be  unseemly  to  repeat ;  and  the  common  People  listened  to  all 
these  babblings,  involving  the  Church  in  evil  repute  and  contumely,  with 
a  most  dangerous  approbation. 

Sorely  against  the  will  of  the  Clergy  and  Bishops,  but  supported  by 
the  especial  countenance  of  the  Burgesses,  these  Fanatics  entered  Orleans 
on  the  Festival  of  Saint  Barnabas,  with  a  great  display  of  pomp  and  of 
numerical  strength.  The  Bishop  issued  his  Anathema  against  any 
Scholar  of  the  University  who  should  attend  the  Preachings,  "  the 
Devil's  mouse-catchings*,"  as  he  named  them,  which  were  about  to  be 
celebrated ;  but  a  student,  misled  first  by  curiosity  and  afterwards  by 
zeal,  not  only  was  present  at  the  forbidden  assembly,  but  imprudently 
denounced  the  Orator  who  held  forth  in  it  as  an  Enemy  of  Truth,  a 
Hypocrite,  a  Heretic,  and  a  Reprobate.  In  the  tumult  which  ensued, 
the  rash  youth  forfeited  his  life  on  the  spot ;  the  Library  of  the  Uni- 
versity was  plundered ;  its  choicest  treasures  were  tossed  to  the  flames ; 
and  about  five-and-twenty  Priests,  exclusively  of  a  great  number  grie- 
vously hurt  and  maltreated,  were  barbarously  massacred.  The  Pastou- 
reaux,  dreading  a  reaction,  immediately  withdrew;  the  Bishop  inter- 
dicted the  City ;  Blanche  confessed  that  she  had  been  deceived ;  and 
orders  were  issued  for  the  suppression  of  the  Insurgents.  As  soon 
as  troops  were  put  in  motion,  the  Fanatics  split  into  two  bodies, 
which  were  severally  attacked  and  dispersed.  The  Hungarian,  having 
failed  in  the  performance  of  certain  miracles  which  he  had  invited  the 
rabble  of  Bourgesf  to  witness,  was  killed  by  one  of  the  disappointed 
spectators.  Another  leader,  who  succeeded  him,  was  thrown  overboard 
in  an  attempt  to  escape  by  sea  to  the  land  of  the  Heathen,  from  which 
he  had  originally  come;  and  a  third  having  landed  at  Sorham  (Shore- 
ham)  in  England,  collected  about  500  followers,  and  was  soon  afterwards 
torn  in  pieces  in  consequence  of  the  offence  which  he  gave  in  a  sermon. 
.Matthew  Paris  informs  us  that  he  derived  the  particulars  of  his  narra- 
tive, which  we  have  closely  followed,  from  the  lips  of  a  Norman  Monk, 
who,  having  been  seized  by  the  Pastoureaux,  did  not  escape  from  them 
till  he  had  suffered  a  cruel  beating,  and  who  related  their  enormities  to 
Henry  III.  at  Winchester. 

The  Count  of  Poitiers,  whose  return,  as  we  have  before  noticed,  had 
been  licensed  by  the  King,  arrived  in  the  South  of  France  most  oppor- 

*  Diaboli  ninscipulationes. 

f  M.  de  Sismondi  assigns  the  Capital  as  the  scene  of  the  Ilunq-arian's  death,  vii. 
p.  479.  But  Matthew  Paris,  when  relating  the  massacre  of  his  successor,  calls  him 
tocium  supradicii  Hung  ari  quern  Biturienses  peremerunt.   p.  U24. 

i2 


116  RETURN  OF  LOUIS.  [CH.  VI. 

tunely  to  enter  upon  the  heritage  which  had  devolved  to  his  wife  about 

a  year  before,  by  the  death  of   her  father,    Raymond  of 

a.  d.  1249.  Toulouse.      The    latter  years   of   that  inconstant   Prince 

Sept.  — .    afforded  a  strong  contrast  to  the  earlier  portion  of  his  reign ; 

and  we  learn  with  surprise  that  he,  who  in  his  youth  had 

suffered  so  greatly  for  the  sake  of  tolerance,  in  middle  life  became  a 

bigoted  Persecutor.     He  fostered  the  Inquisition,  and  commanded  and 

witnessed  the  burning  of  eighty  Heretics  at  once  near  his  Palace  at  Agen. 

It  is  probable  that  Louis  had  already  meditated  a  return  to  Europe 

(and    indeed   the   sagacity  of  Joinville   had   detected  this 

a.  d.  1254.   intention*)  before  it  was  confirmed  by  intelligence  of  the 

Feb.  — .     death  of  his  mother,  Blanche  f.     The  news  greatly  affected 

him,  and  having  concluded  his  preparations,  he  put  to  sea 
April  25.     with  a  squadron  of  fourteen  ships  on  the  Vigil  of  Saint 

Mark.  His  voyage  was  not  unattended  with  danger ;  and 
on  one  occasion,  when  his  vessel  struck  upon  a  sand-bank  off  Cyprus, 
he  exhibited  not  only  the  courage  and  devotion  of  which  he  had  before 
given  many  examples,  but  virtues  much  less  commonly  found  in  his 
exalted  station,  a  forgetfulness  of  self  and  an  amiable  regard  for  the 
convenience  of  others.  The  divers  sent  down  to  examine  the  ship's 
bottom  reported  that  she  had  lost  eighteen  feet  of  her  keel,  and  both  the 
mariners  and  the  Royal  Council  pronouncing  her  to  be  no  longer  sea- 
worthy in  case  of  a  gale,  most  earnestly  solicited  Louis  to  hasten  his 
removal.  "  Now,"  said  the  King,  "  I  will  tell  you  what  I  think  of 
the  matter.  Suppose  I  quit  this  ship,  there  are  five  or  six  hundred 
persons  on  board  who  will  remain  in  the  Island  of  Cyprus,  for  fear  of 
the  danger  that  may  happen  to  them  should  they  stay  on  board;  and, 
if  we  land,  they  will  lose  all  hopes  of  returning  to  their  own  Country. 
I  therefore  declare  that  I  will  rather  put  myself,  the  Queen,  and  my 
children  in  this  danger,  under  the  good  providence  of  God,  than  make 
such  numbers  of  people  suffer  as  are  now  with  me." 

*  When  Joinville  had  undertaken  a  Pilgrimage  to  Tortosa,  the  King  charged 
him  to  bring  "  a  hundred  weight  of  different-coloured  camlets,  which  he  was  de- 
sirous to  give  to  the  Cordeliers  on  his  return  to  France.  From  this,  I  guessed  that 
it  would  not  be  long  before  he  set  out  on  his  return  thither." 

These  camlets  produced  an  amusing  adventure.  "  You  must  know  that  the 
Queen  had  heard  that  I  had  been  on  a  Pilgrimage,  and  bad  brought  back  some 
Relics.  I  sent  her,  by  one  of  my  Knights,  four  pieces  of  the  camlets  which  I  had 
purchased  ;  and  when  my  Knight  entered  her  apartment,  she  cast  herself  upon  her 
knees  before  the  camlets  that  were  wrapped  up  in  a  towel.  And  the  Knight,  see- 
ing the  Queen  do  this,  flung  himself  on  his  knees  also.  The  Queen  observing  him, 
said,  '  Rise,  Sir  Knight,  it  does  not  become  you  to  kneel  who  are  the  bearer  of  such 
holy  Relics/  My  Knight  replied,  that  it  was  not  Relics,  but  camlets,  that  he  had 
brought  as  a  present  from  me.  When  the  Queen  and  her  ladies  heard  this,  they 
burst  into  laughter ;  and  the  Queen  said,  '  Sir  Knight,  the  Devil  take  your  Lord 
for  having  made  me  kneel  to  a  parcel  of  camlets.' ;'   p.  220. 

f  On  December  1,  1252  or  1253  ;  the  year  is  given  variously;  but  the  latter, 
which  is  supported  by  the  authority  of  Gul.  de  Nangis,  appears  most  agreeable  to 
Joinville' s  narrative. 


A.  D.   1254.]  HIS  ORDINANCES.  117 

This  generous  self-abandonment  was  rewarded  with  safety,  notwith- 
standing a  violent  storm,  during  which  the  ship  could  not  be  moored  till 
five  anchors  had  been  let  go  from  her  bows.     At  the  end  of 
ten  weeks,  the  Royal  company  landed  at  Hicres,  a  town       July  10. 
belonging  to  the  Count  of  Provence.    Louis,  indeed,  wished 
to  proceed  to  Aigues-Mortes,  within  his  own  territory ;  but  he  yielded  to 
representations  that  he  had  already  encountered  sufficient  perils  at  sea, 
and  that  a  tedious  delay  might  result  from  persistance  in 
his  intention.     Slowly  and  deliberately,  he  advanced  to  his        Sept.  7. 
Capital,  which  he  re-entered  with  becoming  pomp,  but  in 
no  wise  reflecting  from  his  own  demeanour  the  testimonies  of  joy  pro- 
fusely exhibited  by  the  affection  of  his  People.     The  disasters  in  the 
East  pressed  heavily  upon  his  remembrance,  and  Melancholy  for  a  while 
overwhelmed  him  amid  the  festivities  of  his  Court. 

The  attention  of  Louis  IX.,  after  his  return  from  Palestine,  was 
chiefly  engrossed  by  pacific  negociations  abroad,  and  by  legislative  en- 
actments at  home ;  substantial  matters  which  greatly  advanced  the 
internal  prosperity  of  his  Country,  but  which  the  Chroniclers,  prompt  to 
record  Battles  and  Tournaments,  were  unable  to  appreciate,  and  which 
they  have  therefore  treated  with  disproportionate  rapidity.  The  pen 
of  Joinville  seems  to  lose  its  interest  at  the  same  moment  at  which;  his 
sword  is  sheathed ;  and  the  labours  of  Matthew  Paris,  who,  professedly 
writing  English  Annals  only,  has  collected  a  General  History  of  his 
Times,  were  arrested  by  death  about  the  middle  of  the  year  1259.  We 
are  deprived  therefore  of  our  best  guides,  and  those  which  are  left  to  us 
afford  but  very  scanty  intelligence. 

The  tenderness  of  conscience  evinced  by  Louis  has  sometimes  been 
characterized  as  morbid ;  and,  if  his  policy  is  to  be  estimated  solely  by 
the  rules  which  have  generally  governed  Civil  or  international  inter- 
course, there  is  not  a  little  in  it  which  will  occasion  surprise.  But, 
although  we  may  smile  at  the  erroneous  judgment  of  right  and  wrong 
which  induced  him  to  think  he  should  serve  God  better  by  adopting  the 
tonsure  than  by  continuing  to  wear  the  Crown — an  opinion  which 
yielded  only  to  the  silent  grief  of  his  Queen,  and  to  the  more  loud  and 
vehement  remonstrances  of  his  brother  of  Anjou  and  of  Louis  his  Heir- 
apparent* — although  we  may  lament  the  mistaken  piety  which  urged 
him  to  establish  the  Inquisition  in  Paris,  and  to  deprive  France  of  the 
beneficial  circulation  furnished  by  the  Lombard  Bankers,  who,  while 
thus  rendering  a  dead  capital  fruitful,  were  exiled  and  persecuted  as 
usurers  t — we  are  far  more  inclined  to  approve  than  to  condemn,  even  if 

*  The  scene  is  fully  described  by  Richerius  (Ckron.  Senmeme,  op.  D'Achery,  ii. 
p.  G45).     The  King  is  said  to  have  been  provoked  so  far  as  to  have  struck  his  son. 

f  Some  merchants  of  Asti  had  traded  in  France  as  Bankers  for  thirty  years, 
when  they  were  arrested  by  a  Royal  Ordinance,  dated  September  1,  1256,  and  de- 
livered to  the  Count  of  Savoy,  who  was  at  war  with  that  City.  Their  capital  was 
800,000  livrcs;  they  were  150  iu  number;  and  they  underwent  a  most  tedious  and 


118  PEACE  WITH  ENGLAND.  [CH.  VI. 

regarded  as  mere  worldly  diplomacy,  the  measures  which  he  adopted 
towards  both  England  and  Aragon. 

The  right  of  conquest,  if  considered  as  a  moral  right,  is  doubtless  of 
all  others  the  most  untenable :  it  is,  indeed,  an  abuse  of  Language  to 
connect  the  word  Right  with  an  acquisition  torn  by  violence  from  a 
former  owner.  Somewhat,  however,  is  due  to  prescription;  and  the 
stability  of  Society  demands  that  a  term  should  be  fixed  beyond  which 
a  claim,  even  if  originally  unjust,  may  be  confirmed  by  possession. 
Whether  that  term  had  passed  since  Philippe  Auguste  had  wrested  his 
continental  dominions  from  John  of  England  may  perhaps  be  a  nice 
question;  but  Henry  III.  was  incessant  in  his  reclamation  of  the  Pro- 
vinces which  his  father  had  lost,  and  Louis  felt  oppressed  rather  than 
elevated  by  the  successes  of  his  grandfather. 

Even  during  the  year  after  his  return  from  the  Crusade,  Louis  had 

not  obscurely  expressed  his  wishes  relative  to  Normandy 
a.d.  1255.   and  Aquitaine,   while   present  at  a  magnificent  Banquet 

given  by  his  brother  of  England,  at  that  time  visiting  Paris 
under  a  safe-conduct*.  For  a  season,  however,  the  opposition  of  the 
French  Barons  prevailed ;  and  the  King  of  France  was  compelled  to 

remain  content  with  an  extension  of  the  Truce,  which  was 
a.  d.  1259-   on  the  eve  of  expiring.     But  a  definitive  Treaty  t  was  con- 
May  20.      eluded  between  three  and  four  years  afterwards,  in  which, 

if  Louis  did  not  completely  heal  his  wounds  of  conscience, 
he  at  least  laid  much  unction  to  them,  by  generously  according  to  Henry 
a  restitution  which  the  hourly  increasing  disaffection  of  his  Nobles  ren- 
dered him  utterly  hopeless  of  attaining  by  force  of  arms.  The  King  of 
England  renounced  all  claim  upon  Normandy,  Touraine,  Anjou,  Maine, 
and  Poitou,  and  agreed  to  pay  homage  as  a  Peer  of  France  and  Aqui- 
taine, for  Perigord,  Limousin,  Agenois,  and  parts  of  Quercy 
Dec.  4.  and  Saintonge.     The  homage  was  accordingly  performed  %t 

but  before  Henry  could  quit  the  dominions  of  France, 
whither  he  had  repaired  for  the  purpose,  a  heavy  calamity,  not  to  be 
compensated  by  any  accession  of  honour,  had  befallen  her  King. 

His  eldest  son,  Louis,  a  youth  of  great  promise,  in  his  sixteenth  year, 

was  seized  with  a  disorder  which  speedily  proved  mortal. 
Dec.  25.        Henry,  without  delay,  returned  to  Paris,  and  offered  such 

consolation  as  the  bitterness  of  the  loss  permitted,  expressing 
a  wish  to  be  one  of  the  bearers  of  the  deceased  Prince's  coffin  in  his 
Funeral  procession. 

Of  this  Peace  with  England,  Joinville  has  recorded  the  King's  own 

cruel  imprisonment.  Chron.  Astense,  ap.  Muratori,  xi.  p.  142.  In  January,  1268, 
another  Ordinance  banished  from  France  all  the  Lombards  and  Cahorsins.  or  in- 
habitants of  Cahors  in  Gascony,  who  trafficked  as  Bankers  and  who  should  refuse 
to  discontinue  their  profession.      Ordonn.  de  France,  i.  p.  85. 

*  Matthew  Paris  has  described  this  Banquet  very  fully,  p.  899. 

f  Fcedera,  i.  p.  383.  f  Gul.  de  Naugis,  245. 


A.  D.   1262.]  DOMESTIC  REFORMS.  119 

sentiments,  with  -which,  as  we  have  expressed  ourselves  above,  we  in 
■Mat  measure  concur.  The  Council,  it  seems,  earnestly  opposed  the 
measure,  and  said  to  him,  "  Sire,  we  marvel  greatly  how  you  can  con- 
sent to  the  King  of  England  keeping  so  large  a  tract  of  your  territories, 
which  your  predecessors  have  conquered  from  him  for  ill  conduct,  and 
which  it  seems  you  have  not  duly  considered,  nor  will  he  be  any  way 
grateful  for  it.''  To  this  the  King  answered,  that  he  was  well  aware  the 
King  of  England  and  his  predecessors  had  most  justly  forfeited  the  lands 
they  held,  and  that  he  never  meant  to  restore  any  thing  but  what  he  was 
in  justice  bounden  to  do.  But  he  should  make  this  restoration  in  order 
to  confirm  and  strengthen  that  union  which  ought  to  exist  between  them 
and  their  children,  who  were  cousins-german.  The  King  added,  "  A»d 
by  thus  acting,  I  think  I  shall  do  a  very  good  work,  for  in  the  first  place 
I  shall  establish  a  Peace,  and  shall  then  make  him  my  vassal,  which  he 
is  not  yet,  as  he  has  never  paid  me  homage*." 

Not  even  our  own  first  James  entertained  higher  respect  for  the 
Scriptural  maxim  of  the  blessedness  of  Peacemakers  (Bcati  Pacifici) 
than  did  Louis  IX.  in  his  commerce  with  the  other  Princes  of  Christen- 
dom. In  two  Private  Wars  he  acted  as  Mediator,  until  he  suppressed 
them  by  positive  Edict  f.  In  a  spirit  similar  to  that  which  actuated  him 
in  his  Treaty  with  England,  he  surrendered  to  James  of  Aragon  the 
imaginary  right  over  Catalonia  with  which  it  was  supposed  that  the 
victories  of  Charlemagne  had  invested  his  successors ;  and  he  received 
in  return  a  cession  of  the  numerous  and  very  complicated  infeodations 
which  the  Spanish  Prince  asserted  in  the  South  of  France.  The  renun- 
ciations on  each  side  were  more  of  pretension  than  of  reality ;  but  pro- 
bably, on  that  very  account,  the  conquest  over  pride  necessary  for  their 
completion  became  the  more  difficult ;  and  the  reluctance  to  surrender 
the  disputed  privilege  was,  perhaps,  increased  in  the  same 
proportion  in  which  that  privilege  was  indebted  to  Fancy  a.  d.  1262. 
for  its  nominal  value.  This  alliance  was  afterwards  more  May  — . 
closely  cemented  by  a  marriage  between  Isabella,  a  daughter 
of  James,  and  Philip,  that  son  of  Louis  who  was  destined  to  be  his  suc- 
cessor. 

The  chief  reforms  to  which  Louis  addressed  himself,  exclusively  of  the 
extinction  of  Private  Wars  which  we  have  already  uoticed,  tended  to  the 
abolition  of  Judicial  combats ;  a  regulation  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Code ; 
and  an  adjustment  of  the  Coinage.  The  suppression  of  the  Wager  of 
Battle  was  by  no  means  an  easy  task;  for  its  existence  had  been  strontily 
interwoven  with  the  habits  and  prejudices  of  the  French  Nobility.  But 
Louis  was  forcibly  impressed  with  the  absurdity  which  demanded  a  new- 
miracle  from  God  in  every  fresh  instance  of  appeal ;  and  he  ultimately 
succeeded  in  giving  the  written  Law  that  authority  which  had  hitherto 

*  Joinville,  233,  f  January,  1257.     Onhnn,  tie  France,  i.  84. 


120  THE  PRAGMATIC  SANCTION.  [CH.  VI. 

been  usurped  over  it  by  the  sword.  In  his  second  attempt,  after  a  long 
struggle,  he  obtained  a  partial  reduction  of  the  odious  immunities  as- 
serted by  the  Clergy ;  and  the  Pope  consented  that,  for  flagrant  and 
enormous  crimes,  in  which  guilt  was  evident,  Priests,  after  degradation 
from  their  Orders,  might  become  amenable  to  the  same  Tribunals  before 
which  Laymen  would  be  cited  for  similar  offences.  To  an  Ordinance 
published  in  March  1268,  and  known  in  History  as  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  *,  is  usually  referred  the  foundation  of  [the  Liberties  of  the 
Gallican  Church.  It  guaranteed  the  freedom  of  Ecclesiastical  elections, 
and  the  rights  of  collation  and  of  patronage  in  Benefices ;  and  it  re- 
quired the  consent  both  of  the  King  'and  of  the  National  Church  as 
requisite  preliminary  sanctions  for  those  levies  of  money  which  Rome 
had  heretofore  imposed  without  any  control.  The  text  of  the  original 
Pragmatic  Sanction  is  by  no  means  definite  or  precise ;  perhaps  it  was 
not  intended  to  be  so,  and  the  subtle  expositions  of  later  commentators 
have,  no  doubt,  enlarged  its  operation,  not  beyond  the  extent  to  which 
the  wishes  of  its  author  inclined,  but  assuredly  far  beyond  that  to  which 
his  power  reached.  The  right  of  private  mintage  claimed  by  most  of 
the  great  Barons  had  become  a  source  of  frightful  abuse;  and  the 
depreciated  coinage  arising  from  it,  which  swelled  many  individual  for- 
tunes beyond  a  healthy  limit,  was  most  injurious  to  the  public  interests. 
A  jealous  exclusion  of  foreign  money,  as  it  was  termed,  prevailed  in 
almost  every  separate  Province,  and  even  in  many  of  the  subdivisions ; 
and  the  frequent  exchanges  which  became  necessary  in  consequence  of 
that  restriction,  were  always  negoeiated  at  a  ruinous  loss  to  the  holder. 
By  a  gradual  and  judicious  legislation,  without  any  infringement  upon 
the  rights  of  property,  Louis  established  the  general  control  of  the  Royal 
Mint,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  reception  of  an  undebased  and  a 
uniform  currency  t. 

So  great  was  the  celebrity  which  Louis  had  attained  for  wisdom  and 
justice,  that  his  arbitration  was  sought  by  each  of  the  contending 
Parties  in  the  Civil  dissensions  which  had  long  agitated  England.  It  is 
not  here  that  any  detail  is  required  of  the  weakness  and  the  faithlessness 
of  Henry  III.  ;  of  the  turbulence  and  insubordination  of  his  Barons. 
The  Provisions  of  Oxford,  wrung  from  the  King  in  1258,  had  placed 

the  Throne  under  the  control  of  a  factious  Oligarchy ;  and 

a.  d.  1 264.  after  five  years  of  mutual  outrage,  Henry  on  the  one  hand,  and 

Jan.  23.      Simon  de  Montfort,  Earl  of  Leicester,  on  the  other,  appealed 

to  Louis  for  the  confirmation  or  the  rejection  of  those  vex- 

*  An  Instrument  issued  by  Charles  VII.  in  1438,  bears  a  similar  title,  and  is  yet 
more  pointedly  hostile  to  the  usurpations  of  Rome  than  the  Edict  of  St.  Louis.  For 
more  respecting  these  Ordinances  our  Note  on  the  last-named  Edict  may  be  con- 
sulted. 

-J-  Velly  has  treated  the  Legislation  of  St.  Louis  with  much  research  ;  and  M.  de 
Sismondi  has,  perhaps,  collected  all  that  can  now  be  discovered  respecting  it  in  an 
admirable  Chapter,  vii.  11. 


A.  D.  1256.]  AFFAIRS  OF  ITALY.  121 

at  ions  Statufcs.  In  a  Conference  held  at  Amiens,  the  King  of  France, 
after  hearing  the  arguments  on  both  sides,  pronounced  a  sentence  which 
the  disputants  had  hound  themselves  to  receive  as  final.  It  affirmed  the 
Provisions  of  Oxford  to  be  destructive  of  the  Royal  honour  and  autho- 
rity; to  be  the  cause  of  all  the  troubles  of  the  Kingdom,  of  the  degra- 
dation of  the  Church,  and  of  the  losses  to  which  so  many  persons, 
Spiritual  and  Secular,  native  and  foreign,  had  been  exposed.  It  spoke 
of  greater  perils  as  likely  to  ensue ;  and  therefore  in  the  name  of  the 
Blessed  Trinity  it  annulled  those  Provisions,  and  every  subsequent  Act 
or  Ordinance  which  had  arisen  out  of  their  promulgation  *.  The  Barons, 
notwithstanding  their  oaths,  rejected  this  unfavourable  decision,  and  the 
immediate  renewal  of  Civil  War  prevented  any  further  hope  from 
mediation. 

The  course  adopted  by  Louis  relative  to  the  affairs  of  Italy  was  in 
unison  with  the  rest  of  his  pacific  conduct.  The  death  of  the  Emperor 
Frederic  II.  in  1250,  had  been  followed  in  less  than  four  years  by  that 
of  his  son  and  successor  Conrad  IV.  f>  from  whose  son  Conradin,  at 
that  time  an  infant,  the  Crown  of  the  Two  Sicilies  was  usurped  by 
his  uncle  Manfred,  a  natural  child  of  the  deceased  Frederic.  The 
hatred  of  the  See  of  Rome,  notwithstanding  the  frequent  changes  which 
had  occurred  in  the  Papal  Chair,  still  pursued  the  Line  of  Hohenstauffen, 
even  in  this  illegitimate  branch,  and  it  was  transmitted  as  an  he- 
reditary possession  from  Innocent  IV.  through  Alexander  IV.  and 
Urban  IV.,  to  the  IVth  Clement  J.  Interference  in  Germany  itself  was 
forbidden  by  the  independence  of  the  Electoral  Princes ;  and  when  it 
was  found  impossible  to  obtain  the  nomination  of  an  Emperor  decidedly 
in  the  Guelph  interest,  Alexander  contented  himself  by  endeavouring  to 
separate  the  Throne  of  the  Two  Sicilies  from  that  of  Germany,  and  to 
establish  upon  the  former  a  Feudatory,  and  therefore  a  Champion  of  the 
Church.  Various  alliances  for  this  purpose  were  projected  by  Alex- 
ander, and  by  his  successors  who  adopted  a  similar  policy ;  and  the 
Crown,  which  was  in  truth  to  be  conquered  from  Manfred,  was  offered  as 
an  investiture  which  Rome  had  a  full  right  to  bestow.  The  vanity  of 
Henry  III.  of  England  was  long  deluded  into  a  hope  of  at- 
taining the  prize  for  his  second  son  Edmund;  and,  during  a.  d.  1256. 
six  years,  his  coffers  were  prodigally  emptied  at  the  feet  of 
the  Pontiffs,  in  order  to  secure  the  acquisition.  When  evident  symptoms 
appeared  of  the  near  exhaustion  of  these  treasures,  and  the  difficulties 
of  Henry  manifestly  rendered  the  prospect  of  future  subsidies  most  un- 
certain, Urban  IV.  cast  his  eyes  upon  France  for  surer  support,  and  he 

*  Fadera,  i.  433. 

f  Manfred  was  suspected,  but  probably  without  good  reason,  of  having  poisoned 
Conrad. 

|  Alexander  IV.  was  elected  Pope  December  21,  1254;  Urban  IV.  (Jacques  de 
Troie,  a  Frenchman)  August,  12G1 ;  and  Clement  IV.  (another  Frenchman,  Gui 
Fulcodi)  February,  12G5. 


122  CHARLES  OF  ANJOU,  KING  OF  THE  SICILIES.  [CH.  VI. 

tendered  the  Crown  of  the  Sicilies  to  Louis  IX.  for  either  one  of  his 
sons,  or  one  of  his  brothers. 

Although  Manfred  was  a  Usurper,  and  as  such  might  be  attacked 
without  any  breach  of  natural  justice,  yet  Conradin  was  the  legitimate 
King  ;  the  title  of  Edmund  of  England  also  had  been  recognized  by  the 
Popes  from  the  moment  at  which  they  had  begun  to  receive  his  payments; 
and  these  stubborn  facts,  which  weighed  nothing  in  the  Vatican,  offered 
themselves  as  strong  objections  to  the  more  scrupulous  conscience  of 
Louis.  Urban,  in  reply,  thanked  God  for  the  King's  disinterestedness, 
but  insisted  upon  his  own  right  to  determine  upon  the  abstract  justice  of 
his  proposition.  Enough  had  been  done  by  Louis  when  he  refused 
direct  participation  in  a  measure  which  his  moral  sense  disapproved ; 
and  leaving  a  free  choice  open  to  his  brother,  he  was  perhaps  by  no 
means  sorry  that  the  ambitious  temper  which  Charles  of  Anjou  had 
always  manifested,  was  likely  to  find  exercise  beyond  the  confines  of 
France. 

Charles,  accordingly,  having  first  accepted  the  Senatorship  of  Rome, 

with  which  high  magistracy  he  was  invested  by  her  Citizens, 

a.  d.  1263.   negociated  with  the  Holy  See,  most  ably  and  much  to  his 

advantage,  for  the  loftier  dignity   of  Kingship.      In  little 

more  than  a  month  after  he  had  received  his  Crown  from  the  hands  of 

Clement  IV.,  who  had  become  Pope,  he  totally  defeated  and 

a.  d.  1266..  killed  his  opponent  Manfred,  in  the  Battle  of  Grandella. 

Feb.  26.      Conradin,  who  had  now  arrived  at  years  of  discretion,  was 

still  his  rival ;    but  the  capture  of  the  young  Prince  at 

Tagliacozzo,   and  his  speedy  committal   to  the  executioner,  confirmed 

Charles  of  Anjou  in  his  Kingdom,  at  the  everlasting  expense  of  his  good 

name.     Few  incidents  in  History  are  more  calculated  to  awaken  just 

indignation  than  the  untimely  end  of  the  brave,  wronged,  and  gallant 

Conradin  *. 

Charles  of  Anjou  thus  founded  the  first  dynasty  of  his  House  which 
reigned  over  the  Sicilies.  The  pretensions  which  Aragon  afterwards 
advanced  to  the  Crown  of  that  Kingdom  rested  on  a  marriage  between 
Pedro,  the  eldest  son  of  King  James,  and  Constance  a  daughter  of 
Manfred,  celebrated  at  about  the  same  time  as  the  nuptials  which  we 
have  already  mentioned  between  Philip  of  France,  and  the  Aragonese 
Princess  Isabella. 

It   was  more,  however,  by  new    disasters  in   the  East  than  by  the 

political  state  of  neighbouring  Countries  that  the  anxiety  of 

a.  d.  1263.  Louis  was  excited;  and  intelligence  that  Bendoadar,  Sultan 

of  Egypt,  had  appeared  before  Acre  with  30,000  Mamlouks  ; 

and  had  expressed  a  fixed  resolution  to  chase  the  Christians  frcm  the  little 

*  A  full  and,  as  usual,  a  most  perspicuous  account  of  Charles  of  Anjou's  establish- 
ment in  Naples  is  given  by  M.  de  Sismondi.     Hfot.de*  Rep.  Hal.  torn.  iii.  ch.  21. 


A.  D.  1268.]       LOUIS  PROJECTS  ANOTHER  CRUSADE.  123 

territory  which  still  remained  to  them,  keenly  revived  the  King's  earlier 
enthusiasm.  The  Popes,  indeed,  occupied  by  their  projects  of  vengeance 
against  Manfred,  lightly  estimated  the  common  danger  of  their  flock  ; 
and  Coesarea,  Sidon,  and  Jaffa  were  permitted  to  become  the  prey  of  the 
Infidels,  while  the  See  of  Rome  promised  Indulgences  not  to  those  who 
took  the  Cross  for  the  relief  of  Palestine,  but  to  the  Crusaders  who 
engaged  in  the  Holy  War  waged  by  the  Head  of  Christendom 
against  a  Christian  Prince.  The  fall  of  Antioch,  the  mas-  a.  d.  1268. 
sacre  of  27,000  of  its  inhabitants,  the  slavery  of  100,000 
more,  and  the  conversion  of  that  once  flourishing  metropolis  into  a 
deserted  waste,  at  length  compelled  attention;  and  when  Louis  IX. 
avowed  his  design  of  resuming  the  Cross,  the  fear  of  scandal  prohibited 
Clement  from  longer  inactivity.  He  charged  his  Legate  in  France,  the 
Cardinal  of  Santa  Cecilia,  to  exert  himself  in  concert  with  the  King  for 
all  the  requisite  preparations. 

Before  Louis  had  completed  his  arrangements,  the  Holy  See  was 
again  vacant  by  the  death  of  Clement;  but  the  interregnum  which 
followed  by  no  means  influenced  the  pious  resolutions  of  the  King.  The 
succour  afforded  by  Rome  hitherto  had  been  tardy  and  unimportant ; 
and  Louis  had  acted  not  in  obedience  to  any  dictates  of  the  Church,  but 
to  those  of  his  own  conscience.  His  project,  however,  was  by  no  means 
favourably  admitted  in  France.  Continued  disasters  had  greatly  weak- 
ened the  enthusiasm  with  which  the  Preaching  of  the  Crusades  had  for- 
merly been  received ;  and  the  known  feebleness  of  body  to  which  Louis 
was  personally  reduced,  occasioned  a  reasonable  conviction  that  he  was 
most  unfit  to  command  a  military  expedition  directed  to  a  distant 
Country  and  an  unhealthy  climate.  The  ardour  of  even  Joinville  was 
chilled.  The  faithful  Seneschal,  when  summoned  by  the  King  to  Paris, 
although,  as  he  tells  us,  ignorant  of  the  cause  for  which  his  attendance 
was  required,  excused  himself  on  the  plea  of  a  quartan  ague  ;  till  Louis 
replied,  that  he  had  enough  of  people  who  could  effect  his  cure,  and 
urged  his  ancient  companion  in  arms  to  come,  by  the  love  which  he  bore 
him.  A  very  unnecessary  vision  revealed  the  King's  design  only  a  few 
hours  before  it  was  publicly  notified  ;  and  then  Joinville,  although 
strongly  pressed  to  undertake  the  Pilgrimage,  resolutely  declined.  It  is 
plain  that  he  held  an  opinion,  which  he  tells  us  others  had  frequently 
expressed  in  his  hearing,  that  those  who  advised  Louis  to  the  Crusade 
were  U  guilty  of  a  great  crime,  and  sinned  deadly ;"  for  "  as  long  as  he 
remained  in  his  Kingdom  of  France,  every  thing  went  on  well,  and  all 
lived  peaceably  and  in  security,  but  the  moment  he  left  it  things  began 
to  decline." 

If  any  proof  of  Joinville's  veracity  in  his  former  relations  were  needed, 
beyond  that  which  is  so  amply  furnished  by  internal  evidence,  it  is  to  be 
found,  we  think,  in  his  very  guarded  silence  concerning  this  second 
Crusade.   "  Of  the  expedition  to  Tunis,"  he  tells  us, "  I  will  say  nothing, 


124  THE  EXPEDITION  DIRECTED  AGAINST  TUNIS.  [cH.  VI. 

for  I  was  not  of  it,  and  I  am  resolved  not  to  insert  any  thing  in  this 
book,  but  what  I  am  perfectly  certain  is  true."  The  provisions  of  the 
King  were  made  as  if  he  entertained  a  presentiment  that  he  was  bidding 
a  final  adieu  to  France.  Apanages  ample  in  extent  were  bestowed  upon 
each  of  his  sons ;  the  marriages  of  his  betrothed  daughters  were  expe- 
dited* ;  and  a  Regency  was  carefully  selected.  The  two  administrators 
upon  whom  the  choice  of  Louis  rested,  were  Matthew,  Abbot  of  St. 
Denis,  of  the  noble  Family  of  Vendome,  who  had  exhibited  much  ability 
in  the  government  of  his  Monastery ;  and  Simon  de  Nesle,  a  brave 
soldier,  long  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  Royal  confidence,  and  inheriting  by 
marriage  the  County  of  Ponthiou. 

The  Genoese,  from  whom  the  King  had  hired  vessels  for  his  expe 

dition,  had  engaged  that  they  should  be  fully  equipped, 
a.  d.  1270.   at  Aigues-Mortes,  by  the   commencement   of  May;    and 

there,  accordingly,  the  gathering  took  place  at  the  appointed 
season.  Numerous  delays,  however,  occurred  in  the  maritime  depart- 
ment ;  and  two  months,  which  Louis  employed  in  acts  of  devotion,  and 
in  various  Pilgrimages,  were  spent  by  those  who  had  enrolled  themselves 
under  him,  much  less  to  their  satisfaction,  on  the  sickly  shores  of  Lan- 

guedoc.     Some  quarrels  had  arisen,  some  blood  had  been 
July  1.     shed,  and  some  executions  had  been  deemed  necessary  before 

the  embarkation  finally  took  place.  Disease  had  then 
become  rooted  in  the  armament  by  this  untoward  lingering ;  and  when 
a  deficiency  of  water  or  of  provisions  made  a  landing  necessary  at 
Cagliari  in  Sardinia  f?  the  mortality  became  alarming.  The  impatience 
thus  generated  among  his  troops  was  perhaps  one  of  the  leading  causes 
which  induced  Louis  to  adopt  the  unexpected  determination  of  con- 
ducting his  armament  neither  to  Palestine  nor  even  to  Egypt,  the  points 
on  which  Bendoadar  was  most  assailable;  but  to  Tunis,  a  State  with 
which  he  was  altogether  unconnected.  According  to  the  bigoted  prin- 
ciples which  influenced  the  Crusaders,  God  was  served  alike  by  the 
destruction  of  any  dissidents  from  their  own  creed  ;  and  Mohammedans, 
Jews,  Pagans,  or  even  Christian  Heretics,  had  at  various  times  been  the 
objects  of  a  Holy  War.  From  Cagliari  the  coast  of  Africa  might  be 
gained  in  three  days  ;  that  of  Damietta  or  of  Acre  required  a  voyage  of 
at  least  thirty ;  and  this  tedious  preliminary  to  the  fulfilment  of  their 
vows  was  contemplated  with  invincible  disgust.  Tunis,  moreover, 
abounded  in  wealth  ;  and  its  pillage  afforded  strong  temptation  to  ava- 
rice, one  of  the  sins  by  which,  from  the  days  of  the  Hermit  Peter,  the 

*  Blanche  was  married  to  Ferdinand  de  la  Cerda,  eldest  son  of  Alfonso  X.  of 
Castile.  The  Crown  was  usurped  from  her  issue  by  their  uncle,  Sancho  IV.  Mar- 
garet was  married  to  John  Duke  of  Brabant. 

f  Twenty  days  were  consumed  in  the  voyage  between  Aigues-Mortes  and  Cagliari ; 
a  length  of  time  not  to  be  accounted  for  unless  by  almost  incredible  errors  in  sea- 
manship. 


A.  D.  1210.]  THE  FRENCH  OCCUPY  CARTHAGE.  125 

majority  of  those  who  engaged  under  the  crusading  banner  had  been 
most  easily  beset.  It  mattered  little  that  the  reigning  King,  Muley 
Mostanca,  so  far  from  having  provoked  hostilities,  had  even  held  ami- 
cable intercourse  with  France,  and  that  his  ambassadors  had  been  en- 
tertained during  that  very  year  at  the  Court  of  Paris.  Cause  for  dispute 
might  be  at  any  moment  invented ;  and  if  no  other  were  to  be  found, 
what  more  ready  source  of  quarrel  could  be  desired  than  that  which 
Invasion  itself  would  furnish  ? 

Reasoning  such  as  this,  however  conclusive  it  might  be  with  the 
mixed  band  which  followed  in  his  train,  was  yet  by  no  means  likely  to 
be  admitted  by  the  pure  and  upright  spirit  of  Louis  himself;  and  to 
produce  conviction  in  his  mind,  arguments  of  a  widely  different  nature 
were  required.  We  know  not  the  process  by  which  he  was  led,  to  con- 
sent to  the  general  wishes  of  his  army,  nor  the  persons  by  whom  that 
consent  was  obtained;  but  there  is  authority  for  believing  that  he 
cherished  a  hope  of  converting  the  King  of  Tunis  to  Christianity  ;  that 
he  entertained  a  conviction  of  that  Prince's  favourable  disposition  to  the 
change  ;  and  that  he  conceived  the  presence  of  a  powerful  army,  by 
overawing  the  unbelieving  Africans,  might,  above  all  other  means,  con- 
tribute to  that  most  desirable  object  *. 

It  is  probable  that  Charles  of  Anjou  also  was  deeply  implicated  in 
these  transactions  ;  that  his  secret  agents  found  means  to  profit  by  the 
irritation  of  the  Knights,  and  addressed  themselves  dexterously  to  stimu- 
late the  piety  of  the  King.  Tunis  had  once  been  tributary  to  Sicily; 
and  Charles,  now  confirmed  upon  the  Throne  of  the  latter  Kingdom, 
might  hope  to  make  his  brother  an  instrument  by  which  the  lost  ascend- 
ancy over  the  former  should  be  regained,  or  perhaps  a  still  more  extensive 
influence  established.  The  subtilty,  the  selfishness,  and  the  ambition 
of  Charles  contribute  to  strengthen  this  suspicion  ;  and  it  is  certain  that 
to  the  delay  occasioned  by  awaiting  his  co-operation,  the  fatal  close  of 
the  campaign  is  mainly  to  be  ascribed. 

The  French  made  their  first  lodgment  on  a  desert  Island  off  the  Port 
of  Ancient  Carthage ;  on  which  barren  shore  they  suffered  acutely,  in 
consequence  of  the  want  of  fresh  water  and  the  reflection  of  the  Sun 
from  the  burning  sands.  After  three  days'  painful  occupation,  they 
moved  forward  upon  Carthage  itself,  among  whose  ruins  only  a  single 
tower  remained  defensible.  But  the  extensive  vaults  and  catacombs  of 
the  former  Capital  afforded  refuge  to  countless  throngs  of  fugitives;  who, 
after  the  fortress  had  been  sacked,  were  exposed  to  a  miserable  destruc- 
tion, and  who  every  day  wrere  suffocated  within  their  hiding-places,  or 
ruthlessly  put  to  the  sword  if  they  attempted  escape. 

The  King  of  Tunis,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  this  most  unprovoked 

*  Gul.  de  Nangis,  ap.  Duchesne,  Script.  Franc,  v.  387.  Geoffroi  de  Beaulieu 
(Confessor  to  St.  Louis),  id,  ibid.  46  2. 


126  PESTILENCE.  [CH.  VI. 

aggression,  despatched  an  Envoy  to  the  French  camp,  with  a  statement 
that  there  were  numerous  Christians  resident  in  his  dominions  whose 
heads  would  be  forfeited  if  Louis  should  advance  one  step  farther  on  his 
march.  On  the  contrary,  that  they  should  be  released  from  the  im- 
prisonment to  which  they  had  been  consigned,  on  the  moment  at  which 
the  invaders  should  re-imbark.  The  menace  was  scarcely  necessary ; 
for  Pestilence  had  already  commenced  a  surer  vengeance  than  any  force 
of  the  Barbarians  could  have  worked  by  the  sword.  Louis  himself  was 
quartered  in  Carthage,  while  his  soldiers  remained  encamped  in  the  rich 
gardens  environing  its  ruins.  That  position  was  fortified  and  protected 
by  a  fosse ;  but  clouds  of  Moorish  horsemen  hovered  round,  cut  ofT every 
straggler,  excited  perpetual  terror,  and  manoeuvring  according  to  their 
usual  rapid  warfare,  disappeared  unharmed  whenever  an  attempt  was  made 
to  bring  them  to  pitched  combat.  The  King,  nevertheless,  had  resolved 
to  continue  in  this  station  till  Charles  of  Anjou  should  arrive  with  his 
promised  reinforcements ;  and  day  passed  after  day  in  fruitless  expec- 
tation of  his  appearance.  Meantime,  the  greater  portion  of  the  troops 
was  disabled  from  service  by  ophthalmia  or  dysentery;  the  stagnant 
pools  on  the  sea-shore  impregnated  the  atmosphere  with  malaria  gene- 
rated by  the  foulness  of  exhalation  ;  the  tanks  which  were  to  supply 
drink  became  exhausted,  or  were  filled  with  venomous  and  disgusting 
reptiles ;  the  hot  winds  of  the  Desert  blasted  the  herbage,  and  rolled 
before  it  mountains  of  sand,  which  clogged  the  eyes  and  lungs  of  all  who 
were  exposed  to  it.  Within  eight  days  after  the  occupation  of  Carthage, 
the  French  camp  presented  the  appearance  of  a  vast  charnel-house ; 
and  many  of  the  leaders  had  fallen  victims  to  infection.  Philip  the 
Heir-apparent,  and  one  of  his  younger  brothers,  the  Count 

Aug.  3.  of  Nevers,  were  numbered  among  the  sick.  The  latter  did 
not  long  struggle  with  his  malady,  and  his  death,  which 

Aug.  1.  occasioned  poignant  sorrow  to  his  father,  was  succeeded 
within  a  few  days  by  that  of  the  Papal  Legate  the  Cardinal 
d'Albi. 

At  length,  amid  all  this  complicated  misery,  the  grief  and  terror  of 
the  army  were  immeasurably  enhanced  by  an  announcement  that  the 
King  himself  was  infected.  The  debility  of  his  frame,  shattered  by 
former  sufferings  in  Egypt  and  by  the  long  practice  of  frequent  absti- 
nence and  penance,  permitted  little  expectation  of  recovery  ;  yet,  during 
two  and  twenty  days,  hope  alternated  with  fear ;  and  his  followers 
could  ill  be  persuaded  that  a  master  so  justly  beloved  was  in  truth  to 
be  wrested  from  them.  As  his  last  moments  approached,  he  delivered 
to  his  son  Philip  a  Paper  of  Instructions,  meditated  (as  is  proved  by 
many  passages  which  it  contained)  during  the  season  of  health.  It 
presents  an  epitome  of  the  principles  upon  which  his  own  policy  had 
been  framed ;  and  by  which  he  fervently  hoped  that  that  of  his  successor 
would  be  guided.  Fear  of  God,  sincerity  of  intention,  firmness  in  action, 


A.  D.  1270.]  DEATH  OF  LOUIS  IX.  127 

nspcct  for  the  Church,  and  H  desire  to  seek  Peace  and  to  ensue  it 
with  all  men  are  strenuously  inculcated ;  and  few  documents  proceeding 
from  a  merely  Human  pen,  none,  assuredly,  dictated  by  a  Royal  teacher, 
approach  it  in  truth,  in  piety,  and  in  noble  simplicity.  Thus  having  com- 
pleted that  which  lie  considered  to  be  his  last  earthly  duty,  the  few 
remaining  hours  which  he  survived  were  devoted  to  prayer,  ejaculation, 
and  the  farewell  offices  of  the  Church.  Having  been  placed,  at  his  own 
request,  on  a  bed  of  ashes,  he  crossed  his  hands  upon  his  breast,  and 
expired  about  three  in  the  afternoon  of  the  25th  of  August,  in  the  fifty- 
sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  forty-fourth  of  his  reign*,  having  exhibited 
virtues  which  are  confessed  by  a  writer  who  was  seldom  just  to  Kings  after 
he  had  ceased  to  flatter  them,  and  who  is  always  hostile  to  Christians,  to 
remind  us  equally  of  a  Saint  and  a  Hero  -\.  The  bones  of  Louis  IX. 
were  conveyed  to  Paris,  and  buried  in  St.  Denis.  The  flesh  which  had 
been  separated  from  them,  underwent  a  curious  process  of  embalment, 
and  was  interred  together  with  the  entrails  at  Palermo.  When  the 
King,  seven  and  twenty  years  after  his  death,  was  canonized  by  Boni- 
face VIII.,  his  bones  were  translated  from  their  first  resting-place  and 
borne  with  much  pomp  and  solemnity  to  a  more  honourable  depository, 
among  the  other  Relics  which  Louis  himself,  while  yet  alive,  had  col 
lected  in  La  Sainte  Chapelle. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

From  a.d.  1270,  to  a.d.  1314. 


Philip  III.  (Je  Hardi)— Treaty  with  the  King  of  Tunis— Return  of  the  Crusaders 
—Failure  of  an  expedition  against  Castile— Pierre  De  La  Brosse— The  Sicilian 
Vespers — Projects  against  Aragon — Death  of  Charles  of  Anjou— Capture  of  Ge- 
rona— Disasters  of  the  French — Retreat  and  Death  of  Philip  III.— Philip  IV.  (/e 
Bel)— Affairs  of  Spain  and  Italy  till  the  Treaty  of  Anagni— Causes  of  dispute 
with  England— Citation  of  Edward  I.— Duplicity  of  Philip— Seizure  of  Aquitaine 
— War — Arrest  of  the  Count  of  Flanders — Alliance  with  Scotland— Zeal  of  Boni- 
face VIII. — The  Bull  C/erkis  Laicos—  Canonization  of  St.  Louis— Treaty  of  Mon- 
treal— Treacherous  annexation  of  Flanders — Rising  at  Bruges— Massacre  of 
the  French— Total  defeat  at  Courtrai— Fruitless  campaigns  in  Flanders— Defeat 
of  the  Flemings  at  Mons-en-Puelle— Great  exertions  of  the  Flemings— Acknow- 
ledgment of  their  Independence — Jubilee— Arrogant  pretensions  of  Boniface 
VIII.— Philip  arrests  the  Legate — The  Bull  ,inscu/ta  Fi/i — First  meeting  of  the 
States-General — Excommunication  of  Philip— Accusation  of  Boniface  before  the 
Court  of  Peers— His  seizure  at  Anagni — His  release  and  death— Intrigue  for  the 
election  of  Clement  V. — The  Papal  Court  transferred  to  Avignon— Suppression 

*  The  original  authorities  for  the  expedition  to  Tunis,  may  be  found  in  the  Vth 
volume  of  Duchesne's  Historical  Collection, 
f  Voltaire  Sur  les  Moeurs,  ch.  58.  ad  Jin. 


128  PHILIP  III.  RETURNS  TO  FRANCE.  [CH.  VII. 

of  the  Templars— Final  decree  of  the  Council  of  JVienne  respecting  Boniface- 
Latter  years  and  death  of  Philip  IV. 

No  King  ever  succeeded  to  a  Throne  under  circumstances  of  greater  per- 
sonal calamity  than  those  which  environed  Philip  III.  (/<? 
a.  d.  1270.  Hardi)  at  the  moment  of  his  father's  decease.  Disabled  by 
sickness,  and  surrounded  by  the  dead  and  dying,  he  was  in 
hourly  expectation  of  being  overwhelmed  by  the  Tunisians,  whose  ven- 
geance had  been  wantonly  provoked.  Great  therefore  must  have  been  his 
joy  when  the  sails  of  his  uncle  of  Anjou  were  descried,  and  when  the  long- 
expected  armament  from  Sicily  entered  the  Port  of  Carthage,  on  the  very 
evening  of  the  day  on  which  Louis  expired .  Charles  of  Anjou  was  an  able 
General,  and  during  the  two  months  in  which  he  exercised  command,  not- 
withstanding the  lamentable  weakness  to  which  the  French  were  reduced, 
he  saved  them  from  military  disaster ;  he  was  a  yet  more  able  diplomatist, 
and  he  continued  a  negociation  (which  he  had  secretly  been  carrying  on 
during  the  whole  war,  and  which  indeed  had  occasioned  his  delay)  till  his 
subtilty  obtained  an  advantageous  Treaty.  The  King  of  Tunis,  dread- 
ing the  impatience  of  his  own  refractory  subjects  not  less  than  the  hos- 
tility of  the  invaders,  looked  forward  with  alarm  to  the  near  approach  of 
a  season  in  which  operations  might  be  effectually  commenced  against  his 
Capital ;  and  he  was  eager,  even  at  an  exorbitant  price,  to  rescue  himself 
from  the  hazards  of  dethronement  and  loss  of  life.  He  consented,  there- 
fore, to  release  the  Christians  whom  he  had  thrown  into  chains;  to 
permit  the  free  exercise  of  their  Religious  Worship  in  his  dominions ; 
to  open  his  Ports  to  European  merchants ;  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
War  by  a  payment  of  210,000  ounces  of  gold;  and  furthermore,  to 
send  20,000  doubloons  annually  as  a  tribute  to  the  King  of 
Oct.  29.  Sicily.  On  the  acceptance  of  these  terms,  the  Crusaders 
immediately  re-embarked ;  but  their  misfortunes  had  not 
yet  terminated.  A  fearful  storm,  on  their  arrival  off  Trapani,  swallowed 
up  eighteen  of  their  largest  ships  and  a  much  greater  number  of  trans- 
ports ;  and  many  Knights,  great  part  of  the  warlike  equipments,  and  all 
the  money  and  booty  obtained  at  Tunis,  perished  in  the  waves.  A  band 
of  English  Confederates,  enrolled  under  the  command  of  Prince  Edward, 
Heir-apparent  to  the  Crown  which  he  afterwards  wore  with  so  much 
glory,  escaped  undamaged  by  this  tempest ;  and  as  they  had  honourably 
abstained  from  participation  in  the  bargain  with  the  Infidels,  and  were 
resolutely  bent  upon  fulfilling  their  vow  by  proceeding  onward  to  Pales- 
tine, popular  belief  regarded  their  safety  as  a  proof  of  Divine  favour.  In 
those  days  of  easy  credulity,  events  of  more  ordinary  character  were  fre- 
quently ascribed  to  miracles,  and  the  intervention  of  Heaven  was  often 
supposed  to  be  exerted  for  the  promotion  of  objects  far  less 
a.  d.  1271.  worthy  than  those  which  we  have  just  noticed.  The  new 
May  22,  King  entered  his  Capital  in  melancholy  pomp.  Five  coffins 
followed  in  his  train,  conveying  to  the  vaults  of  St.  Denis 


A,D.   127G.]  TRANSACTIONS  IN  SPAIN.  129 

the  remains  of  his  father,  of  his  brother,  of  his  brother-in-law  Thibaud, 
King  of  Navarre,  who  had  expired  at  Trapani  worn  down  by  the  fatigues 
of  his  late  campaign,  of  his  Queen  Isabella  of  Aragon,  and  of  a  babe 
who  survived  only  a  few  hours  after  an  accident  which,  by  giving  him 
premature  birth,  occasioned  the  death  of  his  mother.  The  Funeral  rites 
of  so  many  illustrious  persons  postponed  the  festivities  of 
the  Coronation ;  and  soon  after  its  performance,  one  more  Aug.  — . 
victim  of  the  fatal  expedition  to  Carthage  was  added  to  the 
losses  of  the  Royal  House.  By  the  demise  of  his  uncle  Alphonso,  with- 
out issue,  which  then  occurred,  Philip  re-united  the  Fief  of  Poitou  to 
the  Crown,  and  annexed  also  to  his  dominions  the  far  more  important 
County  of  Toulouse.  Jane,  the  consort  of  Alphonso,  to  whom  that 
rich  portion  had  belonged,  and  in  whose  person  even  the  female  line  of 
her  ancient  House  became  extinct,  outlived  her  husband  only  a  single 
day. 

The  period  during  which  Philip  III.  reigned,  although  distinguished 
by  great  events  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  is  singularly  devoid  of  interest 
in  France  itself.     The  Crown  of  the  Empire,  after  a  long  interregnum, 
was  obtained  by  the  skill  and  energy  of  Gregory  X.  (one  of  the  most 
able  and  most  upright  Pontiffs  who  have  filled  the  Chair  of 
St.  Peter)  for  Rodolph  of  Hapsburgh ;  a  Swiss  Gentleman,   a.  d.  1213. 
whose  narrow  possessions  scarcely  extended  beyond  the  rock    Sept.  30. 
crowned  by  his  Castle ;  but  whose  talents  and  virtues  justly 
elevated  him  to  the  Imperial  dignity,  and  made  him  the  founder  of  a 
long  Race  of  hereditary  Princes.      Of  this  important  change,   Philip 
appears  to  have  remained  an  unconcerned  spectator ;  and  his  inglorious 
existence,  indeed,  is  chiefly  known  to  us  by  some  dark  intrigues  in  his 
own  Court.     In  the  outset  of  his  reign,  he  reduced  to  obedience  Roger 
Bernard,  Count  of  Foix,  who  offered  a  very  dangerous  opposition  to  the 
Royal  authority ;  but  not  long  afterwards,  an  attempt  which  he  made  to 
establish,  as  heirs  to  the  Throne  of  Castile,  the  children  of 
his  sister  Blanche*  by  her  deceased  husband  Ferdinand  de    a.  d.  1276. 
la  Cerda,  was  frustrated  by  want  of  ordinary  foresight. 
Two  armies  were  marched  into  Spain ;  the  first  under  Robert  of  Artois  t 
was  to  occupy  Navarre,  the  infant  heiress  of  which  territory  was  destined 
by  the  King  of  France  as  a  bride  for  Philip,  at  that  time 
his  second  son{.      The  Count  of  Artois  having  mastered         Sept.  6. 
Pampeluna,   in   which  City  his   troops  perpetrated  great 

*  Blanche  (Ja  Jettrte),  born  at  Joppa,  married  Ferdinand  de  la  Cerda.  Their 
issue,  Alfonso  and  Ferdinand,  were  excluded  by  an  uncle,  Sancho  IV.,  from  the 
Throne  of  Castile,  to  which  they  were  rightful  heirs. 

f  Son  of  the  Count  of  Artois,  killed  at  the  Battle  of  Mansourah. 

I  Blanche,  daughter  of  the  Count  of  Artois  above-named  (brother  of  St.  Louis), 
married  Henry,  King  of  Navarre,  by  whom  she  had  had  a  daughter,  Jane.  The 
hand  of  that  Princess,  when  she  was  not  more  than  three  years  of  age,  was  promised 
to  Henry  of  England,  a  son  of  Edward  I.,  who  died  before  the  completion  of  the 

K 


130  PIERRE  DE  LA  BROSSE.  [CH.  VII. 

cruelties,  effected  a  junction  with  the  King,  who  had  advanced  simul- 
taneously on  Salvatierra,  in  order  to  penetrate  into  Castile.  There, 
however,  the  necessary  magazines  were  wholly  wanting;  and  after  a 
Treaty,  which  the  King  of  Castile  would  probably  have  declined  if  he 
had  not  at  the  same  time  been  pressed  by  the  Moors,  the  French  were 
relieved  from  embarrassment  by  a  hasty  retreat.  The  mediation  of  the 
Pope  prevented  a  renewal  of  War  in  the  following  year;  but  not  until 
Philip,  in  order  to  defray  the  expense  of  preparation,  had  arrested  all 
the  Lombards  trading  in  France,  and  had  extorted  120,000  florins  of 
gold  as  the  price  of  their  freedom. 

By  his  first  Queen,  Isabella  of  Aragon,  Philip  was  father  of  four  sons. 
Mary,  daughter  of  Henry,  Duke  of  Brabant,  whom  he  espoused  in  1274, 
bore  him  one  son  and  two  daughters ;  and  the  ascendancy  which  she 
obtained  over  her  husband  is  connected  with  an  obscure  but  tragical 
history.  Mary  possessed  beauty  and  talents;  Philip,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  confessedly  weak,  and  he  had  surrendered  himself  to  the  guidance 
of  an  unworthy  Favourite,  who  by  mean  compliances  had  become  ele- 
vated to  a  station  due  to  loftier  birth  and  more  tried  integrity.  From 
the  post  of  Barber  and  Surgeon  to  Louis  IX.,  Pierre  de  la  Brosse, 
profiting  by  unrestrained  access  to  the  Royal  person,  and  by  the  low 
tastes  which  he  well  knew  how  to  gratify,  had  raised  himself  to  be 
Chamberlain  and  confidential  Minister  to  his  son;  and  he  was  little 

prepared  to  brook  the  increasing  influence  of  the  second 
a.  d.  1276.    Queen.     The  sudden  death  of  the  Heir-apparent,   Louis, 

appeared  to  afford  an  opportunity  for  achieving  the  over- 
throw of  his  rival ;  and  De  la  Brosse,  by  some  juggling  with  pretended 
Diviners  and  Prophetesses*,  succeeded  in  awakening  the  King's  sus- 
picions that  Mary  had  removed  her  stepson  by  poison.  One  of  the 
chief  actors  in  this  iniquitous  plot,  stung  by  remorse,  or  terrified  by 
fear  of  detection,  confessed,  as  is  said,  enough  to  satisfy  Philip  that 
his  wife  was  innocent ;  yet,  strange  to  add,  if  this  assertion  be  true,  the 
King  dissembled  his  resentment  during  nearly  two  years,  in  the  course 
of  which  he  exceeded  even  his  former  prodigality  of  favour  to  the 
Minister  whom  he  had  resolved  to  destroy.     At  their  close,  a  secret 

accusation,  and  a  hurried  trial  before  a  Commission  com- 

a.  d.  1278.   posed  of  only  three  members,  the  father  of  the  Queen  being 

June  30.     one,  led  to  the  ignominious  gibbeting  of  De  la  Brosse  at 

Montfaucon.  The  chief  mystery  in  this  transaction  relates 
to  some  events  which  succeeded.  The  Bishop  of  Bayeux,  a  brother-in- 
projected  marriage.  Jane  then  became  a  prize  contested  by  Castile,  Aragon,  and 
France ;  till  her  mother,  favouring  the  interests  of  her  own  native  Country,  secretly 
conveyed  her  to  the  Court  of  Philip  III.,  where  she  was  married  to  Philip  (/<?  Bel) 
August  16,  1284,  who  then  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  Navarre. 

*  A  certain  "  old  Prophetess  of  Brabant,"  to  whom  De  la  Brosse  sent  his  brother 
the  Bishop  of  Bayeux,  is  mentioned  in  an  Apologetical  Letter  for  that  Prelate, 
written  to  the  French  Court  by  Nicolas  III.    Kaynaldi  Annul,  ml  ami.  1279,  §  47- 


A.  D.  1283.]  SICILIAN  VESPERS.  131 

law  of  De  la  Brosse,  on  the  arrest  of  his  kinsman,  had  sought  asylum  at 
Rome,  and  Nicholas  III.,  who  then  held  the  Keys,  refused  to  abandon 
him  to  the  pursuit  of  his  enemies*.  On  the  accession  also  of  Philippe 
le  Bel,  the  next  brother  of  the  Prince  supposed  to  have  been  poisoned, 
the  exiled  Bishop  was  restored  to  his  See.  That  a  Pope  should  support 
an  Ecclesiastic,  even  when  convicted  of  a  most  atrocious  crime,  is  un- 
fortunately an  occurrence  not  without  a  parallel  in  History ;  but  that 
Mary  should  contemplate  the  removal  of  four  Princes  (for  so  many  in- 
tervened) in  order  to  promote  the  succession  of  her  own  son,  is  little  to 
be  credited.  Yet  upon  the  scanty  and  conflicting  evidence  which  we 
possess,  we  are  scarcely  justified  in  deciding  that  De  la  Brosse  did  not 
fall  a  victim  to  the  jealousy  of  a  Cabal. 

It  is  frequently  difficult  to  establish  a  relation  between  the  qualities 
of  a  Monarch  and  the  title  with  which  he  has  been  invested  by  contem- 
porary Flattery ;  and  a  Dieu-donne  or  a  Desire  may  chance  to  be  among 
the  greatest  scourges  with  which  Providence  visits  a  suffering  Nation. 
But  in  no  case  does  the  appendage  seem  to  have  been  less  deserved  or 
less  appropriate,  than  in  that  which  affixed  the  words  Le  Hardi  to  the 
name  of  Philip  III.;  and  from  the  known  events  of  his  reign  they 
might  almost  be  accepted  as  a  sobriquet  assigned  in  mockery  f.  So  far 
was  he  from  evincing  boldness,  that  he  never  awoke  from  his  inactivity 
until  after  the  most  lingering  preparation;  and  even  then,  success, 
which  prompt  measures  might  have  secured,  was  frustrated  by  delay 
and  indecision. 

In  the  quarrel  between  Charles  of  Anjou  and  Pedro  III.  of  Aragon, 
which  occasioned  the  fearful  Massacre  known  in  History  as 
The  Sicilian  Vespers,  Philip  was  induced  to  share,  less  as   a.  d.  1282. 
may  be  believed  by  the  general  National  outcry  which  fol-     March  3. 
lowed  the  murder  of  the  French,  than  by  the  hope  of  family 
aggrandizement.     Martin  IV.,  a  Prelate  of  distinguished  abilities  and 
singular  disinterestedness,  was  at  that  time  Pope ;  but  he  was  by  birth 
a  Frenchman,  and  he  entertained  a  very  misplaced  confidence  in  Charles 
of  Anjou,  to  whose  intrigues  he  had  been  indebted  for  the  tiara.    Deeply 
and  acutely  feeling  the  outrages  which  had  been  perpetrated 
upon  his  Countrymen  in  Sicily,  Martin  sought  to  avenge   a.  d.  1283. 
that  which  he  believed  to  be  a  righteous  cause;  and  thus      Jan.  13. 
actuated,  he  proclaimed  a  Crusade  against  the  Aragonese ; 

*  It  has  been  said  that  the  Pope  expressed  himself  concerning  Mary's  guilt  in 
language  which  is  at  least  ambiguous.  Hut  nothing  can  he  more  strong  than  the 
declaration  of  his  belief  in  her  innocence  which  he  makes  in  a  Letter  addressed  to 
her  and  printed  in  JRaynaldi  Annal.  ad  ami.  127". 

f  Velly  (iii.  421.)  has  undertaken  a  eulogy  of  Philip  III.;  but  the  concessions 
even  of  the  panegyrist  may  be  thought  sufficient  to  justify  the  opinion  which  we 
have  expressed  above.  He  admits  that  all  contemporaries  were  surprised  t(  that  he 
was  utterly  unacquainted  with  Letters;"  and  after  much  admiration  of  his  piety, 
he  cites  a  saying  respecting  him,  '•  that  any  one  would  have  taken  him,  on  account 
of  his  abstinence,  rather  for  a  Monk  than  for  a  King  or  a  Knight;"  and  he  adds 

k2 


132  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  OF  ANJOU,  [cH.  VII, 

March  21.    he  issued  a  Bull  depriving  Pedro  of  his  Crown;  and  he 
tendered  the  Kingdom  of  Aragon,  thus  declared  vacant,  to 
Aug.  27.       Philip  III.  for  his  second  son  Charles  of  Valois,  on  con- 
dition that  it  should  be  recognised  as  a  Fief  of  the  Holy 
See,  and  should  never  be  united  with  France. 

Without  either  enquiring  into  the  right  which  the  Pope  thus  arrogated 
to  himself  of  deposing  Kings,  or  into  the  policy  of  admitting 
a.  d.  1284.  its  assertion,  Philip  at  once  accepted  the  ofTer,  and  was  sup- 
Feb.  20.  'ported  in  his  answer  by  an  Assembly  of  his  Barons  and 
Prelates.  In  furtherance  of  the  design,  Charles  of  Anjou 
prepared  for  a  campaign  in  Italy,  while  the  King  of  France  notified  his 
intention  of  invading  Aragon.  The  victories  of  Roger  di  Loria,  a  Cata- 
nian,  and  the  ablest  naval  Commander  then  known  to  Europe,  whom 
Pedro  had  appointed  his  Admiral,  disconcerted  the  projects  of  Charles ; 
and  the  capture  of  his  son,  the  Prince  of  Salerno,  and  the  humiliation 
to  which  he  was  subjected  by  these  reverses,  increased  the  virulence  of 
a  disorder  by  which  he  was  attacked,  and  hurried  him  broken-hearted 
to  the  grave.  No  more  remarkable  instance  of  self-deception  is  afforded 
by  History,  than  that  exhibited  on  the  death-bed  of  Charles  of  Anjou. 
His  life  had  been  passed  in  one  unceasing  struggle  of  restless  and  un- 
scrupulous ambition,  for  the  gratification  of  which  perjury  and  cruelty 
were  esteemed  light  offences.  Nevertheless,  with  his  parting  breath  he 
impressed  upon  his  attendants,  that  he  entertained  a  most  complacent 
assurance  that  his  seizure  of  the  Crown  of  Sicily  had  been  dictated  not 
by  any  selfish  motive,  but  by  a  wish  to  serve  the  interests  of  the  Holy 
Church*. 

Philip,  unretarded  by  the  death  of  his  uncle,  continued  his  pre- 
parations; and  having  received  the  Oriflamme,  proceeded  to  Toulouse, 
the  City  named  as  the  general  rendezvous  of  the  Crusaders.  It  is  said, 
on  good  authority  t,  that  his  force  amounted  to  80,000  infantry  and 
20,000  horse;  and  a  fleet,  equipped  by  Genoa,  Marseilles,  Aigues- 
Mortes,  and  Narbonne,  coasted  the  shore  parallel  with  his  march,  in 
order  to  furnish  supplies.  Pedro,  unable  to  make  head  against  this 
overwhelming  invasion,  retreated  to  the  Catalonian  defiles,  in  which, 
supported  by  swarms  of  fierce  and  half-naked  Almogavares,  moun- 
taineers, wholly  undisciplined,  but  used  to  War  from  frequent 
May  23.  encounters  with  the  Moors,  he  securely  defied  attack.  His 
brother,  James  of  Majorca,  treacherously  allied  himself  to 

some  words  which  we  have  almost  translated  in  the  text,  on  ignore  ce  qui  Fafaitsur- 
nommer  Le  Hardi.  V  Histoire  de  son  regne  ne  fournit  aucune  preuve  d'une  hardiesse 
extraordinaire. 

*  The  heart  of  Charles  of  Anjou  was  deposited  in  the  Church  of  the  Jacohins  in 
the  Rue  St.  Jacques,  at  Paris.  The  inscription  on  its  receptacle  is  worthy  of  a 
better  subject.  Le  ceeur  du  grand  Roi  Charles  qui  conqmt  la  Sict/e.  Giovanni  Villani, 
lib.  vii.  c.  94. 

f  Ibid,  1.  vii,  c.  101. 


A.  D.  1287.]  AND    OF    rillLIP    III.  133 

the  French,  wlio,  pouring  through  Rousillon,  sacked  Elna  at  the  foot  of 

the  Pyrenees,  passed  the  mountain-range,   and  advancing 

through  the  plain  country  on  the  opposite  side,  invested       June  25. 

Gerona. 

Gerona  surrendered,  after  somewhat  more  than  two  months  of  brave 
resistance ;  a  period  sufficient  for  the  ultimate  discomfiture 
of  the  conquerors.     Their  fleet,  in  the  Gulf  of  Rosas,  had        Sept.  7. 
been  exposed  during  the  siege  to  the  vigilance  and  activity 
of  Roger  di  Loria ;  and  the  covering  army  had  been  engaged  in  a  bloody 
skirmish  at  Hostalrich,  in  which  each  party  claimed  victory.     But  heat 
of  climate,  insufficient  supplies,  and  diseases  resulting  from  a  neglect  of 
precautions  which,  however  obvious  they  may  seem,  it  was  reserved  for 
the  Modern  Art  of  War  to  teach,  had  thinned  the  ranks,  and  diminished 
the  ardour  of  the  French ;  and  Philip  discovered  the  necessity  of  imme- 
diate retreat,  after  a  fortnight's  occupation  of  his  conquest.     He  was 
pursued  by  a  general  rising ;  and  it  was  with  infinite  difficulty  and  con- 
siderable loss  that  he  at  length  regained  the  Pyrenees.     Thence,  lan- 
guishing under  an  epidemic  similar  to  that  which  had  proved  fatal  to  so 
many  of  his  followers,  he  was  conveyed  in  a  litter  to  Perpignan ;  beyond 
which  town,  weakness  prohibited  farther  removal.    He  died 
within  its  walls ;  and  his  successful  antagonist,  Pedro,  after        Oct.  5. 
having  been  hailed  deliverer  of  his  Country,  did  not  sur- 
vive to  enjoy  his  triumph  for  a  much  longer  period  than  a       Nov.  1 1 . 
month.' 

It  was  perhaps  owing  to  the  uncertainty  consequent  upon  a  new  reign 
among  the  victors  as  well  as  the  vanquished,  that  the  War  on  both  sides 
proceeded  languidly.  Philip  IV.,  le  Bel,  as  he  was  termed  from  the 
beauty  of  his  person,  did  not  exhibit  martial  qualities  at  any  period  of 
his  reign  *.  At  the  moment  of  his  accession  he  was  only  seventeen 
years  of  age ;  and  instead  of  renewing  hostilities,  he  slowly  retired  north- 
ward, to  celebrate  his  Coronation.  Pedro  had  divided  his  heritage  be- 
tween his  two  elder  sons;  Alfonso  III.  received  the  Throne  of  Aragon, 
James  II.  that  of  Sicily;  and  the  brothers,  for  a  time  united  in  strict 
amity,  harassed  the  coast  of  Languedoc  by  frequent  descents ;  wrested 
the  Balearic  Islands  from  their  treacherous  uncle;  and  still  retained  in 
captivity  their  important  prisoner,  Charles  of  Salerno  (le  Boitcux),  the 
Lame. 

The  freedom  of  that  Prince  "was  at  last  obtained  by  the  active  me- 
diation of  Edward  I.  of  England,  who  seems  to  have  been  influenced  by 
a  sincere  desire  to  promote  general  Peace,  and  also  by  a 
cordial  affection  for  his  young  nephew.     The  terms  stipu-   a.  n.  1287. 
lated  in  a  personal  Conference  between  Edward  and  Alfonso,      July  25. 
in  the  Isle  of  Oleron,  were,  however,  declined  by  Philip; 

*  He  was  by  no  means  deficient,  however,  in  personal  bravery,  as  he  afterwards 
evinced  at  the  Battle  of  Mons-en  Puelle. 


134  DISPUTE    WITH    ENGLAND.  [CH.  VII. 

a.  d.  1289.   and  Charles  liimself  was  not  long  in  the  enjoyment  of 
May  29.     liberty,  before  he  sought  absolution  from  the  oath  which 

had  procured  it,  and  received  from  the  hands  of  the  Pontiff, 
who  authorised  this  shameful  perjury,  the  Crown  of  the  Two  Sicilies. 

The  War  between  Aragon  and  France  still  therefore  continued,  but  it 
was  unmarked  by  any  event  of  interest.  Philip  had  secured  the  alliance 
of  Sancho  IV.  of  Castile,  by  accepting  a  commutation  for  the  claims  of 
the  De  la  Cerda  Princes  upon  that  Throne;  and  the  King  of  Aragon, 
although  hitherto  successful,  did  not  need  the  addition  of  this  fresh 
enemy  to  make  him  desirous  of  Peace.  His  Excommunication,  and  the 
miseries  and  discontents  of  his  People,  were  already  sufficiently  powerful 

motives  to  induce  Alfonso  to  listen  to  the  terms  which 

a.  d.  1291.   Charles  the  Lame  (now  Charles  II.  of  Naples)  proposed 

Feb.  21.      at  Tarragona,  although  they  involved  the  abandonment  of 

Sicily.  Whether  the  King  of  Naples  had  really  been  in- 
vested with  full  powers  by  each  of  the  numerous  parties  for  whom  he 
engaged  himself,  by  the  Pope,  by  Charles  of  Valois,  by  the  Kings  of 

Majorca  and  of  France,  is  a  question  of  little  importance ; 
June  18.       for  the  Treaty  was  interrupted  by  the  death  of  Alfonso,  and 

by  the  immediate  accession  of  his  brother  James,  whose 
interests  were  about  to  be  so  unscrupulously  sacrificed.  The  first  step 
of  the  new  King  was  to  negociate  a  marriage  with  the  daughter  of 
Sancho  of  Castile,  whom  he  thus  detached  from  France.  Philip  em- 
ployed the  rupture  of  the  Treaty  as  a  pretext  for  levying 
A.  d.  1295.  some  exactions  from  his  Clergy,  but  he  never  actively  pro- 
June  25.     secuted  hostilities  although  four  years  elapsed  before  Peace 

was  finally  concluded  at  Anagni. 
A  far  weightier  dispute  engrossed  the  attention  of  Philip  before  the 
termination  of  this  unimportant  War.  During  the  long  course  of  five- 
and-thirty  years  no  occurrence  had  disturbed  amicable  relations  between 
France  and  England.  The  warriors  of  the  two  Countries,  by  serving 
together  in  the  Holy  Land,  had  formed  bands  of  chivalrous  brotherhood; 
the  reigning  Families  were  connected  by  numerous  mutual  alliances  and 
ties  of  blood ;  and  the  great  and  wise  Prince  who  at  that  time  swayed 
the  English  sceptre  had  not  only  espoused  the  interests  of  France,  by 
personally  assisting  both  her  King  and  Charles  of  Naples,  but,  even  at 
the  expense  of  some  natural  pride,  had  discharged  to  the  former,  his 
nephew  and  Sovereign,  all  those  duties  which  Feudalism  required  from 
a  vassal.  Immediately  upon  the  accession  of  the  young  King,  Edward 
had  repaired  to  Paris,  and  there,  with  the  customary  ceremonies,  had 
renewed  his  homage  as  Duke  of  Aquitaine*.  Philip,  nevertheless,  con- 
scious of  inferiority,  regarded  his  uncle  with  jealousy;  and  recent  suc- 

*  The  form,  quod  conditionale  erat,  front  interim  coutinc'.ur,  'which  the  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells  pronounced  in  Edward's  name,  at  the  performance  of  this  honaje, 
is  printed  in  the  Fcsdera,  i.  GOo. 


A.D.  1295.]  CITATION   OF   EDWARD   I.  135 

cesses  both  in  Wales  and  Scotland,  which  consolidated,  as  it  were,  the 
whole  power  of  Britain  in  the  single  hand  of  the  King  of  England,  by 
no  means  tended  to  allay  this  unworthy  feeling.  Some  squabbles  be- 
tween mariners  of  the  respective  Countries,  on  the  Gascon  coast,  had 
ripened  into  a  very  bloody  naval  contest ;  and  when,  on  an  increase  of 
mutual  outrage,  the  French  Tribunals  interfered,  the  English  officers 
in  Guyenne,  alarmed  for  their  independence,  protested  against  this 
jurisdiction,  and  threatened  and  employed  force  in  order  to  repel  its 
exercise. 

Philip  gladly  seized  the  pretext  thus  afforded  him  for  complaint ;  and 
he  directed  a  Citation  to  his  offending  vassal,  which  will  not  be  read 
without  astonishment,  unless  we  are  profoundly  imbued  with  a  remem- 
brance of  the  almost  Religious  obedience  which  the  Feudal  System 
exacted  and  paid. 

After  recapitulating,  in  no  very  measured  language,  the  violences  com- 
mitted at  Bayonne  and  elsewhere,  of  which  it  is  observed  that  Edward 
could  not,  with  any  show  of  probability,  affirm  himself  to  be  ignorant, 
this  haughty  document  concludes  writh  the  following  words :  "  Hence 
we  ordain  and  command  you,  under  the  penalties  wThich  you  both  have 
it  in  your  power  to  incur,  and  which  you  really  do  incur,  that  on  the 
20th  day  of  the  ensuing  Christmas  (which  we  peremptorily  assign  to 
you  at  Paris)  you  appear  before  us  (as  you  both  ought  and  must  do,  and 
as  the  nature  of  so  great  crimes  and  excesses  demands  and  requires),  to 
answer  to  us  concerning  the  aforesaid  matters  (of  which  cognizance 
belongs  to  us),  concerning  matters  which  appertain  to  or  may  result 
from  them,  and  concerning  all  other  matters  which  we  may  think  it  right 
to  propose  against  you,  to  obey  the  law,  and  to  hear  and  to  admit  what- 
soever is  just.  Signifying  to  you  by  the  tenor  of  these  present  Letters, 
that  whether  you  appear  or  not  at  the  aforesaid  day  and  place,  we, 
nevertheless,  shall  proceed  as  we  ought  to  do,  without  any  let  or  hin- 
drance on  account  of  your  absence*." 

Edward  in  return  fully  recognised  the  legality  of  this  Citation,  and 
admitted  his  own  responsibility.  He  despatched  his  brother,  Edmund 
Earl  of  Lancaster,  to  Paris,  with  authority  to  make  ample  concessions  f, 
and  when  he  found  that  the  King  of  France  still  persisted  in  demanding 
a  judicial  process,  he  assented  to  a  secret  compromise,  which  the  Queen 
Dowager  Mary,  and  the  Queen  Consort  Jane,  undertook  to  mediate. 
By  this  agreement,  six  of  the  principal  Towns  in  Aquitaine  were  to  be 
delivered  to  Commissioners  appointed  by  Philip,  who,  since  the  English 
garrisons  were  to  remain  within  the  walls,  would  not  thus  acquire  more 
than  nominal  possession ;  and  twenty  of.  the  persons  most  deeply  in- 
volved in  the  late  disturbances  were  to  be  surrendered  for  trial  before 
the  Parliament  of  Paris.     The  reconciliation  was  to  be  further  strength- 

*    Ftvrfera,  i.  793. 

f  De  seisimi  Jquilanice  Reyi  Francice  deliberandi     Id.  ibid. 


136  TREACHERY    OF   PHILIP    IV.  [CH.  Vlf. 

ened  by  a  marriage  between  Edward,  now  a  widower,  and  Philip's  sister 
Margaret;  the  issue  of  which  nuptials  was  to  inherit  Aquitaine  separately 
from  the  Crown  of  England*. 

The  surrender  was  accordingly  made ;  but  instead  of  only  six  Towns, 
the  whole  Province  of  Aquitaine  was  occupied  by  an  armed  force  led  by 
Raoul  de  Nesle,  Constable  of  France,  which  in  obedience  to  Edward's 
orders  was  admitted  without  resistance.  When  the  Earl  of  Lancaster 
demanded  restitution,  agreeably  to  the  recognised  understanding,  he  was 
overwhelmed  by  astonishment  at  the  treachery  of  Philip.  The  King  of 
France,  with  consummate  dissimulation,  had  warned  the  English  Prince 
beforehand  that  a  sharp  answer  might  be  necessary  in  public,  in  order 
to  satisfy  certain  of  his  Counsellors ;  but  that,  as  soon  as  they  should  be 
absent,  the  secret  compact  should  be  fulfilled  to  the  letter  f.  Never- 
theless, on  the  assemblage  of  the  Parliament,  Edward  not  having  ap- 
peared when  called  into  Court,  was  declared  to  be  contumacious,  and  to 
have  forfeited  his  Duchy.  Not  an  hour's  respite  was  granted  for  the 
execution  of  the  sentence ;  a  delay  which  Lancaster  assures  us  he  never 
knew  refused  before  in  any  Cause  however  trifling,  whether  the  defend- 
ant were  rich  or  poor  J. 

Edward,  as  it  is  but  natural  to  suppose,  was  bitterly  aggrieved  by  this 
perfidy.  He  attributed  it  altogether  to  Philip  personally  ;  with  the  two 
Queens,  therefore,  whom  he  considered  to  be  as  much  deluded  as  him- 
self, he  continued  to  maintain  a  polished  and  even  an  affectionate  inter- 
course § ;  and  notwithstanding  his  just  irritation,  he  strictly  observed 
towards  Philip  himself  those  rules  which  the  Feudal  tenure  enjoined  in 
a  breach  with  the  Sovereign.  Before  making  open  War,  he  despatched 
Heralds,  who  in  dignified  terms  signified  his  renouncement  of  alle- 
giance || ;  but  he  had  already  addressed  himself  to  the  European  Powers 
which  he  thought  most  likely  to  join  a  Confederacy  against  France. 
The  first  of  these  was  Adolphus  of  Nassau,  who,  on  the  death  of  Rodolph 

*  De  Margarela  Regis  Francice  sorore  Regi  Anglia  mariianda  et  seisina  Aquitanicc 
secundum  quod  in  secreto  iractatu  convetitum  fuerat  7'estituendd.    Fcedera,  i.  795. 

f  Et  le  dit  Roi  moijist  dire  en  secreit,  en  la  presence  la  dite  dame  Johanne,  qui  joe  ne 
fusse  grevez  de  la  dure  responnce  que  moi  serroit  fait  devant  ditz  Consaillers,  pour  ce 
que  apres  le  partir  des  ascuns  de  eux  que  fussent  contrairez  en  fait  avant  dit  il  freit 
g order  et  acompter  tout  ceo  que  fuit  ordenez.  De  viginti  obsidxbus  Regi  Francia?  tra- 
dendis  et  de  secreto  iractatu  quo  Rex  Anghx  et  Frater  ejus  Edmundus  decepti  erant  et 
circumvetiti.    Id.  ibid.  794. 

X  Et  ce  delate  (tant  a  lendemaine)  ne  poient  avoir,  que  unques  mes  fust  veu  estre  ?iiee, 
a  riche  ne  a  poure,  ja  soit  que  la  cause  fusse  petite.  Id.  ibid.  A  second  Citation  how- 
ever appears  for  twenty  days  after  Christmas  1294.  Renovatio  et  aggravatio  edicli 
seu  civitationis  quce  in  secreto  iractatu  supradicto  revocata  fuerat.  Id.  800.  The  au- 
thorities for  the  narrative  which  we  have  given  above  do  not  appear  to  admit  dis- 
pute; yet  Velly  (iv.  42.)  at  great  length  inclines  to  a  very  untenable  hypothesis, 
proposed  by  Gul.  de  Nangis,  that  Edward  had  long  resolved  to  give  up  Aquitaine 
quietly  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  possession  of  it  by  reconquest  as  an  independent 
Kingdom. 

§  Fcedera,  i.  824.    Aug.  12,  1295. 

||  Id.  ibid.  807. 


A.  1).   1295.]  ALLIANCES.  137 

of  Hapsburgh*,  had  been  elected  King  of  the  Romans,  and  who  was 
well  inclined  to  avenge  certain  aggressions  made  upon  his  frontier  by 
Philip  t.  The  Count  of  Gueldres,  in  return  for  an  adequate  payment, 
engaged  to  furnish  1000  horse  for  six  months  service  \;  and  the  Duke 
of  Brabant,  who  was  similarly  subsidized,  provided  2000  more  for  a  like 
period  §.  The  Spanish  Princes  were  too  much  occupied  by  domestic 
troubles  with  the  Moors  to  enter  actively  into  the  alliance;  and,  in  spite 
of  the  justice  of  his  cause,  Edward  was  unable  to  persuade  his  own 
Barons  that  the  loss  of  Aquitaine  was  more  than  a  private  wrong.  Their 
reluctance  to  furnish  either  money  or  personal  service  retarded  his  pre- 
parations in  the  outset,  and  frustrated  them  ultimately. 

The  French  troops  overran  Guyenne  with  little  opposition,  for  Edward 
was  unable  to  fulfil  the  promise  of  aid  which  he  had  held  forth  to  his 
continental  subjects.  Charles  of  Valois,  who  commanded,  exercised 
frightful  severity.  On  the  surrender  of  Pondensac  he  hanged  sixty  of 
its  principal  Citizens  before  its  gates ;  and  at  the  Sack  of  La  Re'ole  he 
put  to  the  sword  the  whole  of  its  unarmed  population.  The  hopes  which 
Edward  cherished  of  a  powerful  diversion  by  Guy  de  Dampierre,  Count  of 
Flanders,  were  destroyed  by  his  treacherous  arrest.  That  Prince,  who 
had  engaged  the  hand  of  his  daughter  Philippa  to  Edward,  with  a  por- 
tion of  200,000  livres,  rashly  accepted  an  invitation  to  pass  a  few  days 
in  the  Court  of  Paris.  Scarcely  had  he  arrived,  when  both  his  daughter 
and  himself  were  committed  to  the  Tower  of  the  Louvre ;  and  he  was 
pronounced  guilty  of  felony,  for  having  agreed  to  an  intermarriage  be- 
tween a  member  of  his  own  Family  and  an  enemy  of  the  Crown  which 
claimed  his  vassalage.  The  Count  escaped  or  was  released  after  a  few 
months  confinement ;  but  he  was  still  fettered  by  the  pledge  which  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  the  King  of  France,  nor  was  it  till  the  death  of 
Philippa,  which  is  imputed  to  poison,  that  the  miserable  father  could 
venture  even  to  complain  of  his  wrongs  [| . 

Meantime,  Philip  also  sought  to  strengthen  himself  by  Treaties ;  and 
in  John  Baliol,  the  King  of  Scotland,  who  was  smarting  under  the  humi- 
liation to  which  he  had  been  reduced  by  Edward,  he  found  a 
ready  coadjutor.     An  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  was  a.  d.  1295. 
cemented  by  the  promise  of  Isabella  of  Valois,  a  niece  of  the      Oct.  23. 
King  of  France,  as  a  bride  for  Edward  Baliol,  presumptive 
heir  to  the  Throne  of  Scotland  ^[.     But  Philip  was  unfaithful  to  his  en- 
gagements, and  neither  the  troops  nor  the  money  which  he  had  under- 
taken to  provide  were  forthcoming.     Baliol,  too  rashly  confident  in  his 

*  July  15,  1291.  f  The  Treaty,  Oct.  20,  1294.    Fcedera,  i.  812. 

%  April  G,  1295.  Id.  ibid.  819.  $  April  23,  1295.  Id.  ibid.  820. 

||  Giov.  Villain,  1.  viii.  c.  32. 

^  These  nuptials  did  not  take  place.  The  lady,  who  must  have  possessed  ^reat 
attraction  either  in  person  or  in  portion,  was  afterwards,  in  Jan.  1297>  employed  as 
a  bait  to  detach  the  Duke  of  Bretany  from  the  interests  of  England,  by  a  marriage 
with  his  grandson. 


138  BQNIFACE    VIII.  [CH.  VII. 

a.  d.  1296.  own  single  strength,  hazarded  the  fatal  Battle  of  Dunbar  in 

April  27.    the  ensuing  year;  and  after  the  loss  of  his  bravest  Nobles, 

and  not  fewer  than  10,000  of  their  retainers,  he  surrendered 

his  Kingdom  to  the  conqueror  and  was  transferred  as  a  captive  to  the 

Tower  of  London. 

The  exertions  of  the  Pope,  Boniface  VIII.,  to  procure  a  Peace  which 
might  be  advantageous  to  Philip,  were  incessant,  and  on  one  occasion 
might  have  been  successful,  if  at  the  moment  at  which  Edward  had  con- 
sented to  a  Truce,  a  French  squadron  had  not  unseasonably 
a.  d.  1295.  made  a  successful  landing  at  Dover.  Boniface,  active, 
August,  ardent,  and  impassioned*,  felt  that  he  owed  a  large  debt 
of  gratitude  to  France  for  his  elevation  to  the  Pontifical 
Throne.  The  resignation  of  his  weak  and  short-lived  predecessor, 
Celestine  V.,  had  been  procured  by  the  intrigues  of  Charles  the  Lame, 
to  whom  the  wily  Caietano  (as  he  then  was  named)  had  thus  forcibly 
addressed  himself:  "  Sire,  your  Pope  has  the  will  and  the  power  to 
serve  you,  if  he  did  but  know  how  to  do  so.  For  my  part,  if  you  will 
make  me  Pope,  I  have  will,  power,  and  knowledge  also  f."  The  hint 
was  too  valuable  to  be  neglected;  and  Celestine  having  first  been 
persuaded  to  nominate  twelve  Cardinals  \,  seven  of  whom  wrere  from 
France,  five  from  Naples,  next  yielded  to  that  which  he  believed  to  be  a 
voice  from  Heaven,  enjoining  his  abdication;  and  thus  made  way  for  the 
concerted  election  of  Boniface  §. 

That  Pope,  although  hitherto  unsuccessful  in  his  mediation  between 
France  and  England,  procured  the  signature  of  the  Treaty 
a.  d.  1295.   of  Anagni,  before  mentioned,  by  which  was  terminated  the 
June  23.     lingering  contest  with  Aragon.     Still  zealous,  but  not  ac- 
cording to  discretion,  in  his  labours  for  Peace,  when  the  meek 
arts  of  persuasion  failed,  he  attempted  to  triumph  by  the  assumption  of 
authority ;  and  he  commissioned  his  Legates  to  menace  the  contending 
Kings  with  Excommunication,  unless  they  agreed   to  a  year's  Truce. 
The  pride  of  Philip  was  offended  by  the  employment  of  this   tone  of 
superiority;  a  tone  indeed  far  more  befitting  a  Judge  entitled  to  pass 
sentence,  than  an  arbitrator  invited  to  suggest  modes  of  reconciliation. 
But  passions  yet  more  dominant  than  pride  were  still  to  be  assailed  ; 
and   when  Boniface  endeavoured   to  control   the  King's   avarice   and 
rapacity,  he  awakened  a  hatred  which  gained  strength  by  the  necessity 
of  temporary  concealment.     The  very  name,  maltote  (maltolte'),  betrays 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  viii.  498. 

f  Giovanni  Villain,  viii.  6. 

\  Platina  represents  these  Cardinals  as  rt  men  of  the  greatest  integrity,  of  whom 
two  were  reputed  hermits."     Celestine  himself  had  been  an  anchorite. 

§  It  is  said  that  a  speaking  trumpet  was  introduced  into  his  cell,  and  that  he  was 
addressed  through  it  in  the  dead  of  the  night.  Platina  attributes  his  abdication  to 
the  advice  of  Caietano"  without  any  pseudo-miracle  ;  and  Raynaldus  is  very  sus- 
piciously brief,  Bonifuvius  electus  Ncapoli  Summus  Pontifex,  ad  ami.  1295,  §  1. 


A.  D.  1298.]  DISASTERS    OF   THE    ENGLISH.  139 

the  odious  nature  of  an  exaction  which  Philip  had  levied  first  from  the 
Merchants,  then  from  the  Bourgeois,  and  at  last  from  the  Priests  in  his 
Kingdom  j  it  amounted  to  the  fiftieth  penny  upon  every  article  deemed 
taxable,  and  it  was  arbitrarily  and  violently  raised,  with  a  total  disregard 
to  justice.  The  opposition  which  this  impost  encountered  was  materially 
increased  when  Boniface  issued  a  Bull,  known  by  its  opening  words,  as 
ids  Laicos.  "  Laymen  at  all  times,"  said  this  most  indiscreet  docu- 
ment, "  have  manifested  enmity  against  the  Church ;"  and  then,  as  a  pre- 
ventive of  their  usurpation,  it  excommunicated  all  persons  of  any  degree 
whatsoever,  who,  under  any  pretext,  should  contribute  any  sum,  however 
small,  as  tax,  gift,  loan,  or  benevolence  to  any  Lay  authority,  without 
an  express  order  from  the  Holy  See.  A  like  penalty  was  imposed  upon 
the  exactor,  even  if  he  should  be  Duke,  Prince,  King  or  Emperor. 

This  Bull,  although  not  by  any  means  specifically  directed  against 
Philip  (for  Edward  had  been  guilty  of  almost  equal  extortion),  was  never 
forgotten  by  him ;  and  may  be  esteemed  as  the  primary  cause  of  the  un- 
forgiving vengeance  with  which  he  afterwards  pursued  Boniface.  The 
Pope,  however,  even  when  labouring  above  all  things  to  extend  and  to 
confirm  the  despotism  of  Rome,  still  cherished  the  French  interests 
warmly  in  his  heart,  and  considered  Philip  in  some  measure  as  a  way- 
ward son,  over  whom  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  exercise  the  con- 
trol of  parental  authority.  Thus  even  with  his  anger  he  mingled 
caresses;  and  while  he  visited  with  just  reproof  the  offences  of  the 
King,  he  at  the  same  time  flattered  the  pride  of  the  Nation,  by  termi- 
nating the  enquiry  into  the  Miracles  said  to  have  been 
wrought  at  the  Tomb  of  Louis  IX.  (an  enquiry  which  had  a.  d.  1297. 
lingered  through  twenty  years  and  nine  different  Pontifi-  Aug.  11. 
cates),  and  admitting  the  deceased  King  into  the  Roll  of 
Saints*. 

The  coalition  which  Edward  had  organized  was  everywhere  unsuc- 
cessful.   The  Count  of  Bar  was  overthrown  in  Champagne ; 
the  Count  of  Flanders,  who  had  now  declared  himself,  was       Aug.  13. 
defeated  after  an  obstinate  engagement  at  Funics ;  and  the 
succours  which  the  King  of  England  afterwards  brought  to  his  support 
at  Bruges  were  so  curtailed  by  the  parsimony  of  his  Parliament,  that 
they  proved  far  too  scanty  to  restore  the  fortunes  of  the  campaign.     The 
Duke  of  Bretany  had  been  gained  over  by  Philip ;  and  the  uncertainty 
to  which  Adolphus  of  Nassau  saw  his  Crown  exposed  by  the  rivalry 
of  Austria  prevented  him  from  any  active  exertion.     An 
Armistice  was  concluded  during  the  winter,  and  Edward    a.  d.  1298. 
returned  home  in  order  to  encounter  the  fresh  struggle  to 
which  the  Scots  were   excited  by  the  heroism  of  "Wallace,  and  perhaps 
also  by  the  gold  of  Philip. 

"••:  The  JUiracles  are  printed  by  Ducanf;c  in  his  edition  of  Joinville,  391. 


140  TREATY   OF    MONTREUIL.  [cH.  VII. 

The  King  of  England  was  weary  of  a  contest  in  which  he  had  been 
pursued  by  invariable  disappointment,  and  Philip  also  was  now  well 
disposed  for  Peace.  Both  parties,  however,  had  seen  enough  of  the 
arrogant  spirit  of  Boniface  to  mistrust  the  use  to  which  he  might  convert 
unlimited  power  of  arbitration,  if  such  were  committed  to  him ;  and 
when  they  accepted  him  as  mediator,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  that  he 
should  promote  reconciliation  solely  as  an  individual,  a  common  friend 
of  the  disputants,  by  no  means  in  his  character  as  Supreme  Head  of  the 
Christian  Church.  The  Pope's  sentence,  although  called/rca/,  left  the 
claim  on  Aquitaine  undecided;  but  it  led  to  a  Treaty,  con- 
a.  d.  1299.  eluded  at  Montreuil-sur-mer,  in  which  a  Truce  of  indefinite 
June  19.  length  was  guaranteed  by  a  double  marriage.  Edward  him- 
self received  the  hand  of  his  formerly-affianced  bride,  Mar- 
garet; and  his  eldest  son  was  betrothed  to  Isabella/a  daughter  of  Philip. 
For  the  present,  each  party  was  allowed  to  retain  such  districts  of  Aqui- 
taine as  happened  to  be  in  his  possession. 

Even  before  the  signature  of  this  Treaty,  Philip  had  profited  by  his 
disembarrassment  from  hostilities  with  England  to  avenge 
a.  d.  1298.    himself  deeply  on  Adolphus  of  Nassau,  whose  deposition 
July  2.       and  death  must  chiefly  be  attributed  to  the  secret  intrigues 
of  France.     The  Count  of  Flanders  was  the  next  victim  of 
his  resentment.    Charles  of  Valois  entered  the  Netherlands  with  a  power- 
ful force,  and  having  subdued  the  other  chief  towns,  invested  Ghent, 
which  was  prepared  for  long  and  perhaps  for  successful  defence.     But 
assurances  that  the  King  of  France  would  graciously  receive  the  submis- 
sion of  his  vassal,  and  that  Count  Guy,  on  surrender,  should  immediately 
be  restored  to  liberty  and  full  dominion  (a  promise  which  the  deceiver 
did  not  scruple  to  ratify  by  pledging  his  faith,  honour,  and  loyalty), 
were  treacherously  violated  almost  at  the  moment  at  which  they  were 
accepted.      No  sooner  had  the  veteran  Prince  delivered  up  Ghent,  and 
placed  himself  and  two  of  his  sons  at  the  disposal  of  Charles, 
a.  d.  1300.    than  he  was  hurried  to  imprisonment  with  them  in  Paris, 
and  his  territories  were  annexed  to  the  Crown  of  France. 
It  will  be  convenient  to  trace  in  an  unbroken  narrative,  at  the  expense 
of  a  slight  deviation  from  strict  chronological  order,  the  remainder  of 
Philip's  transactions  with  Flanders.     The  character  of  the  Flemings, 
notwithstanding  its  proverbial  sluggishness,  has  ever  been  marked  by 
sturdy  independence ;  and  their  abhorrence  of  foreign  rule  was  height- 
ened, in  the  instance  before  us,  by  the  perfidy  through  which  that  rule 
had  been  acquired,  and  the  severity  with  which  it  was  administered. 
Chatillon,  an  uncle  of  the  Queen  of  France,  the  Governor  appointed  by 
Philip,  was  detested  for  his  oppression ;  and  although  he  escaped  with 
life  from  an  insurrection  which  it  excited  at  Bruges,  more  than  3000  of 
his  Countrymen  were  slain  in  a  three  days'  massacre*.    The  rising,  how- 
*  The  carnage  was  most  ferocious,  and  the  Flemings  manifested  their  detestation 


A.  D.   1302]  DEFEAT  OF  THE  FRENCH  AT  COURTRA1.  1  \\ 

ever,  might  liavc  subsided  as  hastily  as  it  had  commenced,  if  the  Bovr- 
geoU  by  idiom  it  was  executed  had  continued  to  want  leaders  of  in- 
fluence ;  but  fortunately,  a  son  and  a  great-nephew  of  the  imprisoned 
Count  were  prompt  to  devote  themselves  for  the  liberation  of  a  People 
who  have  rarely  merited  such  sacrifices  from  their  Aristocracy.  The 
young  Guy  of  Dampicrre,  and  the  still  younger  William  of  Juliers,  at 
the  head  of  a  few  gentlemen  who  dismounted  in  order  to  share  the 
fortune  of  the  Boors,  and  of  about  20,000  militia  armed  only  with  pikes, 
which  they  employed  also  as  implements  of  husbandry,  resolved  to  abide 
the  onset  of  8000  Knights  of  gentle  blood,  10,000  archers,  and  30,000 
foot-soldiers,  animated  by  the  presence,  and  directed  by  the  military 
skill,  of  Robert  Count  of  Artois,  and  of  Raoul  de  Nesle,  Constable  of 
France. 

Courtrai  was  the  object  of  attack,  and  the  Flemings,  anxious  for  its 
safety,  arranged  themselves  on  a  plain  before  the  town, 
covered  in  front  by  a  canal,  which  drains  the  surrounding  a.  d.  1302. 
country  into  the  river  Lys.  Mass  had  been  celebrated  early  July  11. 
in  the  morning  before  their  line  ;  but  each  soldier  remained 
in  his  ranks,  and  instead  of  receiving  the  Elements  from  the  Priests, 
stooped  down,  and  raising  to  his  lips  a  morsel  of  the  turf  at  his  feet, 
kissed  it  with  a  silent  vow  to  perish  in  its  defence  rather  than  to  abandon 
it  to  the  enemy.  The  strength  of  the  Flemish  position  was  not  lost 
upon  the  military  eye  of  the  Constable  de  Nesle ;  and  he  proposed  a 
manoeuvre  by  which  it  must  have  been  turned.  The  Count  of  Artois, 
however,  received  the  suggestion  with  contempt;  he  taxed  the  Constable 
with  unreasonable  dread  of  the  "  rabbits  "  which  were  opposed  to  him  ; 
and  tauntingly  alluding  to  a  matrimonial  alliance  between  his  House 
and  that  of  a  noble  Fleming,  he  implied,  that  his  cloak  was  lined  with 
some  of  that  very  rabbit-skin.  rt  If  your  Highness,"  replied  the  indig- 
nant Soldier,  "  will  ride  even  with  me  today,  you  will  ride  far  enough;" 
and  clapping  spurs  to  his  horse  as  he  finished  these  ominous  words,  he 
commanded  and  led  an  impetuous  charge. 

This  altercation  was  fatal  in  its  result :  De  Nesle  galloped  furiously 
onward,  and  was  followed  by  the  entire  cavalry  in  a  single  column.  The 
canal,  on  account  of  the  level  nature  of  the  country,  was  not  seen  until 
immediately  approached  ;  and  although  neither  its  breadth  nor  depth 
was  great,  its  perpendicular  banks  rendered  it  impassable  on  horseback. 
The  leading  files,  on  reaching  its  edge,  were  unable  to  rein  their  chargers 
in  time;  they  were  pressed  on  by  the  dense  mass  in  their  rear,  igno- 
rant of  all  that  passed  in  front,  and  they  were  impeded  from  wheeling 
either  to  right  or  to  left,  by  the  concave  form  of  the  water-course. 

of  the  French  by  outrages  which  shock  humanity.  Sentinels  were  placed  at  the  City 
gates  with  orders  to  put  to  death  every  person  falling  in  the  Correct  pronunciation 
of  words  which  must  have  been  an  eiFectuul  Shibboleth,  Sci/t  erute  friend/,  Meyer, 
Annul,  p.  (J'-\ 


142  INGLORIOUS  CAMPAIGNS.  [CH.  VII. 

Every  moment  increased  their  confusion;  and  while  they  were  thus 
entangled,  bewildered,  and  trampling  each  other  under  foot,  the  Flemish 
wings  having  crossed  the  canal,  easily  fordable  by  infantry,  closed  upon 
their  flanks  and  rear,  and  completed  the  disorder.  Resistance  was  im- 
possible ;  the  weight  of  heavy  armour,  and  the  narrowness  of  the  space 
for  combat,  rendered  the  Knights  in  complete  steel  unequal  opponents 
to  the  lightly-accoutred  Flemings,  who,  advancing  more  to  slaughter 
than  to  battle,  drained  the  noblest  blood  in  France  with  little  risk  to 
themselves. 

The  slain  presented  a  mournful  catalogue  of  illustrious  names.  Among 
them  were  to  be  reckoned  the  two  authors  of  the  calamity,  the  Count  of 
Artois  and  the  Constable  Raoul  de  Nesle  ;  a  brother  of  the  latter  who 
was  a  Marechal  of  France;  Chatillon,  the  Royal  Governor;  Pierre 
Flotte,  the  Chancellor ;  the  Duke  of  Brabant  and  his  son  ;  a  long  train 
of  lesser  Nobles  ;  200  Gentlemen  of  distinction,  and  at  least  6000  men- 
at-arms.  Philip  had  lost  his  most  experienced  Generals,  and  the  flower 
of  his  troops ;  but  his  obstinacy  was  unbending,  and  disaster  is  easily 
repaired  by  Power  which  throws  aside  the  restraint  of  equity.  His  first 
object  was  to  replenish  his  Exchequer ;  for  money,  as  he  well  knew, 
would  provide  men.  Accordingly,  all  the  plate  in  the  possession  of 
public  functionaries,  and  half  of  that  belonging  to  private  individuals, 
was  called  into  the  Treasury;  and  there  it  was  exchanged  for  a  money- 
payment,  which,  if  fairly  calculated,  would  have  been  equivalent  to  its 
real  value.  But  the  Coinage  had  been  purposely  alloyed  beforehand, 
and  the  King,  by  its  deterioration,  gained  between  30  and  40  per  cent  * 
By  these  and  similar  tyrannical  means,  he  equipped  60,000  foot-soldiers 
and  10,000  men-at-arms,  in  the  almost  incredibly  short  period  of  two 
months,  and  led  them  in  person  to  Arras  before  the  close  of 
Sept.  — .  September.  The  Flemings,  inferior  in  number  but  ani- 
mated by  their  recent  great  victory,  skirmished  on  all  occa- 
sions with  success ;  the  season  was  too  far  advanced  to  allow  the  King 
to  compel  them  to  a  pitched  battle  ;  and  when  the  conveyance  of  sup- 
plies became  difficult  from  the  impracticability  of  the  roads  during  the 
autumnal  rains,  he  found  it  prudent  to  retreat,  to  agree  to  an  Armistice, 
and  to  disband  his  troops  without  having  obtained  revenge. 

A  similarly  ignominious  close  terminated  the  campaign  of  the  follow- 
ing year ;  during  which  the  Flemings  were  commanded  by 
a.  d.  1303.  another  of  those  Princes  whose  self-abandonment  deserves 
to  be  held  in  honourable  remembrance.  Philip  of  Dam- 
pierre,  one  of  the  many  sons  of  the  imprisoned  Count  Guy,  had  accom- 
panied Charles  of  Anjou  in  his  expedition  to  Naples;  and  as  a  reward 
for  faithful  service,  had  been  invested  in  that  Kingdom  with  the  Fiefs 
of  Rieti  and  of  Lanciano.     On  the  first  notification  of  the  Flemish  War 

*  Velly,  iv.  157,  where  he  relates  these  odious  exactions  in  a  much  more  equable 
tone  than  lie  would  have  employed  if  he  had  been  personally  ailected  by  them. 


A.  D.  1304.]         BATTLE  OF  MONS-EN-PUELLK.  143 

he  restored  these  possessions  to  Charles,  and  having  thus  freed  himself 
from  allegiance  to  a  French  Prince,  he  generously  hastened  with  as 
many  followers  as  he  could  collect,  to  share  the  perils  of  his  Countrymen. 
His  arrival  was  hailed  with  joy,  and  he  was  instantly  raised  to  the  chief 
command,  for  which  his  experience  in  Italy  had  rendered  him  well 
qualified. 

During  the  Truce  which  succeeded  this  campaign,  the  King  of  France 
granted  a  conditional  release  to  the  Count  of  Flanders.  The  old  man 
1  to  return  to  his  dungeon  at  Compiegne,  provided  the  existing 
Armistice  was  not  succeeded  hy  a  definitive  Peace ;  and  three  of  his  sons 
were  left  as  hostages  for  the  fulfdment  of  this  promise.  Far,  however, 
from  recommending  the  concessions  which  France  demanded  as  the  price 
of  her  amity,  he  employed  his  few  weeks  of  liberty  in  bidding  farewell  to 
his  Family  and  Friends;  and  then,  with  a  truly  Roman 
spirit,  he  cheerfully  surrendered  himself  once  more  to  im-  a.  d.  1305. 
prisonment,  from  which  he  was  released  only  by  death,  Feb.  — . 
after  the  completion  of  his  eightieth  year  *. 

The  following  Summer  was  far  advanced  before  Philip  recommenced 
military  operations ;  and  then,  for  the  first  time,  they  were 
successful.  His  Fleet,  commanded  by  Reniero  Grimaldi,  a.d.  1304. 
a  Genoese  Admiral,  and  assisted  by  a  mercenary  squadron 
hired  from  the  same  People,  obtained  a  signal  victory  in  the  Zuruck-zee ; 
and  he  himself  achieved  a  triumph  by  land,  which  contem- 
porary authority,  demanding  implicit  respect  t,  attributes  Sept.  — . 
greatly,  if  not  altogether,  to  his  own  personal  valour.  Sixty 
thousand  Flemings,  under  the  command  of  Philip  of  Rieti,  were  en- 
camped near  Mons-en-Puelle,  where  the  King,  after  fording  the  passage 
of  the  Lys,  marched  to  attack  their  position.  As  the  French  approached, 
the  Flemings  intrenched  themselves  behind  a  double  line  of  baggage- 
cars  and  provision-waggons,  so  as  to  be  unassailable  by  cavalry ;  the 
force  which  they  most  dreaded,  and  in  which  themselves  were  wholly 
deficient.  The  French  had  learned  prudence  from  the  disaster  at  Cour- 
trai,  and  having  ascertained  the  formidable  nature  of  the  position  by 
sufficient  reconnoissances,  they  withdrew  to  their  quarters.  The  King 
was  on  foot,  without  his  armour,  and  preparing  to  sit  down  to  table, 
when  three  divisions  of  the  Flemings,  impatient  of  further  delay,  poured 
down  upon  his  camp.  Charles  of  Valois  fled  from  the  combat,  overcome 
by  surprise,  and  thinking  all  was  lost,  after  he  had  seen  1500  Knights 
slain  around  him ;  but  the  King,  although  left  alone,  succeeded  in  rally- 

*  Giov.  Villani,  1.  viii.  c.  76-     Cont.  Nangis,  56. 

lnierque  mcerentes  amicos 

Egregiut  properavil  exit/. 
He  died,  says  Villani,  "like  a  wise  and  valiant  gentleman." 
f  Giov.  Villani,  1.  viii.  c.  76.    He  was  not  recognised  by  the  enemy. 


144  INDEPENDENCE  OP  FLANDERS.  [CH.  VII. 

ing  his  broken  gendarmerie.  The  Flemish  infantry  were  unable  to 
pursue  their  first  advantage ;  and  when  the  French  horse  recovered  from 
their  panic  and  returned  to  the  field,  a  fearful  carnage  began.  After 
leaving  6000  dead,  in  a  struggle  which  continued  to  rage  even  by  torch- 
light, the  vanquished  Flemings  slowly  retired  by  Lille  and  Ypres. 

Philip  lost  not  a  moment  in  besieging  Lille,  into  which  city  Rie'ti 
had  thrown  himself,  defeated  but  not  dispirited;  and  while  the  French, 
from  day  to  day,  were  looking  for  the  entire  mastery  of  Flanders,  they 
were  astonished  by  the  re-appearance  of  a  well-appointed  force  of  60,000 
men,  which  had  been  organized  in  less  than  three  weeks.  The  manu- 
facturers of  the  rich  towns,  abandoning  their  looms  and  furnaces,  had 
enrolled  themselves  personally  in  arms,  to  defend  the  wealth  which  they 
knew  must  be  forfeited  if  they  had  resigned  their  liberty.  "  Are  we 
never  to  have  done  ?  does  it  rain  Flemings  ?  "  were  the  significant  en- 
quiries of  the  King*  when  Heralds  from  the  new  army  defied  him  to 
battle;  and,  hopeless  of  subduing  a  People  who  appeared  to  obtain  re- 
invigoration  by  every  fresh  defeat,  he  readily  entered  into  a  Treaty.  The 
independence  of  Flanders  was  acknowledged  under  its  Count,  Robert  de 
Bethune  (the  eldest  son  of  Guy  de  Dampierre),  who,  together  with  his 
brothers  and  all  the  other  Flemish  prisoners,  was  to  be  restored  to 
liberty.  The  Flemings,  on  the  other  hand,  consented  to  surrender  those 
districts  beyond  the  Lys  in  which  the  French  language  was  vernacularly 
spoken ;  and  to  this  territory  were  added  the  Cities  of  Douai,  Lille,  and 
their  dependencies.  They  engaged,  moreover,  to  furnish  by  instalments 
200,000  livres  in  order  to  cover  the  expenses  which  Philip  had  incurred 
by  their  invasion. 

Thus  ended  a  contest  which  had  cost  France  most  dearly ;  but  before 
its  close,  Philip  had  already  been  successful  in  a  struggle  of  widely 

different  nature,  with  a  Power  far  more  [dangerous  than 
a.  d.  1300.    that  of  the  Flemings.     The  Secular  Games  of  Pagan  Rome 

had  been  renewed  by  Boniface  VIII.,  under  the  title  of  a 
Centenary  Jubilee.  The  lure  which  he  offered  to  invite  attendance  was 
plenary  Indulgence  for  all  sins  to  those  Pilgrims  who,  during  the  course 
of  the  privileged  year,  should  visit  the  Basilicce-\  of  the  Eternal  City  for 
thirty  days  successively.  It  is  said,  that  not  a  single  day  passed  in  that 
year  in  which  fewer  than  200,000  strangers  were  domiciled  within  the 
walls  of  Rome ;  and  the  great  addition  of  wealth  and  power  afforded  to 
the  Pope  by  this  huge  concourse  of  votaries  proportionably  increased  his 
arrogance.  He  affected  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  Crown  of  Sicily ; 
he  bestowed  on  Charles  of  Valois  the  swollen  titles  of  Gonfaloniere  of 

*  Velly,  iv.  181. 

f  Twelve  of  the  earliest  Christian  churches  In  Rome  are  known  under  this  name, 
from  having  been  either  originally  used  by  the  Pagans  for  the  purposes  in  which  they 
employed  Halls  so  called,  or  from  having  been  built  upon  the  model  of  those  Halls. 


A.  D.   1301.]  DISPUTE  WITH  BONIFACE  VIII.  1  i  .'> 

the  Church,  Pacificator  of  Tuscany,  and  Vicar  Impend  in  Italy;  he 
excited  in  him  a  hope  of  succession  to  the  Throne  of  Constantinople,  and 
even  to  that  of  the  Western  Empire  ;  he  protected  the  Scots  in  then- 
opposition  to  Edward  I.;  he  pressed  upon  the  King  of  Castile  the 
hitherto  unsatisfied  claims  of  the  De  la  Cerda  Infants;  and  he  sum- 
moned Albert  of  Austria  to  answer  before  his  Tribunal  the  charges  of 
murder  and  usurpation.  Each  of  these  measures,  if  examined  to  its 
source,  contained  in  it  something  that  was  dictated  by  secret  good  will 
towards  France ;  yet  frequent  disputes  were  occurring  between  that 
Country  and  the  Holy  See,  towards  which  Philip  treasured  in  his  breast 
the  seeds  of  former  enmity.  They  were  ripened  by  the  appointment  of 
a  Legate  whom  many  circumstances  rendered  obnoxious. 

Bernard  de  Saisset,  Bishop  of  Ramiers,  had  been  consecrated  to  that 
See  by  Boniface,  on  its  separation,  by  his  sole  authority,  from  the  Dio- 
cese of  Toulouse ;  an  act  which  Philip  not  unjustly  considered  as  an 
infringement  upon  his  own  prerogative.  The  nomination  of  this  intru- 
sive Bishop  as  Legate,  which  soon  followed  his  first  appointment,  was 
by  no  means  likely  to  conciliate ;  and  Philip,  of  whom  he  is  believed  to 
have  expressed  himself  with  too  little  reserve,  resolved  upon  his  destruc- 
tion. The  four  chief  Civilians,  who  enjoyed  the  King's  unlimited  con- 
fidence and  who  were  well  inclined  to  depress  Boniface,  Pierre  Flotte, 
the  Chancellor,  who  afterwards  fell  at  Courtrai ;  William  cle  Nogaret, 
who  succeeded  that  high  officer;  Enguerrand  de  Marigni,  the  Minister 
of  Finance,  whose  calamitous  fate  will  require  further  notice ;  and 
William  de  Plasian,  a  lawyer  of  distinguished  subtilty,  were  instructed 
to  prepare  a  secret  accusation.  Treason,  Heresy,  Blasphemy,  and  Simony 
were  among  the  charges ;  the  Bishop,  having  been  arrested 
during  the  night-time,  was  thrown  into  prison;  and  many  a.  d.  1301. 
of  his  servants  were  subjected  to  torture,  in  order  to  extract  July  12. 
testimony  from  them  against  their  Master. 

To  a  fierce  and  unseemly  demand  made  by  Philip,  after  the  committal 
of  this  outrage,  for  the  degradation  of  the  Bishop,  in  order  that  one  might 
be  punished  "  who  had  evinced  himself  a  traitor  both  to  God  and  Man, 
who  was  plunged  into  an  abyss  of  iniquity,  and  in  whom  no  amendment 
could  be  hoped  if  he  were,  permitted  to  exist,  seeing  that  from  youth 
upwards  he  had  lived  in  sin,  and  baseness  and  perdition  had  been 
strengthened  in  him  by  inveterate  habit,"  Boniface  replied  at  first  with 
calmness  and  dignity.  He  discredited  the  accusation  ;  he  protested 
against  the  seizure  of  the  Bishop  as  illegal ;  he  vindicated  the  Eccle- 
siastical immunities,  and  he  summoned  the  French  Prelates  to  a  Synod 
at  Rome.  At  the  same  time,  he  addressed  to  Philip  personally  a  Bull, 
known  in  History  by  its  opening  words,  "  Ai/wittta,  F/7/,"  in  which  he 
unsparingly  detailed  the  numerous  offences  against  the  Church  com- 
mitted by  him  since  his  accession.  The  King  was  offended  by  this 
Remonstrance  in  proportion  to  the  truth  which  it  conveyed ;  and  having 


146  F1RS1  CONVOCATION  OP  THE  STATES-GENERAL.  [cH.  VII. 

suppressed  the  original  document  *,  he  instructed  Pierre  Flotte  to  recite 
a  summary  {La  Petite  Bulle  as  it  is  called),  in  which  France  was 
declared  to  be  dependent  upon  the  Holy  See  not  less  in  matters  Tem- 
poral, than  in  those  which  are  Spiritual;  the  King's  right  to  collation 
was  denied ;  and  all  Ecclesiastical  appointments  which  he  had  made 
during  his  reign  were  utterly  annulled  f. 

This  unreal  Bull  was  burned  \  by  Philip  in  the  presence  of  his  Barons, 
and  he  then,  in  order  to  justify  the  further  measures  of  violence  which 
he  meditated,  convoked  the  Three  Estates  of  his  Realm,  as  is  believed 
for  the  first  time  in  the  History  of  France.  So  that  a  King,  than  whom 
none  ever  evinced  himself  a  greater  enemy  to  popular  enfranchisement, 

afforded  the  earliest  precedent  on  record  for  admitting  the 

a.  d.  1302.    Commons  to  a  share  in  public  deliberations.     The  assembly 

April  10.     met  in  the  Church  of  Notre  Dame  at  Paris;   the  Three 

Orders  retired  to  separate  Chambers  to  frame  their  respective 
Letters  to  Rome ;   and  they  were  dissolved  after  one  day's  sitting. 

It  is  probable  that  the  fears  of  Boniface  were  awakened  by  this  novel 
proceeding;  for  he  was  content  to  deny,  in  very  temperate  language,  the 
authenticity  of  the  Lesser  Bull ;  while  at  the  same  time  he  hastened  a 
reconciliation  with  the  most  powerful  enemy  whom  he  had  created  else- 
where, and  recognized  Albert  as  King  of  the  Romans.    Philip,  however, 

was  not  to  be  turned  aside  from  his  projects  of  revenge ;  he 
a.d.  1303.  summoned  the  Gallican  Prelates  to  a  Convocation  at  Paris, 
March  12.    in  which,  using  Nogaret  as  a  mouth-piece,  he  represented 

the  occupant  of  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter  as  the  Father  of  lies, 
the  self-styled  Boniface  as  un  faiseur  cle  rnal  (an  evil-doer) ;  further- 
more, he  demanded  the  arrest  of  this  pseudo-Pope,  and  his  imprisonment 
till  he  could  receive  sentence  from  a  future  CEcumenical  Council. 

Boniface,  in  return,  signified  that  Philip  was  included  in  a  former 
general  Excommunication,  which  he  had  directed  against  any  one  who 
should  inhibit  the  meeting  of  the  Synod  which  he  had  already  summoned 
at  Rome ;  and  he  cited  the  Royal  Confessor  to  appear  before  the  Papal 
Court  within  three  months,  as  his  Master's  proxy.  The  King  im- 
prisoned the  Ecclesiastics  who  were  despatched  as  bearers  of  this  ana- 

*  The  original  Bull  was  mutilated  by  Philip's  orders,  even  in  the  Papal  Registers 
when  he  afterwards  obtained  possession  of  them  at  Anagni.  It  is  not  given  entire 
by  Raynaldus,  but  it  is  to  be  found  in  Dupuy,  Preuves  de  I'Hisfoire  du  Differ  end  mire 
le  Pope  Boniface  VIII.  et  Philippe  le  Bel,  printed  in  the  VIIth  volume  of  the  Works 
of  De  Thou,  pp.  48,  52.     In  that  volume  each  Treatise  is  paged  separately. 

f  if.  de  Sismondi  (ix.  87-)  believes  that  Pierre  Flotte  did  not  intend  to  falsify 
the  original  Bull ;  but  that  he  made  the  summary,  La  Petite  Bulle,  in  order  to  assist 
his  memory,  and  in  it  exaggerated  the  expressions  really  employed  by  the  Pope ; 
that  this  spirit  of  the  Bull  was  generally  received  in  France  as  its  text,  and  that  it 
•was  therefore  considered  dangerous  and  impolitic  to  rectify  the  public  belief  during 
a  period  of  great  excitation. 

%  The  burning  of  the  Bull  is  ascribed  by  Dupuy  (ut  wpra,  p.  64.)  to  Robert  of 
Artois.  The  most  unprincely  Letter  from  Philip  to  the  Pope,  printed  by  the  same 
writer  (p.  44.),  is  probably  a' clumsy  forgery. 


A.D.  1303.]  SEIZURE  OP  BONIFACE  AT  ANAGN1.  147 

them  a  ;  and  he  offered  a  formal  accusation  of  the  Pope,  framed  in  the 
name  of  the  French  Princes,  to  the  new  assembly  of  his  Baronnage. 
Crimes  the  most  impure  arc  contained  in  the  twenty-nine  Articles  of  this 
singular  indictment ;  and,  as  a  specimen  of  its  reasoning,  it  may  be 
enough  to  state  that  the  ordinary  assumption  which  the  Popes  make  of 
Infallibility  is  adduced  as  a  proof  that  Boniface  entertained  a  Familiar 
Demon. 

Philip  never  menaced  a  blow  which  he'was  unprepared  to  strike,  and 
the  Pontiff's  steps  had  long  been  watched  by  the  crafty  Nogaret,  who 
discovered  that  a  direct  Excommunication  was  about  to  be  issued  against 
the  King.  "When  Boniface  therefore  repaired  during  the  Summer  to 
some  time  at  Anagni,his  native  town,  about  a  day's  journey  South- 
east from  Rome,  the  local  authorities  had  been  seduced  to  favour  his 
arrest.  Sciarra  Colonna*,  a  brother  of  two  Ghibelin  Cardinals  whom 
the  Pope  had  excluded  from  the  Conclave,  lent  himself  also  to  the 
enterprise,  in  order  to  gratify  personal  resentment;  and  Nogaret,  in  his 
company,  supported  by  300  horsemen  and  a  much  larger 
armed  body  ou  foot,  entered  the  town  by  surprise,  shouting  Sept.  7. 
"  Death  to  Boniface !  Long  live  the  King  of  France  ! " 
The  pillage  of  the  Cardinals'  houses,  and  of  the  Palace  itself,  which 
were  abandoned  to  popular  fury,  gained  the  co-operation  of  the  rabble, 
never  too  inquisitive  into  the  purity  of  the  source  which  affords  plunder ; 
and  the  person  of  Boniface  was  secured  after  very  slight  resistance. 
The  lofty  spirit  of  the  old  man  was  nevertheless  unbroken  by  the  indig- 
nities to  which  he  was  exposed.  Invested  with  the  mantle  of  St.  Peter, 
witli  the  diadem  of  Constantine  glittering  on  his  brow,  holding  in  one 
hand  a  Crucifix,  in  the  other  the  Keys,  and  seated  on  his  Pontifical 
Throne,  he  awaited  the  onset  of  the  new  Brennus  by  whom  he  was 
menaced.  u  Here  is  my  throat,"  he  exclaimed,  "  here  is  my  head  ;  I 
am  ready  for  death.  Betrayed  like  my  Saviour,  still  will  I  die  as  be- 
fits a  Pope."  Nogaret  felt  awed  and  embarrassed  by  the  firmness  of 
his  prisoner ;  he  threatened  indeed  to  cany  him  in  chains  to  Lyons,  but 
he  left  him  under  a  guard  in  possession  of  his  Palace,  during  three  days ; 
and  perhaps  he  was  not  displeased  when  he  learned  that,  from  the  negli- 
gence of  attendants,  from  the  fear  of  poison,  or  from  mental  anguish, 
Boniface,  during  that  period,  had  been  without  any  sustenance.  At  its 
expiration,  the  populace  of  Anagni  had  become  sated  with  spoil ;  and 
they  then  perceived  the  infamy  to  which  they  would  be  exposed  by  this 
outrage  upon  their  fellow-townsman,  their  Patron,  and  their  Spiritual 
Father.  The  cry  recently  heard  in  the  streets  was  changed  into  "  Long 
live  the  Pope!  Death  to  the  traitors!"  and  the  fickle  multitude  in- 

*  Sciarra  Colonna  had  undergone  great  hardships  in  consequence  of  the  quarrel 
of  his  Family  with  Boniface.  He  had  been  compelled  to  hide  himself  in  the  woods 
near  Antium  (Nettuno),  and  afterwards,  having  been  seized  by  some  pirates,  he 
had  worked  at  the  oar  as  a  galley-slave.  Philip  ransomed  him  in  order  to  employ 
his  services  against  Boniface.    Platina  ut  fit,  Bon. 

l2 


148  Election  of  pope  clement  v.  [ch.  vii. 

creased,  by  the  support  of  the  neighbouring  peasants,  to  10,000  men, 
chased  Nogaret  and  Colonna  from  the  Palace,  and  restored  the  venerable 
prisoner  to  freedom.  The  object  of  Philip,  however,  was  accomplished, 
without  need  of  further  violence;  and  Boniface,  in  his  eighty-sixth  year, 
worn  out  by  agitation,  perhaps  not  wholly  free  from  bodily  injury,  ex- 
pired on  his  route  to  the  Vatican,  in  about  a  month  from  the  day  of  his 
capture*. 

His  successor,  Benedict  XL,  held  the  Keys  little  longer  than  eight 
months.     As  soon  as  he  ceased  to  temporize  with  Philip,  and  had  ac- 
quired sufficient  courage  to  excommunicate  the  chief  perpetrators  of  the 
outrage  at  Anagni,  he  perished  mysteriously,  but,  as  there  can  be  little 
doubt,  by  poison.     A  veiled  Lady  presented  to  him,  while  at  table,  a 
basket  of  figs.     They  were  the  earliest  produce  of  the  Season ;  and  the 
Pope,  after  partaking  largely  of  the  fruit,  of  which  he  was 
a.  d.  1304.   known  to  be  fond,  sickened  and  died.     It  was  only  by  con- 
July  7.      jecture  that  an  author  for  this  crime  could  be  assigned  ; 
but  Nogaret  and  Colonna  are  freely  mentioned  by  contem- 
poraries ;   and  one  writer,  either  more  bold  or  better  informed  than  his 
fellows,  has  ventured  to  denounce  even  Philip  himself f. 

The  Conclave  at  Perugia  passed  nine  weary  months  without  approach- 
ing to  decision;  for  the  Cardinals  who  espoused  the  interests  of  France, 
and  those  who  owed  their  elevation  to  the  deceased  Boniface,  were  so 
equal  in  number,  that  no  Candidate  proposed  by  either  party  could  hope 
to  obtain  the  two-thirds  of  suffrages  requisite  for  his  election.  It  was  at 
length  privately  arranged  that  the  French  Cardinals  should  bind  them- 
selves to  select  one  out  of  three  ultramontane  names  submitted  to  them 
by  their  opponents,  and  the  period  for  choice  was  limited  to  forty  days. 
The  Cardinal  di  Prato,  Philip's  confidential  instrument,  found  means  of 
communication  with  his  Master,  and  named  Bertrand  de  Goth,  Arch- 
bishop of  Bordeaux,  as  the  Candidate  whom  he  thought  most  likely  to 
be  corrupted.  Bertrand  was  a  Gascon  by  birth,  a  subject  of  the  King 
of  England,  and  an  eleve  of  Boniface;  moreover  he  had  been  engaged  in 
a  personal  quarrel  with  Charles  of  Valois,  during  that  Prince's  occu- 
pation of  Bourdeaux.  Yet,*notwithstanding  these  many  obstacles  to 
amity  with  France,  when  Philip  in  a  secret  conference  showed  that  the 
Popedom  was  at  his  command,  Bertrand  thought  the  prize  too  brilliant 
to  be  rejected  in  consequence  of  any  unseasonable  adherence  to  former 
principles.  The  Pontiff  elect  bound  himself  by  an  oath  sworn  upon  the 
Eucharist,  and  by  a  pledge  which  Philip  deemed  of  still  greater  value, 
the  deliverance  of  a  brother  and  two  nephews  as  hostages,  to  comply 

*  On  the  thirty-fifth  day  afterwards.     Platina. 

•j-  Dupuy  omits  all  notice  of  the  poisoning.  Ferreus  Vicentinus,  ap.  Muratori, 
ix.  1013,  accuses  Philip  pointedly,  but  differs  from  the  ordinarily  received  particu- 
lars of  the  story,  stating  that  some  Neapolitans,  gained  by  Philip,  bribed  two  of 
the  Pope's  domestics  to  poison  a  basket  of  figs. 


A.  D,    1309]         TRANSFER    OF    THE    TAPACY    TO    AVIGNON.  149 

with  fix  conditions  which  the  King  named  as  the  price  of  his  elevation. 
They  were  his  own  full  reconciliation  with  the  Church  ;  absolution  for  all 
those  who  had  shared  in  the  transaction  at  Anagni ;  a  grant  of  the 
tenths  of  the  Gallican  Clergy  for  five  years  ;  the  restoration  of  the  de- 
posed Colonna,  and  the  nomination  of  some  French  Ecclesiastics  to  the 
Sacred  College  ;  a  Decree  against  the  memory  of  Boniface ;  and  a  sixth 
demand  which  the  King  was  not  to  make  known  till  the  moment  at 
which  he  required  its  accomplishment*.  The  Cardinal  di 
Prato  was  advised  of  this  successful  negociation  on  the  a.  n.  1305. 
thirty-fifth,  day,  and  on  the  stipulated  fortieth,  Bertrand  de  June  5. 
Goth  was  procl aimed  Pope,  under  the  title  of  Clement  V. 

Prom  the  reign  of  Clement  V.  is  dated  the  transfer  of  the  Papal  resi- 
dence to  Avignon,  which  the  Romanist  writers,  on  account  of  the  term  of 
its  duration,  and  of  the  eclipse  which  their  City  underwent  while  it  con- 
tinued, are  fond  of  assimilating  to  the  Babylonish  captivity.  Clement, 
a  Frenchman  by  birth,  even  if  he  had  been  unshackled  by  Philip, 
could  have  little  wished  to  encounter  the  insubordination  so  frequently 
manifested  by  the  Italian  Capital;  and  after  celebrating  his  Coronation 
at  Lyons  (during  which  ceremony,  the  falling  of  a  shattered  wall  ex- 
posed Philip,  who  was  officiating  as  Strator,  to  considerable  danger,  and 
occasioned  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Bretany),  he  fixed  his  seat  of 
Government  on  the  Rhone,  in  a  tranquil  Country,  in  which 
he  mistakenly  hoped  to  receive  the  protection,  without  at  the  a.  d.  1309. 
same  time  undergoing  the  domination  of  France. 

Of  the  six  conditions  for  which  Philip  had  stipulated,  four  were  rea- 
dily fulfilled ;  and  while  Clement  sought  time  to  extricate  himself  from 
the  countless  difficulties  in  which  he  was  likely  to  become  involved  by 
even  a  simple  Decree  against  Boniface,  the  King  materially  increased 
his  perplexity,  by  a  further  demand,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been  in- 
volved in  the  secret  clause.  The  bitter  hatred  of  Philip  pursued  his  an- 
tagonist even  beyond  the  grave ;  nor  was  it  to  be  satiated  with  less  than 
a  sentence  which  might  blast  his  memory,  by  declaring  him  guilty  of  the 
foulest  crimes,  adjudge  him  to  ignominious  disinterment,  and  erase  his 
name  from  the  Catalogue  of  Popes.  The  eagerness  with  which  this 
posthumous  vengeance  was  coveted,  underwent,  however,  a  brief  arrest 
in  consequence  of  a  transaction,  which,  notwithstanding  the  frequent  and 
searching  investigation  to  which  it  has  been  submitted,  still  remains 
among  the  most  questionable  portions  of  History. 

*  Dupuy  very  positively  refers  this  sixth  condition  to  the  condemnation  of  Boni- 
face. We  do  not  think  that  there  is  any  authority  for  this  direct  statement.  It  is 
very  prohahle  that  Philip  himself,  at  the  time  at  which  he  obtained  the  promise,  had 
by  no  means  determined  in  his  own  mind  what  the  request  should  be  ;  and  that  he 
subtilely  reserved  the  engagement  to  be  produced  according  to  circumstances.  It 
might  relate  to  the  suppression  of  the  Templars,  as  we  shall  see  by  and  by;  or  to  the 
election  of  Charles  of  Valois  to  the  Imperial  Crown.  M.  de  Sismondi  inclines  to  the 
latter  supposition.    IX.  21o, 


150  DISSOLUTION    OF    THE    TEMPLARS.  [CH.  VII. 

Two  Ex-Templars,  the  Prior  of  Montfauc,on,  and  a  Florentine,  Noffo 
Dei,  both  of  whom  had  been  condemned  to  expiate  numerous  crimes  by- 
perpetual  imprisonment,  notified  that  it  was  in  their  power  to  make  ex- 
traordinary revelations  concerning  the  secrets  of  the  Order  from  which 
they  had  been  expelled.     The  King  accepted  the  evidence  of  these  in- 
formers, and  communicated  it  to  the  Pope,  without  any  expression  of 
misgiving  as  to  the  impure  source  from  which  it  was  derived.      A  mili- 
tary brotherhood,  bound  by  religious  vows  to  the  service  of  the  Church, 
was  indisputably  under  the  sole  cognizance  of  a  Spiritual  Tribunal ;  but 
Philip,  who  had  determined  upon  a  less  tardy  process  than  that 
a.  d.  1307.   usually  adopted  by  Ecclesiastical  Courts,  arrested  in  one  day 
Sep.  14.     all  the  Templars  within  the  limits  of  France;  threw  them 
into  prison ;  and  ordered  their  examination  to  be  conducted 
before  Commissioners  permitted  to  subject  the  accused  to  torture. 

Clement  at  first  disputed  this  invasion  of  his  legitimate  authority; 
suspended  the  proceedings  of  the  Secular  Judges ;  and  evoked  the  Cause 
of  the  Templars  to  himself.  After  the  examination  of  a  few  prisoners, 
however,  he  granted  licence  for  a  renewal  of  the  Civil  processes  already 
commenced,  reserving  for  his  own  judgment  only  the  Cases  of  the  Grand 
Master  and  of  the  chief  Preceptors. 

The  revolting  charges  produced  against  the  Knights  were  in  many 
instances  strengthened  by  their  own  confessions;  but   confession,   it 
must  be  remembered,  was  obtained  in  dungeons,  by  the  question,  by 
menace  of  death,  or  by  assurance  of  pardon ;  and  the  avowals,  thus  ex- 
torted, were  almost  always  retracted  in  moments  at  which  the  accused 
were  more  entitled   to  belief.      Frightful  punishments  were  inflicted 
upon  the  relapsed  who  denied  their  former  admissions ;  and  we  read  of 
fifty-six  victims  burned  slowly,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,  not  one 
of  whoni  in  the  midst  of  his    excruciating    agonies   would   purchase 
remission   by  again  -criminating  his  Order.      The  Perse- 
a.  d.  1312.    cution  extended  throughout  Europe;  and  in  spite   of  ac- 
March6.     quittals  pronounced  by  more  than  one  Provincial  Synod 
held  beyond  the  confines  of  France,  Clement,  assembled  a 
General    Council    at  Yienne,    which  demanded   the    abolition  of  the 
Order. 

The  voluminous  documents  which  curiosity  and  research  have  accu- 
mulated respecting  the  Dissolution  of  the  Templars  contribute  rather  to 
darken  than  to  illustrate  that  most  remarkable  event.  They  are  be- 
yond measure  complicated  and  contradictory;  and  the  examination  of 
them  has  produced  directly  opposite  convictions  in  judgments  which  in 
both  instances  are  well  entitled  to  respect.  We  gladly  therefore  avoid 
the  painful  and  unsatisfactory  task  of  enlarging  upon  their  details. 
Some  of  the  charges  eagerly  admitted  in  a  superstitious  Age,  are  at  pre- 
sent instantly  refuted  by  their  own  absurdity.  Those  also  most  likely  to 
excite  abhorrence  and  disgust  were  on  that  account  least  likely  to  receive 


A.  D.  1312.]  COUNCIL   OF    VIENNE.  !  .">  1 

dispassionate  investigation.  No  probable  motive  can  be  assigned  for 
making  the  rejection  of  the  Saviour,  and  a  wanton  desecration  of  the 
holiest  symbols  of  His  Religion,  a  part  of  the  Ceremonial  by  which  a 
Fraternity  professedly  enrolled  for  the  rescue  of  His  Sepulchre  should 
inaugurate  its  Brethren.  The  pollutions  of  which  they  are  accused  are 
similar  to  those  which  have  often  been  charged  upon  other  secret 
Societies;  which  it  is  easy  to  impute,  and  which  it  is  impossible  wholly 
to  disprove.  That  the  Templars  were  proud,  avaricious  and  licentious 
may  readily  be  conceded;  for  they  formed  I  rich  and  powerful  Body,  and 
Avarice,  Pride,  and  Libertinism  are  the  evil  rualities  most  easily  beset- 
ting their  class.  But  was  their  great  accuser  free  from  similar  stains  ? 
Wm  Philip  devoid  of  Pride  or  of  Avarice  ?  Had  he  not,  on  the  other 
hand,  most  cogent  motives  for  believing,  or  for  affecting  to  believe,  in 
guilt  which  ensured  a  wholesale  confiscation  ?  The  Decree  of  Clement, 
indeed,  annexed  the  Revenues  of  the  dissolved  Priories  to  the  use  of  the 
Knights  Hospitallers ;  but  that  Decree  was  not  promulgated  till  between 
four  and  five  years  after  Philip  had  seized  the  property  of  all  the  Templars 
in  his  dominions.  His  Treasury  was  always  craving  ;  and  we  have  suf- 
ficient proof  on  other  occasions  that  a  violation  of  justice  for  the  attain- 
ment of  wealth,  was  not  an  obstacle  which  the  King  of  France  would 
weigh  with  very  scrupulous  nicety. 

The  Council  of  Vienne  terminated  the  controversy  also  respecting 
Boniface.  Clement  had  already  received,  at  Avignon, 
depositions  which  cannot  be  read  without  surprise.  Wit-  a.  d.  1310. 
nesses  were  found  to  affirm  that  the  deceased  Pope  had 
unreservedly  expressed  disbelief  of  almost  every  Article  of  the  Christian 
Faith ;  that  he  sacrificed  to  the  Devil ;  held  personal  conference  with 
him ;  and  worshipped  Idols ;  that  he  indulged  in  detestable  sensuality  ; 
and  urged  sophisms  to  prove  that  his  abominations  were  innocent.  If 
Philip  had  continued  to  press  his  hitherto  eager  suit  for  the  utter  con- 
demnation of  his  enemy,  it  is  not  easy  to  perceive  in  what  manner 
Clement  could  have  refused  assent  after  the  admission  of  statements 
such  as  these.  But  perhaps  the  King  discovered  the  peril  of  too  great 
success,  which  might  involve  in  it  the  downfall  of  the  Church ;  per- 
haps his  vengeance  was  satisfied  by  feeling  that  triumph  was  in  his 
power;  perhaps  (and  this  conjecture  is  more  in  accordance  with  all  that 
we  know  of  his  character)  some  unavowed  motive  of  policy,  some 
hidden  fear  or  hope,  prompted  his  abstinence.  He  allowed  a  Bull  to  be 
issued,  in  which  blame  was  removed  from  himself  without  any  incul- 
pation of  Boniface.  All  Excommunications  and  Interdicts  resulting 
from  the  seizure  of  the  late  Pope  at  Anagni,  which  appeared,  however  in- 
directly, to  affect  the  Royal  Prerogative,  were  rescinded,  annulled,  and 
expunged  from  the  Pontifical  Registers;  and  even  Nogaret  and  his 
fifteen  nearest  adherents,  who  had  hitherto  been  excluded  from  any  hope, 
of  absolution,   now  received   that   boon   conditionally;    provided   they 


152  TRANSACTIONS    WITH    EDWARD    II.  [CH.  VII. 

would  devote  the  remainder  cf  their  lives  to  service  in  Palestine,  and 
to  the  performance  of  certain  other  acts  of  mortification  and  penance. 
The  Council  of  Vienne,  without  interference  with  this  Bull,  finally 
pronounced  that  Boniface  had  been  a  legitimate  Pope,  and  that  he  was 
unsullied  with  Heresy. 

In  directing  our  notice  to  these  great  occurrences  we  have  been  com- 
pelled to  omit  some  minor,  but  not  altogether  unimportant  contemporary 
events.  The  embarrassment  of  Philip's  finances  induced  him  to  a  per- 
petual tampering  with  the  Coinage,  and  the  ruinous  changes  which  he 
authorized  from  time  to  time  more  than  once  aroused  popular  dis- 
content, which  he  was  not  able  to  suppress  without  resorting  to  severity. 
In  order  to  counterpoise  this  insurrectionary  disposition  of  the  lower 
Orders,  the  Nobles  were  diligently  cultivated,  and  their  good  will  was 
obtained  by  a  boon  which  sufficiently  speaks  both  the  general  want  of 
Civilization,  and  the  little  confidence  as  yet  inspired  by  Le- 
A.  d.  1306.  gislative  Institutions.  Philip,  rescinding  one  of  the  most 
June  1.  salutary  Ordinances  of  his  wiser  father,  again  authorized  the 
barbarous  appeals  of  Judicial  Combat,  and  revived  the 
Wager  of  Battle,  in  all  heavier  accusations  which  affected  the  Nobility. 
The  Jews,  according  to  established  precedent,  afforded  supplies  to  his 
rapacity.  After  the  appropriation  to  the  Crown  of  all  debts  owing  to 
them  (in  which  transfer  the  tenderness  of  the  Royal  conscience  annihi- 
lated the  interest,  from  fear  of  defilement  by  usury),  they  were  banished 
the  Kingdom  under  the  penalty  of  death ;  and  thus,  as  we  are  informed 
by  a  Writer  not  much  addicted  to  the  general  praise  of  Philip,  France 
was  delivered  from  an  egregious  pest.* 

The  Crown  of  England  had  passed  to  the  weak  and  effeminate  Ed- 
ward II.,  who,  far  from  disputing  power  with  Philip,  looked 
A.  d.  J  308.  to  him  for  support.  Putting  aside  all  the  claims  which  had 
been  contested  by  his  warlike  father,  he  hastened  to  Bou- 
logne to  perform  homage  for  Aquitaine  and  Ponthieu,  and  to  cement  his 
alliance  with  France  by  receiving  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Isabella, 
which  had  been  engaged  to  him  at  the  Peace  of  Montreuil.  His  Queen 
at  a  later  period  solicited  the  interference  of  her  father  to  remove  the 
worthless  Favourites  who  abused  her  husband's  confidence;  and  after 
the  fall  of  Piers  Gaveston,  we  hear  of  some  splendid  festivities,  at  which 
Edward  and  his  Consort  were  entertained  by  the  Court  of  Paris  ;  while 
Enguerrand  de  Marigny,  one  of  Philip's  ablest  Ministers,  was  more 
usefully  endeavouring  to  reconcile  the  disaffected  Barons  in  London. 

On  the  assassination  of  Albert  of  Austria,  Philip  strenuously  exerted 
himself  to  obtain  the  vacant  Imperial  Crown  for  his  brother  Charles  of 
Valois,  and  he  reckoned  greatly  on  the  support  of  the  Pope,  whom,  as 

*  Raynaldus,  Annal.  ad  arm.  1306,  §  18.  The  Jews  appear  to  have  returned,  and 
to  have"  been  banished  by  a  fresh  Ordinance,  Aug.  22,  J 311.  Orel,  .de  France, 
I.  488. 


A.  1).    1314.]    EXECUTION  OF  THE  GRAND  MASTER  OF  THE  TlMPLARS,     153 

some  have  said,  he  reminded  on  that  occasion  of  his  sixth  promise.  TM 
Pontiff  dimt  not  offer  any  open  resistance,  but  he  secretly  warned  the 
Electors  that  he  did  not  wish  attention  paid  to  his  apparent 
recommendation;  and  he  heartily  concurred  in  their  choice,  a.  d.  1309. 
when,  after  seven  months  of  interregnum,  it  confirmed  the 
independence  of  Germany  by  selecting  Henry  (VII.)  of  Luxemburg. 
Philip,  who  was  greatly  mortified  by  the  event,  suspected,  and  therefore 
never  forgave  the  intrigue  of  Clement. 

The  annexation  of  the  rich  and  important  City  of  Lyons  to  the  French 
Crown  materially  increased  the  power  of  Philip  in  the  South, 
without  subjecting  him  to  the  usual  accompaniment  of  po-  a.  n.  1310. 
litical  gain,  the  imputation  of  injustice.  The  Archbishops, 
whose  oppressive  sway  he  overthrew,  were  at  least  eopially  usurpers  with 
himself;  and  the  Bourgeois  were  unfit  either  to  administer  or  to  defend  a 
separate  Government.  The  King's  latter  years  were  clouded  with  do- 
mestic misfortune.  His  Queen  Jane  was  secretly  poisoned,  and  the 
wives  of  his  three  sons  were  accused  of  adultery.  The  brothers  De  Lau- 
nai,  the  paramours  of  Margaret,  the  Consort  of  Louis  the  Quarrelsome 
(Hut in),  Heir- apparent,  and  of  Blanche,  Countess  de  la  Marche,  were 
sentenced,  on  their  own  confession,  to  expire  in  fearful  tortures ;  and 
the  offending  Princesses  were  condemned  to  imprisonment.  Louis, 
after  his  accession,  ordered  his  first  wife  to  be  strangled,  in  order 
to  make  way  for  a  second  marriage;  Charles  de  la  Marche  contented 
himself  by  procuring  a  divorce;  and  either  love  or  interest  so  far 
blinded  Philip  of  Poitiers*  the  remaining  brother,  that  he  obtained 
a  Decree  from  the  Parliament  of  Paris  declaratory  of  the  innocence  of  his 
Consort  Jane,  the  rich  heiress  of  Burgundy,  who  was  thus  restored  to 
all  her  dignities  and  possessions.f 

Clement  V.  and  Philip  IV.  expired  within  a  few  months  of  each 
other,  and  popular  belief  connected  their  deaths  with  the  last  wrongs  of 
the  illustrious  Body  which  they  had  jointly  laboured  to  exterminate. 
Jacques  de  Molay,  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Templars,  and  three  other 
Dignitaries  of  that  Order,  had  hitherto  escaped  the  fate  which  had  con- 
signed so  many  of  their  Brethren  to  the  scaffold;  and  after  an  ex- 
amination before  an  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  in  which  it  was  said  that 
a  full  avowal  of  guilt  was  obtained,  they  were  adjudged  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment. When  the  sentence,  preparatory  to  its  execu- 
tion, was  read  to  the  culprits,  in  the  Porch  of  Notre  Dame,  a.  d.  1314. 
at  Paris,  De  Molay  and  the  Commander  of  Normandy  pro-  March  1 1 . 
tested  their  entire  innocence,  and  declared  that  the  con- 
fession which  had  been  recited  was  altogether  false.      The  Prelates, 

*  "  More  happv,  or  at  least  more  wise,  than  his  brothers."  Mezerav,  Ahr.  Qtr.IJ, 
80G. 

f  Jane  and  Blanche  were  sisters,  the  issue  of  Otho  IV.  of  Burgundy  and 
Matilda,  Countess  d'Artois. 


154  DEATH    OF    CLEMENT   V.    AND   OF    PHILIP    IV.  [CH.  VIII. 

to  whose  custody  the  prisoners  had  been  intrusted,  hesitated  as  to  further 
proceedings ;  but  Philip,  less  inclined  to  mercy,  ordered  the  relapsed  to 
instant  execution.  A  pile  was  hastily  framed  at  the  hour  of  Vespers,  on 
a  spot  adjoining  the  Royal  Gardens  ;  and  the  noble  sufferers,  while  amid 
the  flames,  continued  to  maintain  the  iniquity  of  their  sentence.  It 
is  asserted  that  the  Grand  Master,  after  he  had  been  chained  to  the 
stake,  cited  his  two  oppressors  to  appear  with  him  before  the  judgment 
seat  of  Heaven,  Clement  within  forty  days,  Philip  within  a  year  and  a 
day  from  the  hour  of  his  execution  *.  If  the  words  were  ever  really 
spoken,  they  were  perhaps  remembered,  not  without  anguish,  on  the 
dying  pillows  of  those  to  whom  they  had  been  directed.  The 
April  20.  treasure  of  Clement  was  pillaged  by  the  rapacity  of  his  at- 
tendants, almost  before  he  had  drawn  his  latest  breath,  and 
the  magnificent  bier  upon  which  his  corpse  was  exposed  in  Funeral 
pomp,  caught  fire  amid  the  tumult,  so  that  his  remains  were  more  than 
half-consumed.  The  last  moments  of  Philip  did  not  encounter  like  dis- 
turbance ;  but  his  death  occurred  at  the  premature  age  of 
Nov.  29.  forty-six,  from  an  accident  while  hunting.  A  wild  Boar 
rose  between  the  legs  of  his  horse,  which  threw  him,  and 
the  King,  having  been  conveyed  to  Fontainebleau,  died,  after  languishing 
many  weeks  under  the  injuries  which  he  received  from  his  fall. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

From  a.  d.  1314  to  a.d.  1343. 


Louis  X.  le  Hutin— Power  of  Charles  of  Valois — Execution  of  Enguerrand  de  Ma- 
rigny — The  King's  Marriage  with  Clemence  of  Hungary — Fruitless  attempt  upon 
Flanders — Famine  and  Pestilence — Death  of  Louis  Hutin — Regency  of  Philip  V. 
Le  Long —  His  Accession — The  Fief  of  Artois  adjudged  to  Matilda  of  Bur- 
gundy— Establishment  of  the  Salic  Law — Expedition  of  Philip  of  Valois  into 
Italy — Crusade  of  the  Pastoureaux — Persecution  of  the  Lepers — Death  of  Phi- 
lip V. — Charles  IV.  (Le  Bel) — His  Second  Marriage — Project  of  a  Crusade — 
Revival  of  the  Floral  Games  at  Toulouse — Third  Marriage  of  Charles — Trans- 
actions with  England — Death  of  Charles  Le  Bel — Regency  and  Accession  of 
Philip  VI.  de  Valois — Edward  III.  of  England  performs  Homage  for  Aquitaine — 
Victory  over  the  Flemings  at  Cassel — Condemnation  and  Banishment  of  Robert 
d' Artois — He  finds  an  Asylum  in  England- — War  with  Edward  III. — Alliance  of 
Edward  with  Jacob  d'Arteveldt — Edward  assumes  the  Title  of  King  of  France — 
Sack  of  Cadsand — Edward  is  appointed  Vicar  Imperial — The  French  destroy 

*  A  very  similar  story  is  related  of  Francois  I.  Duke  of  Bretany,  which  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  notice  by  and  by.  Ferdinand  IV.,  of  Castile.,  who  died  in  1312, 
is  reported  to  have  been  summoned  in  like  manner  by  two  brothers,  Carjoval,  who 
were  executed  for  murder  on  insufficient  proof.  He  died  on  the  appointed  day,  and 
is  known  in  History  by  the  title  El  Ciiado. 


A.  D.  1314.]  LOUIS   iiutin.  155 

Southampton— Inconclusive  Campaign  in  Flanders — The  Flemings  openly  declare 
for  England— First  mention  of  Fire-arms — Great  Naval  Victory  gained  by  Kd- 
wanl  at  Sluys — His  Failure  heforc  Tournai— His  Challenge  of  the  King  of 
France — Truce; — Dispute  for  the  Succession  of  Bretany — Edward  espouses  the 
cause  of  De  Montfort— l)e  Montfort  taken  prisoner— Gallant  defence  of  Ilenne- 
bon  by  his  Countess — Death  of  Robert  d'Artois — Truce  of  Malestroit. 

History  has  not  preserved,  nor  is  its  silence  to  be  regretted,  any  parti- 
culars  of  the  youthful  follies  from  which  it  is  supposed  that 
Louis  X.  derived  the  name  Hutin*.  But  the  qualities  a.  d.  1314. 
which  it  implies  sufficiently  betoken  his  incapacity  to  admi- 
nister the  Government  of  a  People  rendered  unruly  by  long  and  heavy 
oppression.  The  severity  of  disposition  and  the  selfish  wariness  with 
which  his  father  guarded  against  all  inroads  upon  his  power,  had  enabled 
him  to  pursue  a  course  of  exaction  which  impoverished  his  subjects,  and 
prepared  an  abundant  harvest  of  turbulence  for  his  successors.  The 
young  King,  on  the  contrary,  enamoured  of  pleasure,  willingly  surrendered 
the  weightier  cares  of  State  polity  to  hands  whicli  were  equally  willing  to 
receive  the  burthen;  and  his  uncle  Charles  of  Valois,  a  Prince  more  dis- 
tinguished for  activity  and  ambition  than  for  any  predominant  talent,  un- 
dertook the  guidance  of  public  affairs  from  the  moment  of  the  accession. 

Popular  discontent  is  seldom  fastidious  as  to  its  victims.  Give  it  but 
a  sacrifice — let  the  blood  but  flow — and  the  coarse  appetite  of  the  vulgar 
is  blunted,  without  any  nice  enquiry  as  to  the  source  from  which  it  has 
been  supplied.  In  the  perpetration  of  the  great  act  of  injustice  which 
we  are  about  to  relate,  private  enmity  was  mingled  with  public  odium  ; 
and  Charles  of  Valois,  in  order  to  revenge  a  personal  quarrel,  roused  or 
directed  the  storm  which  overwhelmed  the  chief  confident  of  his  deceased 
brother. 

Enguerrand  de  Marigny,  the  Finance  Minister  of  the  late  reign,  on 
some  occasion,  had  resented  an  attack  made  upon  him  by  Charles,  be- 
fore the  Council,  with  a  firmness  which  the  haughty  temper  of  the  Prince 
was  little  calculated  to  endure.  High  words,  much  unbecoming  violence, 
and  even  a  mutual  imputation  of  the  lie,  passed  during  this  dispute ;  and 
Charles,  who  brooded  over  the  insult  with  secret  and  bitter  indignation, 
eagerly  seized  the  opportunity  for  vengeance  offered  to  him  by  the  pos- 
session of  authority.  Marigny  and  Pierre  de  Latilly  (who  had  been 
Chancellor  to  Philip  IV.)  were  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison.  Against 
the  latter,  who  was  also  Bishop  of  Chalons-sur-Marne,  heinous  charges  of 
poisoning  were  advanced  ;  and  he  was  accused  of  having  occasioned  the 
death  not  only  of  his  predecessor  in  the  See  of  Chalons,  but  also  of  the 

*  Matin,  aider,  qurrelenr  ;  eVv/  In  vtritab/e  tignificatioH  de  cr  vieu.r  rnof  Francois. 
Yelly.  IV.  275.   Mezeray,  II.  860.  gives  it  a  more  honorable  origin;   attributing  it 

either  to  the  success  with  which  the  young  Prince  restrained  MMBM  insurrections  in 
Navarre  and  Lyons,  or  to  his  early  love  of  playing  at  military  evolutions.  But 
Mezeray,  although  ungratefully  used,  was  I  Court  Historiographer. 


1  56  FALL    OF    ENGUERRAND  DE    MARIGNY.  [dl.  VIII. 

late  King  himself.  The  immunities  of  the  Clergy  afforded  far  greater 
security  to  Latilly,  than  he  could  have  derived  from  innocence,  however 
clearly  established ;  and  he  escaped  by  sheltering  himself  behind  the 
tardy  forms  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Courts ;  which  protracted  his  trial  till 
the  popular  ferment  had  subsided,  and  till  his  leading  enemies  were  re- 
moved. Marigny,  who  was  not  similarly  shielded,  found  to  his  cost  that 
no  other  armour  was  proof  against  attack. 

When  numerous  attempts  had  been  made  in  vain  to  procure  sufficient 
evidence  of  embezzlement  and  dishonest  practices  against  Marigny  ; 
when  even  the  confessions  of  his  Clerks,  obtained  under  the  agonies  of 
the  question,  proved  inconclusive,  Louis  Hut  in  would  have  been  con- 
tented to  inflict  no  heavier  punishment  than  exile  upon  one  against 
whom  no  offence  had  been  substantiated.  Marigny,  doubtless,  had  lent 
himself  as  an  instrument  to  the  tyranny  of  Philip  IV. ;  had  planned  or 
assisted  in  the  deterioration  of  the  Mint;  and  had  repeatedly  spoiled  both 
the  Jews  and  the  Lombards ;  but  these  acts,  even  if  they  appeared  at  all 
criminal  in  the  eyes  of  his  accusers,  by  no  means  exposed  their  perpe- 
trator to  capital  punishment.  Charles  of  Valois,  however,  felt  that  the 
prey  was  in  his  grasp,  and  would  not  consent  to  relax  his  hold.  The 
wrife  and  the  sister  of  Marigny  were  included  in  a  new  and  a  more  fatal 
charge.  It  was  said  that  with  the  assistance  of  a  Sorcerer,  and  at  the  in- 
stigation of  the  Minister,  they  had  framed  waxen  Images  of  the  King,  of 
his  uncles,  and  of  his  brothers.  These  Images,  according  to  a  current 
superstition  of  the  time,  were  to  be  slowly  melted  before  a  fire;  and  as 
they  wasted,  so  also  would  waste  the  bodies  which  they  were  designed  to 
represent.  The  Magician,  in  order  to  escape  torture,  hanged  himself  in 
his  cell ;  his  wife  and  one  of  his  servants  were  burned  alive ;  the  Ladies 
of  Marigny's  family  were  immured  in  the  closest  imprisonment ;  and 
himself,  notwithstanding  the  impossibility  of  his  alleged  crime  and  re- 
peated protestations  of  innocence,  was  adjudged  to  an  ignominious  death. 
Without  having  been  permitted  to  speak  in  his  defence  before  the  Court 
which  sentenced  him,  and  in  spite  of  his  privileged  descent  from  an  an- 
cient Norman  Family,  he  was  hanged ;  and  in  order  to  in- 
a.  d.  1315.  crease  the  infamy  of  his  punishment,  his  body  was  attached 
April  30.  to  a  Gibbet  at  Montfauc,on,  which  had  been  erected  by  his 
own  orders,  for  the  exposure  of  criminals  after  their  ex- 
ecution *.  The  punishment  of  Queen  Margaret,  who  was  strangled  in 
prison,    although  unaccompanied    by    any  judicial    process,   does   not 


*  Louis  X.  was  so  oppressed  with  remorse  for  the  injustice  which  he  had  allowed 
to  be  exercised  against  De  Marigny,  that  he  bequeathed  10;000  livres  to  his  widow 
and  children.  Charles  of  V alois,  while  labouring  under  the  disease  which  proved 
mortal  to  him,  although  not  till  several  years  afterwards,  restored  to  the  Family  a 
confiscated  estate,  and  performed  a  Funeral  service,  at  great  cost,  in  commemoration 
of  the  murdered  Statesman, 


A.  D.  131G.]  MARRIAGE  OF  LOUIS  X.  WITH  CLEMENCE  OF  HUNGARY.   157 

appear  to  have  excited  much  attention*.  Louis  was  eager  to  renew  the 
nuptial  contract,  and  he  obtained  a  fresh  bride,  Clemence  of  Hungary, 
as  she  is  usually  styled,  because  her  uncle  Robert  was  titular  King  of 
that  Country,  in  which  her  brother  Charobert  afterwards  really  esta- 
blished authority.  Clemence,  however,  was  of  Neapolitan  birth,  the 
daughter  of  Charles  to  whom  was  given  the  title  of  Martel.  Her 
virtues  placed  her  in  most  agreeable  contrast  with  her  predecessor; 
and  she  succeeded  in  inspiring  general  attachment.  At  the  time  of  her 
arrival,  however,  so  exhausted  was  the  Royal  Treasury,  and  so  unable 
or  so  unwilling  was  the  Country  to  supply  its  wants,  that  the  losses 
which  she  had  suffered  by  shipwreck  during  her  voyage  to  France 
could  not  be  repaired  with  sufficient  speed  to  permit  the 
performance  of  her  Coronation  with  the  customary  magni-  Aug.  15. 
ficence.  Louis  had  delayed  this  ceremony  till  he  could 
share  it  with  his  Consort,  and  it  was  celebrated  with  curtailed  pomp  a 
few  days  after  their  marriage. 

Numerous  important  concessions  to  the  Nobles  in  different  Provinces, 
which  their  own  selfishness  and  want  of  union  prevented  from  becoming 
Nationally  advantageous,  in  some  degree  quieted  the  discontents  of  the 
Kingdom,  and  enabled  Louis  to  prosecute  the  design  which  he  ardently 
cherished,  of  renewing  War  in  Flanders.  An  attempt  was  made  to  pro- 
cure money  for  this  enterprise,  by  an  expedient  remarkable  both  in  itself, 
and  in  the  little  effect  which  it  produced.  The  serfs  (or  gens  dejnain- 
morle  as  they  were  otherwise  termed)  were  invited  to  purchase  liberty; 
and  it  was  proposed  to  create  a  free  Peasantry  on  equitable  terms,  by  as- 
similating the  condition  of  the  great  mass  of  rural  population  to  the  name, 
Francs,  which  they  had  borne  so  long  and  so  untruly.  But  the  privi- 
lege was  either  not  understood,  and  was  therefore  not  properly  valued ;  or 
the  Royal  promises  were  mistrusted :  so  that  when  an  Ordinance  was 
issued  even  in  a  more  compulsory  tone,  few  accepted  the  proffered  eman- 
cipation ;  and  the  King  was  obliged  to  resort  to  a  forced  loan  from  the 
Lombard  Merchants. 

The  preparations  for  the  Flemish  Campaign  were  conducted  on  an  ex- 
tensive scale  ;  and  Louis  commenced  his  march  within  a  few  days  after 
his  Coronation.  But  his  advance  was  speedily  checked,  not  by  any  want 
of  skill,  but  by  the  Autumnal  rains  of  more  than  usual  heaviness,  which 
destroyed  his  stores  and  equipages,  spread  disease  among  his  ranks,  and 
compelled  him  to  retreat,  without  having  been  in  presence  of  the  enemy. 
The  wild  fancies  to  which  Superstition  resorted  in  order  to  promote  his 
success,  have  been  repeated  at  later  periods  and  in  other  Countries ;  and 
both  the  streets  of  Paris,  during  the  Fanaticism  of  the  League,  and  those 


*  Giovanni  Villani  dismisses  the  fate  of  this  wretched  Lady  very  briefly.  "  "When 
Louis  became  King  of  France,  he  ordered  her  to  be  strangled  with  a  napkin." 
IX.  Go. 


158  REGENCY  OF  PHILIPPE  THE  LONG.  [CH.  VIII. 

of  London  during  that  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men,  have  been  thronged 
with  Penitents,  who,  as  in  the  days  of  Louis  Hutin,  imagined  that  they 
could  propitiate  Heaven  by  an  indecent  exhibition  of  complete  nakedness. 
Persons  of  both  sexes,  headed  by  the  Clergy  bearing  Reliques,  accompa 
nied  these  unseemly  processions;  which  commencing  in  the  large  Cities, 
extended  at  length  through  the  greater  part  of  France. 

To  general  poverty  and  military  disaster  was  added  the  appalling  cala- 
mity of  Famine,  which  more  or  less  pervaded  the  whole  of  Europe  during 
the  years  1315  and  1316;  scarcity  of  grain  had  followed  an  inclement 
season  and  a  deficient  harvest ;  and  the  Bakers,  who  had  been  compelled 
to  employ  various  substitutes  for  flour,  were  exposed  to  popular  outcry  as 
having  adulterated  their  bread  with  disgusting  and  even  with  poisonous 
ingredients.  Without  examining  the  futility  of  these  charges,  or  endea- 
vouring to  remove  the  absurd  prejudices  which  they  created,  the  Govern- 
ment found  temporary  disembarrassment  by  sacrificing  the  victims  against 
whom  the  blind  fury  of  the  rabble  was  in  the  first  instance  directed;  and 
the  destruction  of  numerous  Bake-houses  and  of  their  stores  materially 
aggravated  distress.  We  are  assured  that  full  a  third  of  the  inha- 
bitants of  Northern  Europe  perished  on  this  occasion  from  want  of  sus- 
tenance *. 

The  miserable  reign  of  Louis  Hutin  was  brought  to  a  close,  after 
eighteen  months  duration,  by  his  own  imprudence.  While 
a.  d.  1316.  violently  heated  by  Tennis,  he  entered  a  cold  vault,  and 
June  5.  drank  copiously  of  new  wine.  The  sudden  change  of  tem- 
perature thus  produced  struck  inwardly,  and  a  few  hours  of 
suffering  terminated  his  existence.  Clemence  immediately  proclaimed 
her  pregnancy  ;  but  Philip,  next  brother  to  her  late  husband,  hastening 
from  Lyons  (where  he  had  been  engaged  in  watching  the  tumultuous 
deliberations  of  that  Conclave  which  finally  elevated  John  XXII.  to  the 
Pontifical  throne),  assumed  the  Regency,  with  powers  rendering  him  in 
all  but  name  a  King.  If  Clemence  bore  a  son,  the  Count  of  Poitiers  was 
to  retain  his  guardianship  and  the  administration  of  public  affairs  till  the 
Youth  entered  his  nineteenth  year ;  if  the  issue  were  a  Princess,  Philip 
was  to  renounce  Navarre  and  Champagne  in  favour  of  the  daughters  ot 
Louis  Hutin,  who,  when  they  attained  an  age  at  which  their  consent 
would  be  deemed  legal,  were  to  offer  a  counter-renunciation  of  all  claim 
to  the  Throne  of  France  f.  No  Constitutional  usage,  however,  assigned 
to  Philip  the  right  of  Regency  as  First  Prince  of  the  Blood;  nor  was  the 
exclusion  of  females  as  yet  established  by  Law,  by  precedent,  or  even  by 

*  G.  Villani,  lib.  ix.  c.  78. 

f  This  Treaty  was  purposely,  no  doubt,  worded  with  obscurity.  If  the  Prin- 
cesses refuse  to  make  the  renunciation,  their  claim  was  to  remain,  and  "  right  was  to 
be  done  them  therein."  But  what  right  (restitution  being  their  right)  could  thoy 
expect  from  a  King  tie  facto  ?  as  Philip  would  by  that  time  have  made  himself.  The 
wliole  transaction  is  very  ably  treated  by  Mr,  Hallam,  Hist,  of  Middle  dges, 
I.  44.  4to. 


A.  D.  1316]  CONTEST  FOR  THE  FIEF  OF  ARTOIS.  159 

public  opinion  *.     At  the  expiration  of  five  months,  Clemence  was  de- 
livered of  a  son,  who  died  within  a  few  days  after  his  birth. 
Since  the  Coronation  of  this  Prince,  John,  was  never  cele-       Nov.  15. 
brated,  he  is  not  to  be  counted  among  the  Kings  of  France, 
but,  to  use  the  more  cautious  language  of  contemporaries,  as  the  Royal 
Infant,  who,  if  he  had  lived,  would  hurr  b*en  King  f- 

The  Regency  of  Philip  is  distinguished  by  one  transaction  far  more 
important  in  its  ulterior  bearings,  than  it  appeared  to  be  in  itself  at  the 
moment  of  occurrence.  Louis  IX.  had  bestowed  the  County  of  Artois  as 
an  ajHintiije  upon  his  brother  Robert,  who  was  killed  at  MansourahJ. 
To  Robert  II.,  son  of  that  Prince,  were  born  Philip  and  Matilda.  The 
former  was  slain  at  the  Battle  of  Fumes,  in  his  Father's  lifetime,  and 
left  issue  a  son,  another  Robert;  the  latter  married  Otho  IV.  Count  of 
Burgundy.  On  the  death  of  Robert  II.  his  Fief  was  disputed  between 
Matilda  and  her  nephew,  and  Philip  IV.  pronounced  in  favour  of  Matilda, 
who  accordingly  received  investiture.  Robert  III.  (as  he  is  called)  yield- 
ing at  the  time  to  necessity,  dissembled  his  claim,  till  the  presumed 
weakness  of  a  Regency  appeared  favourable  for  its  re- assertion  ;  but  he 
was  speedily  undeceived  by  the  promptness  with  which  Philip  armed  to 
support  the  right  of  Matilda,  whose  daughter  he  had  married.  Philip  was 
recalled  from  his  camp  at  Amiens  to  receive  the  Crown,  and  the  final  de- 
cision of  the  Cause  was  referred  to  a  solemn  deliberation  of  the  Peers  of 
France,  whose  sentence  two  years  afterwards  confirmed  Ma- 
tilda in  possession  of  the  contested  territory.  The  hand  of  a.  d.  1318. 
Jane,  a  younger  daughter  of  Charles  of  Valois,  was  con-  May  — . 
ferred  on  Robert,  as  some  indemnification  for  his  loss  ;  but 
the  inheritance  of  which  he  had  been  deprived  was  far  too  valuable  to  be 
readily  forgotten,  and  we  shall  perceive,  as  our  narrative  advances,  that 
the  revival  of  his  claims  in  a  future  reign,  was  one  of  the  proximate 
causes  of  those  bloody  Wars,  which  for  more  than  a  Century  and  a 
quarter  inflamed  the  National  passions,  and  wasted  the  energies  of  both 
France  and  England. 

The  Princess  Jane,  daughter  of  Louis  Hutin  by  his  first  wife,  an 
orphan  child  in  her  sixth  year,  had  little  chance  of  counter- 
vailing the  adult  power  of  Philip,  who  indeed  soon  made  it   a.d.  1316. 
the  interest  of  her  sole  natural  protector,  Eudes,  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  to  abandon  the  pretensions  of  his  niece.    The  Princes  of  the 
Blood  {let  RoyaiLV  da  France),  who  at  first  demurred  as  to  the  exclu- 

*  If.  de  Sismondi,  IX.  33!).  The  compromise  negociated  soon  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Regency,  with  Kndesof  Burgundy,  evinces  Philip*!  fear  of  the  claims  of 
the  Princess  Jane,  and  the  dangerous  uncertainty  which  at  that  time  prevailed  re- 
specting hereditary  right. 

f  Id.  Ibid.  345.  ' 

X  The  County  of  Artois  was  the  portion  of  Isabella  of  Hainault,  Queen  of  Philippe 
Anguste. 


160  ACCESSION  OF  PHILIP  V. — THE  SALIC  LAW.  [cH.  VIII. 

sion  of  females  *,  were  similarly  bribed  to  assent  by  various  promises 
and  intermarriages;  and  the  Salic  Law  (as  it  is  called  by  one  of  the 
most  remarkable  misnomers  in  History)  was  finally  established  as  a 
Constitutional  rule  of  the  French  Monarchy,  when  an  Assembly  of  the 
States  was  convened  by  Philip  soon  after  his  Coronation.  The  suc- 
cession, during  the  328  years  which  had  elapsed  since  the  beginning  of 
the  Capetian  Dynasty,  had  been  hereditary  without  variation ;  and  the 
Crown,  during  that  long  period,  had  quietly  descended,  in  every  instance, 
from  father  to  son,  in  an  unbroken  line  of  twelve  Kings.  The  question 
even  of  collateral  right,  much  less  that  of  female  succession,  had  never 
been  actively  raised,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  it  would  be  abstractedly 
discussed.  To  the  usurpation  therefore  of  Philip  V.  must  be  assigned 
the  origin  of  a  Law,  the  practical  wisdom  of  which  by  no  means  requires 
for  its  support  the  aid  of  a  false  and  fanciful  appeal  to  remote  Antiquity. 

While  Philip  was  thus  engaged  in  setting  aside  the  claims  of  his 
niece,  and  in  preparing  to  erect  round  the  Throne  of  France  a  barrier 
which  no  Woman  was  hereafter  to  pass,  by  affirming  that  hands  used  to 
wield  the  Distaff  were  unfitted  for  the  management  of  the  Lance  f,  his 
Coronation  (which  he  thought  it  discreet  to  celebrate  under  the  pro- 
tection of  an  armed  force)  exhibited  a  memorable  contradiction  of  the 
principle  which  it  was  his  interest  to  support.  During  that  ceremony, 
the  Countess  Matilda,  representing  Artois,  officiated  as  one  of  the 
Twelve  Peers,  and  held  the  Crown  over  the  head  of  the  new  King.  A 
subtle  argument  has  been  employed  in  order  to  reconcile  this  marked 
opposition  of  usages  between  parts  of  the  Kingdom  and  its  whole.  Each 
Province,  it  is  said,  is  governed  by  its  own  peculiar  customs ;  and  there 
is  nothing  to  prevent  a  Woman  from  holding  a  Fief  under  her  male 
Suzerain ;  but  the  Crown  which  is  held  from  God  alone  is  not  a  Fief, 
and  therefore  must  be  otherwise  regulated  J. 

The  energy  which  Philip  had  displayed  in  seizing  the  Throne  appears 
to  have  deserted  him  after  he  had  once  attained  its  possession,  and  his 
rule  was  feeble  and  inglorious.  John  XXII.,  a  bold  and  ambitious 
Pontiff,  instead  of  receiving  commands  like  his  immediate  predecessor, 
issued  his  own  ordinances  from  Avignon,  and  considered  his  residence  in 
that  City  as  furnishing  him  with  a  key  to  the  control  of  France.  His 
interference  with  her  domestic  Government  was  frequent  and  mis- 
chievous ;  his  love  of  quibbling  disputation  awakened  a  fierce  contro- 

*  Charles  of  Valois  was  so  strongly  opposed  to  the  succession  of  Philip,  that  he 
quitted  Rheims  on  the  morning  of  the  Coronation,  and  refused  to  assist  in  it.  The 
Continuator  of  Nangis  attributes  this  conduct  to  some  private  personal  pique 
(6G8),  and  Bonamy,  whose  research  is  invaluable,  but  who  is  much  stronger  as  an 
Antiquary  than  as  a  Logician,  refines  a  little  too  much  upon  the  conjecture.  Mim, 
de  V Acad,  des  Inscript.,  xvii.  3GG.  It  is  probable  that  Charles  was  wavering  in  his 
opinions  respecting  the  equity  of  the  proposed  exclusion.  See  an  Essay  on  the  Salic 
Law  as  applied  to  the  First  Race  of  Kings.     Id.  viii.  47G. 

f  La  Lance  ne  tombe  point  en  Quenouilte, 

%  Henault.    Abr.  Chron.,  i.  320. 


A.  1).    1320.]       EXPEDITION   OF  PHILIP  OK   VAI.OIS  INTO   ITALY.  161 

\t!>Y  with  the  Franciscans,  in  which  he  resorted  to  the  stake  for  his 
final  arguments;  his  idle  belief  in  Sorcery  and  Magic  was  fed  by  the 
sacrifice  of  numerous  victims;  and  his  abhorrence  of  Heresy  encouraged 
the  Sermons  of  the  Toulousain  Inquisition. 

We  read  of  three  assemblies  of  the  States  General  under  Philip  V.*, 
but  their  proceedings  are  unrecorded.  A  tedious  negociation 
with  Flanders  procured  from  Count  Robert  III.  an  aban-  a.  n.  1320. 
donment  of  claims  which  he  had  obstinately  asserted  for 
the  restoration  of  the  towns  of  Bethune,  Lille,  and  Douai ;  and  he  per- 
formed homage  for  his  Fief.  Edward  II.  of  England  had  been  relieved 
from  similar  personal  service  at  the  accession ;  but  that  weak  Prince, 
notwithstanding  the  dispensation,  was  induced,  either  by  love  of  the 
Pageantry  attendant  on  a  Royal  Conference,  or  by  a  more  serious  hope 
that  he  might  obtain  assistance  from  his  brother-in-law  against  his  in- 
surgent subjects,  to  visit  Amiens  in  the  Summer  of  1320;  and  there,  in 
the  course  of  a  month's  festivity,  to  acknowledge  his  vassalage  for  Aqui- 
taine. 

The  abstraction  from  the  rest  of  Europe  which  for  the  most  part 
characterized  this  reign  was  unsuitable  to  the  active  and  impatient 
spirit  of  the  French  Nobles;  and  when  Philip  of  Valoisf,  a  cousin- 
german  of  the  King,  announced  his  intention  of  embarking  in  the  Wars 
of  Italy,  a  brilliant  train  enrolled  itself  under  his  command.  Seven 
Counts,  a  hundred  and  twenty  Knights,  and  six  hundred  mounted 
Gentlemen,  accompanied  an  expedition  in  which  they  were  spared  from 
destruction  solely  by  the  generosity  or  by  the  policy  of  the  Visconti. 
The  rashness  with  which  Philip  advanced  upon  Mortara,  and  the  un- 
expected leniency  with  which  the  subtle  Princes  of  Milan  permitted  him 
to  retreat  unh armed,  after  he  was  completely  in  their  power,  are  episodes 
scarcely  belonging  to  the  National  History  of  France,  and  to  which  there- 
fore we  should  not  make  even  this  passing  allusion,  if  the  Prince,  who 
was  the  chief  actor  in  them,  had  not  afterwards  worn  the  Crown  of  that 
Kingdom. 

Nor  was  restlessness  confined  to  the  Higher  Orders  only ;  a  like 
temper  pervaded  the  inferior  classes,  and  created  an  insane  movement, 
in  many  respects  similar  to  one  which  we  have  already  noticed  as  agi- 
tating France  during  the  captivity  of  St.  Louis.  The  achievement  of 
the  deliverance  of  Jerusalem  was  again  declared  to  be  reserved,  not  for 
the  rich  and  high-born,  but  for  the  lowly  and  the  meek.  Innumerable 
throngs  were  attracted  by  two  apostate  Priests,  who  inculcated  this 
doctrine  in  their  Sermons;  and  the  peasants,  throughout  the  greater 
part  of  France,  abandoning  their  fields  and  flocks,  commenced  a  wander- 
ing life,  apparently  without  any  fixed  object.  Their  course  at  first  was 
peaceable;  but  when  the  support  of  idle  thousands  was  felt  to  be  burden- 

*  In  1317,  1319,  and  1821. 
t  Son  of  Charles,  Count  of  Valois,  brother  of  Philip  IV. 

M 


162  CRUSADE  OF  SHEPHERDS.  [CH.  VIII. 

some,  and  the  Magistrates  interfered  to  prevent  the  seizure  of  food,  no 
longer  afforded  by  charity,  the  Enthusiasts  resorted  to  violence.  One 
division  of  them  advanced  upon  Paris ;  forced  the  prisons  to  which  some 
of  their  brethren  had  been  committed;  and  offered  so  formidable  an 
array  in  the  Pre-aux-Clercs,  in  which  they  afterwards  mustered,  that  it 
was  deemed  prudent  to  allow  their  retreat  without  interruption.  In 
their  passage  through  the  South,  this  deluded  rabble  perpetrated  merci- 
less outrages  upon  the  Jews.  More  than  five-hundred  of  that  miserable 
Sect  sought  protection  within  the  walls  of  the  Royal  Castle  of  Verdun 
upon  the  Garonne ;  and  when  the  last  tower  into  which  they  were  driven 
had  been  fired  at  its  base,  the  wretched  fugitives,  in  order  to  escape  the 
death  of  torture  which  awaited  them  if  they  should  fall  alive  into  the 
power  of  their  besiegers,  threw  their  children  from  the  battlements,  and 
then  directed  their  swords  against  each  other,  till  the  whole  number 
perished  by  mutual  slaughter. 

The  Pastoreaux,  undisciplined  and  without  efficient  Leaders,  spread 
alarm  wherever  they  penetrated;  and  as  they  approached  Avignon, 
John  XXII.  excommunicated  all  who  should  engage  in  any  Crusade  till 
it  had  received  Ecclesiastical  sanction ;  and  summoned  the  neighbouring 
Militia  to  his  protection.  When  the  Fanatics  sought  embarkation  at 
Aigues-Mortes,  they  found  themselves  surrounded ;  and  their  onward 
march  to  the  shore  and  their  inland  retreat  were  alike  intercepted  by 
an  overwhelming  force.  Hemmed  in  on  all  sides  by  pestilential  marshes, 
they  wasted  away  miserably,  for  the  most  part,  by  Famine  and  Dis- 
ease ;  many,  however,  were  delivered  to  the  executioner,  and  the  trees 
by  the  road-side  groaned  with  the  burden  of  gibbeted  criminals.  The 
few  who  escaped  were  indebted  for  safety  chiefly  to  a  fresh  channel 
into  which  Superstition  inclined*. 

In  the  year  1321,  a  general  rumour  prevailed  through  Europe  that 
the  unhappy  Beings  afflicted  with  Leprosy  (a  disease  with 
a  d.  1321.  which  the  Crusaders  had  become  infected  in  the  East,  and 
which  spread  epidemically  wherever  it  met  encouragement 
from  neglect  or  want  of  cleanliness)  had  conspired  to  inoculate  all  their 
healthy  fellow-creatures  with  their  own  loathsome  malady.  The  malig- 
nant affirmed,  and  the  credulous  believed,  that  every  Lazar-house  in 
which  charity  afforded  the  sufferers  a  retreat,  with  the  exception  of  two 
in  England,  had  deputed  representatives  to  four  General  Councils ;  in 
which  assemblies  it  had  been  resolved  to  poison  all  the  wells,  fountains, 
and  reservoirs  of  water,  with  substances  the  natural  destructiveness  of 
which  should  be  heightened  by  magical  incantation.  The  King  of 
Grenada  and  the  Jews  were  denounced  as  the  prime  movers  of  this 
nefarious  plot  directed  to  the  extermination  of  Christianity ;  and  it  was 
said  that  the  latter,  unable  to  overcome  the  many  impediments  which 

*  The  Crusade  of  Shepherds  is  related  by  Bernard  Guido,  and  by  other  writers, 
who  may  be  found,  ap.  Muratori,  iii.  682,  &c. 


A.  D.    1322.]         ACCESSION  ON  A  MaRRIAGB  QF  I  II  All  IS  IV.  lu\3 

opposed  their  own  agency,  had  bribed  the  Lepers  to  become  their  instru- 
ments*. 

This  u  enormous  Creed,"  in  spite  of  its  manifold  absurdities,  found 
admission;  and,  if  other  evidence  were  wanting  for  its  support, 
torture  was  always  at  hand  to  provide  Confessions.  Philip  V.  was 
among  the  firmest  believers,  and  therefore  among  the  most  active 
avengers  of  the  imaginary  crime;  and  he  encouraged  persecution  by 
numerous  penal  Edicts.  At  Toulouse,  160  Jews  were  burned  alive  at 
once  on  a  single  pile,  without  distinction  of  sex,  and,  as  it  seems,  without 
any  forms  of  previous  examination.  In  Paris,  greater  gentleness  was 
manifested ;  those  only  were  led  to  the  stake  from  whom  an  avowal  of 
guilt  could  be  extorted ;  and  perpetual  exile  was  the  sole  punishment 
which  awaited  the  possessors  of  that  superior  physical  or  moral  strength 
which  resisted  the  searching  inquiries  of  the  Rack.  The  wealthy,  in- 
deed, did  not  obtain  the  privilege  of  banishment,  without  disbursing  for 
it  an  adequate  price ;  and  the  Royal  Treasury  was  enriched  with  1 50,000 
livres  plundered  from  the  innocent  as  their  ransom. 

Amid  these  horrors,  Philip  was  oppressed  with  a  mortal  disease.     He 
languished  under  fever  and  dysentery,  which  confined  him 
to  bed  from  August  till  January,  and  he  then  expired  at   a.  d.  1322. 
Longchamps,  before  he  had  fully  attained  the  age  of  thirty,      Jan.  23. 
and  after  a  reign  of  little  more  than  five  years. 

Charles  IV.  the  Handsome  (le  Bel),  third  brother  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding Kings,  ascended  the  vacant  throne ;  for  the  law  by  which  Philip 
V.  had  transferred  the  Crown  to  his  own  brows,  now  proved  an  effectual 
obstacle  to  the  admission  of  his  daughters.  Philip  had  a  son  living  at 
the  time  at  which  he  demanded  the  sanction  of  the  States  to  the  per- 
petual exclusion  of  females ;  and  Charles,  then  by  no  means  contem- 
plating the  speedy  attainment  of  presumptive  heirdom,  opposed  the  mea- 
sure which  ultimately  occasioned  his  own  undisputed  succession. 

The  first  care  of  the  King,  warned  by  the  fate  of  his  brothers,  was 
directed  to  the  perpetuation  of  his  Line ;  and  unwilling  to  proceed  to  the 
extreme  punishment  of  his  guilty  consort  Blanche,  who  still  lived  in 
imprisonment,  he  established  sufficient  proof  of  consanguinity  to  render 
his  marriage  null  without  imputation  of  adultery.  True  it  is  that  the 
bride  whom  he  selected  to  supply  her  place  was  yet  nearer  in  blood  than 
her  from  whom  he  was  divorced  j  and  that  John  XXII.,  who  pronounced 
that  the  third  and  even  the  fourth  degree  might  be  pleaded  in  bar  of  the 
matrimonial  contract,  did  not  hesitate  to  grant  a  Dispensation  which 
united  the  King  of  France  with  a  cousin-german.  The  new  Queen  was 
Mary  of  Luxemburg,  daughter  of  the  late  Emperor  Henry  VII.,  and 
sister  of  John  King  of  Bohemia. 

*  Velly,  iv.  332,  relates  the  Conspiracy  of  the  Lepers  with  the  most  unflinching 
gravity  of  belief.  The  authorities  are  the  same  as  those  for  the  Crusade  of  Shep- 
herds. 

M  2 


164  FLORAL  GAMES  AT  TOULOUSE.  [dl.  VIII. 

The  Lepers  and  the  Jews  found  some  remission  from  suffering  at  the 
commencement  of  this  reign ;  and  the  Acts  of  Grace,  then  issued,  suf- 
ficiently betoken  the  utter  wretchedness  of  even  those  who  were  thought 
deserving  of  mercy.  Not  a  doubt  is  expressed  of  the  reality  of  the 
alleged  Conspiracy,  or  of  the  justice  of  the  punishments  which  had  been 
exacted ;  but  it  is  advised  that  the  revenues  of  the  Lazar-houses  may 
still  be  appropriated  to  their  original  use,  for  the  support  of  those  against 
whom  no  charge  had  been  established  ;  and  that  the  outcasts  who  were 
prohibited  from  seeking  any  occupation  by  which  sustenance  was  to  be 
obtained  might  be  permitted  to  prolong  existence  by  the  aid  of  those 
funds  which  Charity  had  contributed  for  their  maintenance.  The  Jews 
also  were  allowed  to  quit  their  prisons  in  the  day-time,  in  order  that 
they  might  collect  the  sums  requisite  for  the  purchase  of  exile. 

The  announcement  of  a  fresh  Crusade,  to  promote  the  deliver- 
ance of  Armenia,  recently  conquered  by  the  Moslems,  for  a  time 
occupied  public  attention,  and  replenished  the  Royal  coffers  by  the 
tenths  granted  from  the  Clergy  for  its  prosecution.  It  is  not  pro- 
bable that  Charles  ever  seriously  contemplated  the  fulfilment  of  this 
design.  But  he  had  assumed  the  Cross  nine  years  before,  together 
with  his  father  and  his  brothers;  and  he  acquired  some  popularity 
by  not  opposing  the  ebullition  of  zeal  which  had  been  excited  for  the 
moment  by  a  promulgation  of  Apostolical  Bulls  and  a  lavish  promise 
of  Indulgences.  As  soon  as  the  first  ardour  had  subsided,  the  project 
gradually  died  away,  and  Charles,  otherwise  unemployed, 
a.d.  1324.  found  leisure  to  undertake  a  progress  through  his  Southern 
Provinces.  During  his  stay  at  Toulouse,  some  of  the 
Burghers  of  that  City  attempted  a  revival  of  the  ancient  Provencal 
Poetry;  and  idly  hoping  that  the  resumption  of  names  might  bring 
back  with  it  the  things  also  once  designated,  they  invited  Candidates  to 
Floral  Games,  to  be  held  on  the  1  st  of  May,  when  the  successful  Com- 
petitor should  be  graduated  Doctor  in  the  Gaie  Science,  and  be  pre- 
sented with  a  golden  Violet  by  the  Seven  Troubadours  who  were  ap- 
pointed to  adjudge  the  prize.  Charles,  who  was  unimbued  with  Lite- 
rature, and  whose  tastes  were  coarse,  broke  up  his  Court  in  the  middle 
of  March,  in  order  to  escape  this  Poetical  contest;  but  the  Mainteneurs 
of  the  Academy  of  Flora,  or  as  it  was  afterwards  named  the  College  of 
Rhetoric,  continued  to  summon  all  the  rhymers  in  Languedoc  to  the 
celebration  of  their  fantastic  anniversary,  till,  after  the  lapse  of  more 
than  four  Centuries  and  a  half,  every  sound  of  harmony  was  interrupted 
in  France  by  the  overpowering  yell  of  Revolution*. 

Charles  had  scarcely  retired  from  Toulouse  to  Issoudun,  before  the 
birth  of  a  son  was  followed  by  the  almost  immediate  death  of  both  the 
infant  and  his  mother.     The  haste  with  which  he  re-married  was  in- 

*  Velly,  iv.  352.  In  his  time  (1770),  the  3d  of  May  was  the  day  on  which  the 
Prizes  were  distributed, 


A    D.  1328.]  TRANSACTION   WITH  KNGLVNP.  165 

decorous  and  unfeeling;  for  within  three  months  from  the  death  of  his 
second  wife  he  received  the  hand  of  another  cousin-german,  Jane, 
daughter  of  Louis  Count  d'Evreux. 

By  carefully  waiting  upon  opportunity,  Charles  exercised  far  greater 
influence  over  Flanders  than  his  predecessors  had  obtained 
by  the  sword;  and  a  Treaty,  concluded  at  Arques,  esta-   a.  d.  1326. 
bliehed  in  that  Country  the  interest  of  France  as  predomi- 
nant, and  procured  200,000  litres  tournois  for  her  Exchequer.    During 
the  great  contest  between  Louis  of  Bavaria  and  Frederic  of  Austria  for 
the  Imperial  Crown,  Charles  nourished  hopes  of  superseding  both  those 
competitors,    and   he  was   encouraged  by  the  Pope   and  by  John   of 
Bohemia.     The  Decree  of  the  Diet  of  Spire,  which   re- 
cognised the  Bavarian  Prince  and  gave  Peace  to  Germany,    March  — . 
terminated  these  ambitious  visions. 

The  nuptial  wrongs  of  his  sister  Isabella  (who,  however  greatly  she 
is  to  be  condemned  for  her  profligate  and  unprincipled  retaliation,  was 
still  an  injured  wife),  and  the  manifest  weakness  of  Edward  II.,  pro- 
voked an  attack  upon  the  English  possessions  in  Aquitainet 
The  immediate  cause  of  War  was  a  paltry  Castle  in  the   a.  d.  1324. 
Agenois,  the   right  to  which   was   disputed  between   the 
French  and  the  Sieur  de  Montpezat,  one  of  Edward's  vassals.     The 
latter  attacked  the  troops  which  had  dispossessed  him,  put  them  to  the 
sword,  razed  the  walls  of  the  fortress,  and  transported  its  stores  to  his 
own  Chateau.     The  King  of  Fiance,  indignant  at  this  out- 
rage, committed  the  task  of  vengeance  to  Charles  of  Valois*,   a.  d.  1325. 
by  whom  Aquitaine  was  speedily  overrun.     Montpezat  died 
of  grief  before  his  possessions  were  seized,  and  Edward,  unable  to  offer 
resistance,  committed  the  negociation  of  Peace  to  the  unfaithful  ministry 
of  his  Queen,  and  deputed  his  eldest  son  to  perform  homage. 

The  intrigues  by  which  Isabella  overthrew  her  husband,  and  trans- 
ferred the  Crown  to  that  son,  belong  properly  to  English 
History,  although  they  were  materially  forwarded  by  both   a.  d.  1326. 
the  gold  and  the  arms  of  Charles  IV.     On  the  accession  of 
Edward  III.  a  Treaty  was  signed  at  Paris,  which  reconciled  the  con- 
flicting Nations,  and  promised  restitution  of  the  conquered 
portion  of  Aquitaine.     The  King  not  long  afterwards  was    a.  d.  1327. 
afflicted    with    a   tedious    and  painful    malady,  and   as  he 
became  convinced  of  the  near  approach  of  death,  he  carefully  provided 
for  the  succession.     Like  his  brothers,  he  was  devoid  of  male  issue;  but 
his  Queen  was  pregnant  at  the  moment  of  his  decease,  and 
he  died  therefore  not  entirely  without  hope  that  the  birth  of  a.  d.  1328. 
a  posthumous  son  might  prevent  the  transfer  of  the  Crown      Feb.  1. 
to  another  branch  of  his  Family. 

*  It  was  the  last  military  enterprise  of  Charles  of  Valois,  who  died  December  16 
of  this  year. 


166  PHILIP  VI.     BATTLE  OF  CASSEL.  [CH.  Vill. 

Philip,  grandson  of  Philip  IV.,  and  heir  of  that  Charles  Count  of  Valois 
whom  we  have  had  frequent  occasion  to  notice,  and  whose  death  had  but 
recently  occurred,  was  nominated  Regent  by  Charles  IV.  during  his  last 
illness.  The  circumstances  in  which  Philip  of  Valois  was  placed,  re- 
sembled those  which  had  preceded  the  accession  of  Philip  V., 
a.  d.  1328.  and  when  after  the  expiration  of  two  months  Jane  was 
April  1.  delivered  of  a  posthumous  daughter,  he  found  himself  simi- 
larly in  possession  of  the  throne. 
The  new  King  was  at  that  time  in  his  thirty -sixth  year,  rich,  powerful 
in  the  number  of  his  retainers,  and,  although  unfortunate  in  his  Italian 
expedition,  possessed  of  an  outward  figure  and  of  many  personal  qualities 
which  endeared  him  to  the  soldiery.  If  the  Salic  Law  were  constitu- 
tionally recognised,  he  was  indisputably  entitled  to  the  Crown  as  nearest 
heir  in  the  male  Line ;  if  hesitation  were  still  entertained  as  to  the  re- 
ception of  that  Institute,  there  were  two  competitors  who  might  advance 
a  claim  against  him.  One  of  these,  Philip  Count  of  Evreux,  had  married 
Jane,  daughter  of  Louis  Hutin;  but  ten  years  of  exclusion  had  already 
confirmed  that  Prince  in  a  belief  that  his  pretension  was  not  to  be  esta- 
blished, and  he  readily  assented  to  a  renunciation  of  it,  on  condition  that 
another  part  of  his  wife's  inheritance,  the  Kingdom  of  Navarre,  of  which 
he  had  hitherto  been  deprived,  should  be  quietly  ceded. 

Edward  III.  of  England  was  not  more  likely,  at  the  moment,  to  dis- 
pute the  succession  than  was  Philip  of  Evreux.    By  his  mother,  Isabella, 
he  was  grandson  of  Philip  IV. ;  nearer  in  blood  therefore  than  the  ac- 
knowledged King,  and  a  male,  but  not  by  the  male  Line.     He  was  but 
sixteen  years  of  age,  the  whole  administration  of  his  insular  Government 
was  in  the  hands  of  his  mother,  yet  reeking  with  the  blood  of  her  hus- 
band, and  sullied  by  illicit  intercourse  with  Mortimer.    While  Rebellion 
was  hourly  expected  in  England,  a  successful  War  for  the 
a.  d.  1329.   attainment  of  the  Crown  of  France  appeared  to  be  hopeless; 
June  6.      and,  after  some  temporizing,  Edward  crossed  the  Channel,  and 
performed  homage  for  Aquitaine  in  the  Cathedral  at  Amiens. 
Before  the  performance  of  that  ceremony,   Philip  VI.   had  greatly 
strengthened  himself  by  a  severe  chastisement  of  the  Flemings  in  revolt 
against  their  Count  Louis  I.     A  War  with  Flanders  was  always  popular 
in  France,  from  the  prospect  of  rich  spoil  which  it  afforded ;  and  when 
the  King  after  his  Coronation  announced  his  intention  of  taking  the  field 
in  person,  170  banners  eagerly  ranged  themselves  under  his 
a.  d.  1328.   command.      The  Boors,   posted  at  Cassel,   surprised  the 
Aug.  23.     French  army  by  night,  and  penetrated  even  to  the  Royal 
tent,  in  which  the  King,  unarmed,  was  carelessly  preparing 
for  supper.     It  was  not  without  much  difficulty  that  his  Knights  pro- 
tected him  till  he  could  mount  and  escape.     But  the  panic  was  of  short 
duration  ;  and  when  the  French  recovered  from  their  first  alarm,  victory 
was  easily  attained.     Sixteen  thousand  Flemings  had  marched  to  the 


A.  D.    1331.]  BANISHMENT  OF  ROBERT  OF  ARTOIS.  107 

attack  in  three  divisions.  Three  heaps  of  slain  were  counted  on  the 
morrow  in  the  French  lines,  amounting  altogether  to  13,000  corpses ; 
and  it  is  said  that  Louis  having  been  admitted  to  all  his  insurgent  Cities 
without  farther  resistance,  inflicted  death  upon  10,000  more  of  the 
Rebels,  doomed  to  expiate  their  opposition  to  his  authority  and  some 
coarse  insults  offered  to  his  ally,  by  tortures  the  most  unprecedented. 
Robert  of  Artois,  who  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  this  Battle,  had 
also  been  very  actively  engaged  in  promoting  the  succession  of  Philip. 
The  King,  grateful  for  those  services,  erected  his  County  of  Beaumont- 
le-Roger  into  a  Peerage;  and  regarded  him,  both  as  a  friend  and  as  a 
brother-in-law,  with  marked  personal  favour.  Strong  in  hopes  thus 
excited,  Robert,  at  a  Conference  at  Amiens,  renewed  the  claim  upon 
Artois  which  had  twice  before  received  an  unfavourable  decision.  The 
transaction  is  not  wholly  free  from  obscurity;  but  the  judgment  of  the 
Peers  on  this  occasion  pronounced  not  only  that  the  pretension  of 
Robert  was  untenable,  but  also  ascribed  to  him  very  atrocious  guilt.  It 
was  affirmed  that  he  had  produced  forged  documents  in  order  to  furnish 
new  and  more  cogent  evidence  of  his  disputed  right ;  and  that  he  had 
poisoned  Matilda  and  her  daughter  Jane,  the  legitimate  inheritresses, 
who  had  obtained  proofs  of  the  falsehood  of  these  depositions  *.  For 
these  felonies,  he  was  sentenced,  while  absent  and  contumacious,  to 
perpetual  banishment.  The  judgment  was  too  lenient  if  he  were  guilty, 
and  Philip  is  to  be  blamed  for  undue  gentleness  rather  than  for  severity. 
Some  of  the  instruments  of  crime,  as  often  happens,  were  less  fortunate 
than  their  employer,  and  compensated  for  the  lightness  of  his  sentence 
by  the  heavier  weight  of  their  own.  Among  them,  a  young 
woman  of  Divion,  who  had  been  largely  employed  in  the  a.  d.  1331. 
nefarious  scheme,  and  who  had  an  evil  repute  for  general  Oct.  6. 
flagitiousness,  was  burned  alive  as  actual  perpetrator  of  the 
forgeries  f. 

The  fury  of  Robert  was  unbounded  when  he  learned  his  discomfiture, 
and  in  his  first  paroxysm  of  rage,  no  sacrifice  appeared  excessive  for  the 

*  Matilda  died  during  the  Process,  Oct.  27,  1329,  enherbee,  as  the  Chron.  de 
F/andres,  c.  lxix.  p.  138,  expresses  itself.  Her  eldest  daughter,  Jane,  relict  of 
Philip  V.,  survived  her  mother  only  a  month.  She  died  with  indisputable  marks 
of  poison,  within  a  few  hours  after  she  had  drunk  some  C/arre  (wine  mixed  with 
honey  and  spices  and  strained  till  it  is  clear)  prepared  and  presented  by  an  officer  of 
her  Household.     Id.,  ibid. 

t  The  innocence  of  Robert  d' Artois  has  been  asserted  by  many  writers;  but  a 
very  strong  case  is  made  out  against  him  by  M.  Lancelot,  Mem.  de  PAcad.  des  ///*., 
viii.  €)(){),  and  x.  571.  From  the  first  of  these  M<  Hioircs,  it  may  be  supposed  that  the 
writer  was  not  very  fastidious  in  his  estimate  of  moral  character.  He  describes 
Robert  as  Prince  (Cailieitrs  qui  nroit  <!<■  trcs-grandes  rp/a/itez,  et  qu'on  pourroit  regarder 
comme  /e  phts  glorievxjde  son  siecle  «'»/  navoit  terni  ftc/at  de  sa  vir,  &.c.  The  tarnish 
resulted  from  hearing  arms  against  his  Country,  from  forgery,  and  from  murder. 
Velly,  iv.  499,  gives  a  much  fairer  estimate. 

In  one  of  the  Testimonies  cited  by  M.  Lancelot  (x.  595)  the  Lady  of  Divion  is 
said  to  have  been  a  pluribus  annis  super  vitia  irtcontinentice,  adufterii,  sacri/egiorum, 
et  aliorum  crimina  multipliciter  diffamata.  Much  more  also  is  there  written  to  her 
disparagement. 


168  ALLIANCE  WITH  SCOTLAND.  [cil. 


VIII. 


purchase  of  revenge.  In  accordance  with  the  prevailing  Superstition  of 
his  Age,  he  firmly  relied  upon  the  potency  of  Magic ;  and  he  believed 
that  the  parchment  scrolls  blazoned  with  diabolical  characters,  which  he 
found  means  to  deposit  under  the  pillow  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy*, 
would  reduce  his  enemy  to  so  sound  a  slumber,  that  he  might  be  carried 
ofTat  will.  The  evidence  of  his  Chaplain,  Henry  Sagebran,  relating  to 
the  voults  or  waxen  Images  which  Robert  asked  him  to  baptize  (a  cere- 
mony necessary  to  render  them  completely  effective),  bears  internal  evi- 
dence of  truth.  The  figure  which  represented  John  of  Normandy,  the 
Heir  apparent  of  France,  had  been  already  thus  consecrated,  if  we  may 
apply  the  word  to  so  evil  a  ritual ;  that  which  was  intended  to  procure 
the  destruction  of  the  Queen — "  not  a  Queen,  but  a  she  Devil,"  as 
Robert  characterised  her — still  needed  the  Sacramental  dedication  which, 
although  the  Sponsors  were  at  hand,  the  Priest  declined  to 
a.  d.  1334.    administer.     Nor  were  merely  human  means  neglected,  and 

Jan.  — .      hired  assassins  penetrated  so  far  as  Rheims  before   their 
project  was  discovered.     After  this  detection,  Flanders  was 
no  longer  a  safe  abode  for  Robert;  and,  disguising  himself  as  a  mer- 
chant, he  passed  the  sea,  and  sought  an  asylum  from  Edward  III.  in 
England  f. 

The  suggestions  of  such  a  counsellor  as  Robert,' whom  Edward  soon 

admitted  to  his  confidence,  doubtless  enhanced  the  animosity  between 

the  Kings  cf  France  and  of  England,  but  there  were  ample 

a.  d.  1331.   previous  causes  for  its  existence.      By  the  overthrow  of 

Oct.  19.  Mortimer  and  Isabella  (the  latter  of  whom  passed  twenty- 
eight  years  in  honourable  restraint  after  the  capital  punish- 
ment of  her  minion),  Edward  found  himself  in  possession  of  full  power 
before  he  was  twenty  years  of  age;  and  glowing  with  the  ardour  of 
youth,  and  conscious  of  the  great  military  talent  which  he  afterwards  so 
largely  exhibited,  he  renewed  a  favourite  design  of  his  predecessors,  and 
directed  all  his  energies  to  the  subjugation  of  Scotland.  The  injustice 
of  aggression  upon  an  independent  People  was  little  likely  to  deter  a 
youthful  conqueror  who  felt  strong  enough  to  attack  their  liberties ;  and 
resentment  of  it  certainly  was  not  the  motive  which  induced  Philip  to 
oppose  him.  But  the  King  of  France,  in  espousing  the  cause  of  David 
Bruce,  whom  he  received  at  his  Court,  believed  that  he  might  depress  a 
rival  whose  eminent  qualities  he  had  discovered  in  their  germ,  and 
whose  future  ascendancy  he  feared;  and  he  therefore  lent  more  than 
clandestine  aid  to  the  Scots  from  the  outset  of  the  struggle. 

*  The  County  of  Artois  had  descended  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  by  his  -wife 
Jane,  eldest  daughter  of  Philip  V.  and  of  Queen  Jane,  daughter  of  Matilda. 

f  Robert,  however,  entered  England  by  no  means  in  poverty;  for  already,  in 
1331,  he  had  transmitted  thither  "  his  horses  and  his  treasure,  which  was  very 
large."  Chron.  de  F/andres,  and  Chron.  de  St.  Denys,  cited  Man.  de  VAcad.  des 
Inscript.,  x.  614. 


A.  D.    133G.J  JAMES  VON  ARTEVELDT.  lf)9 

Nevertheless  a  bond  had  been  formed  between  the  two  Prince?,  which 
even  their  mutual  jealousy  found  difficulty  in  breaking ;  they  had  jointly 
engaged  in  a  Crusade.     The  Court  of  France  was  the  very  mirror  of 
Chivalry ;  and  Europe  had  never  yet  beheld  any  spectacles  which  in 
costliness  and  magnificence  might   compete  with  those   exhibited   by 
Philip.   John  of  Bohemia,  the  most  accomplished  Knight  of  his  time,  was 
so  far  dazzled  by  these  attractions  that  he  abandoned  his  Kingdom,  after 
a  short  experience  of  its  Barbarian  manners;  and  careless  of  the  hazards 
to  which  he  exposed  his  Crown,  fixed  his  residence  among  the  more 
courteous   and  cultivated  foreigners.     No  enterprise  in  which  Philip 
could  engage  seemed  more  brilliant  than  that  of  heading  a  confederacy 
of  Kings  in  a  new  Crusade,  which  the  Pope,  John  XXII. 
readily  agreed  to  sanction.     Edward  of  England  promised  a.  n.  1331. 
his  co-operation,  and  the  Spring  of  1334  was  named  for  the     Dec.  5. 
departure  of  the  armament. 

Long,  however,  before  the  arrival  of  the  appointed  gathering,  the  in- 
creased differences  between  the  two  Princes  plainly  evinced  that  they 
would  become  engaged  in  War  much  nearer  home  ;  and  the  fixed  time 
passed    away   without    any   departure   of    the    Crusaders. 
Benedict  XII.,  who. had  succeeded  to  the  Popedom,  era-  a.  d.  1335. 
ployed  useless  mediation,   and  expressed  bitter  grief  that 
champions  already  devoted  to  the  service  of  God  should  be  arming  against 
each  other.     But  the  breach  was  not  thus  easily  to  be  repaired  ;  and  it 
was  widened  by  the  refusal  of  Philip  to  fulfil  a  promise  which  he  had 
made  upon  receiving  Edward's  homage  for  Aquitaine,  that  he  would 
subject  certain  doubtful  claims  on  that  Fief  to  the  judgment  of  the  Par- 
liament of  Paris.     Forcible  occupation  appeared  a  shorter  method  of  ad- 
justment than  legal  process  ;   and  when  the  Seneschal  of 
Agenois,  acting  under  the  orders  of  the  King  of  France,  had  a.  d.  1336. 
expelled  some  vassals  of  England  from  the  disputed  territory, 
and  when   Philip  was  known  to  be  gathering  troops  on  the  coast  of 
Normandy,  Edward  assembled  a  Fleet  at  Portsmouth  in  order  to  resist 
these  hostile  menaces. 

Many  reasons  concurred  to  render  the  Flemings  natural  allies  of 
England  in  a  struggle  with  France.  The  Burghers  of  the  Low  Countries 
had  at  all  times  chafed  against  the  rule  of  their  Counts ;  and  the  reign- 
ing Prince,  Louis  I.,  was  peculiarly  unpopular  among  them  from  his 
constant  residence  at  the  Court  of  Philip.  England  was  also  closely 
linked  in  commercial  intercourse  with  the  traders  of  the  Netherlands ; 
and  her  wool  was  the  staple  commodity  which  supplied  their  looms, 
and  therefore  chiefly  contributed  to  their  wealth.  The  principal 
leader  of  the  Citizens  of  Ghent,  James  von  Arteveldt,  a  native  Brewer 
of  the  town,  was  one  of  those  demagogues  who  obtain  from  the  volun- 
tary homage  of  the  multitude  a  far  more  abject  submission  than  is 
ever  exacted  by  any  despotism  in  the  erection  of  which  their  own  hands 


170       EDWARD  III.  ASSUMES  THE  TITLE  OF  KING  OF  FRANCE.      [CH.  VIII. 

have  not  laboured.  Froissart  assures  us  that  this  Mob-King  never 
appeared  abroad  without  a  retinue  of  sixty  attendants,  prompt  to  obey 
his  orders,  which  terror  had  made  irresistible  and  upon  which  depended 
not  less  than  life  or  death  *.  He  had  already  taken  advantage  of  some 
Civil  discontent  to  expel  the  municipal  officers  of  the  Court ;  and  the 
finances  and  the  population  of  Ghent  were  directed  by  his  sovereign 
control. 

An  ally  thus  powerful  was  of  no  small  importance  to  Edward,  who 
accordingly  sought  to  conciliate  his  good  will  by  an  especial  embassy. 
Some  attachment  to  ancient  Institutions  still  however  prevailed  among 
the  Flemings ;  they  could  renounce  their  Count  indeed,  to  whom  person- 
ally they  were  devoid  of  regard,  and  remembrance  of  former  Wars  had 
generated  a  National  antipathy  against  the  French  People ;  but  the 
King  of  France  was  their  immemorial  Sovereign  ;  their  Fief  ranked  as 
the  first  Peerage  in  the  oldest  Monarchy  of  Christendom ;  and  to  sepa- 
rate themselves  altogether  from  that  Monarchy  seemed  a  voluntary 
abandonment  of  their  most  honourable  distinction.  The  ingenuity  of 
Arteveldt  found  an  expedient  by  which,  as  we  shall  by  and  by  perceive, 
he  was  enabled  to  overcome  this  reluctance  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He 
proposed  that  Edward,  who  asserted  claims  to  the  Throne  of  France, 
should  at  once  assume  the  title  of  King  of  that  Country.  Thus,  he 
might  interpose  between  the  Flemings  and  their  Count  with  at  least  a 
semblance  of  legitimate  right ;  and  the  former,  on  contracting  alliance 
with  England,  would  not  at  the  same  time  become  rebels  and  traitors  to 
their  Sovereign. 

This  suggestion,  no  doubt,  agreed  with  views  of  ambition  long  cherished 
by  Edward ;  and  perhaps  occasioned  the  first  Instrument  in  which  he 

described  Philip  as  "  the  pretended  King  of  France  f,"  a 

a.  d.  1337.  letter  written  in  1337  to  propose  alliance  with  the  Emperor, 

Aug.  26.    Louis  of  Bavaria.     Before  the  close  of  the  same  year,  he 

issued  a  Declaration  from  Westminster,  in  which  he  formally 
styled  himself  King  of  France  by  lineal  descent,  {  and  appointed  Lieute- 
nants to  administer  his  Government  in  that  Country.  Soon  afterwards, 
he  directed  an  expedition  against  Cadsand ;  in  which  Henry  of  Lancaster 

Earl  of  Derby  and  Sir  Walter  Manny,  at  the  head  of  a  very 
Nov.  10.    inferior  force,  overthrew  Guy  the  Bastard  of  Flanders,  and 

having  pillaged  and  burned  the  town,  re-embarked  with  a 
considerable  booty. 

The  wars  between  France  and  England  henceforward  assume  a  widely 
different  aspect,  from  that  which  they  have  hitherto  borne.  They  were 
no  longer  struggles  maintained  by  a  Feudal  Lord  against  his  Sovereign 
on  some  disputed  point  of  homage,  or  for  the  possession  of  a  town  or 

*  Vol.  I.  c  65. 

f   Nunc  pro  Rege  Francorum  se  gerentem.    Foedera,  I.  991. 

X  Jure  successorio  legitime  devolutum.     Id.  ibid,  1001. 


A.D.  1339.]  WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.  171 

district,  but  they  were  contests  for  superiority  between  two  independent 
monarch*,  in  which  the  stake  was  not  a  Province  but  a  Kingdom.     The 
tirst  campaign  was  weakly  conducted,  and  does  not  present  any  occur- 
rence of  interest.     The  force  with  which  Edward  landed  at 
Antwerp,  was  by  no  means  sufficient  for  uncombined  move-  a.  d.  1338. 
ments  ;  and  his  allies  in  the  Netherlands  refused  all  active    July  20. 
co-operation  until  the  Emperor  should  openly  declare  him- 
self.    A  Conference  was  accordingly  arranged  between  the  two  Princes ; 
and  in   a  Diet  held  with  meat  magnificence  at   Coblentz, 
Edward  was  declared  Vicar- Imperial,  with  military  autho-     Sept.  3. 
rity  over  all  the  Country  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  and 
beyond  Cologne,  for  a  period  of  seven  years.     But  the  season  for  the 
field  had  ended  before  these  solemnities  were  brought  to  a  close ;  and 
while  Edward  made  his  preparations  for  the  ensuing  campaign  during 
the  Winter  which  he  passed  at  Antwerp,  Philip  had  ample  leisure  to 
collect  the  money  and  the  troops  which  were  required  for  the  coming 
encounter. 

Exactions  from  the  wealthy  and  a  debasement  of  the  Coinage  appear 
to  have  been  the  only  financial  arts  which  ever  suggested  themselves  to 
the  Rulers  of  those  days  in  cases  of  distress ;  and  to  both  of  these  easy 
but  short-sighted  and  ruinous  expedients  Philip  unsparingly  resorted. 
By  a  menace  of  Excommunication  which  he  prevailed  upon  Bene- 
dict XII.  to  issue,  and  through  the  address  of  John  of  Bohemia,  whom 
he  employed  upon  a  mission  for  the  purpose,  he  for  a  while  retarded  the 
weak  Emperor  Louis  from  a  fulfilment  of  his  recent  alliance  ; 
and  the  Autumn  of  the  following  year  found  the  King  of  a.  d.  1 339. 
England,  after  a  lavish  expenditure  in  subsidies,  still  unable 
to  reckon  upon  any  efficient  coadjutor.  A  Fleet,  engaged  by  the  French 
from  the  Italian  ports  which  traded  in  maritime  War,  rode  triumphantly 
in  the  Channel;  and  the  pillage  of  Southampton  by  Hugues  Quieret  and 
Pierre  Behuchet,  the  destruction  of  its  walls,  and  the  massacre  of  its 
inhabitants,  excited  very  general  consternation  in  a  Country  little  used  to 
hostile  invasion  *. 

The  Emperor  at  length  despatched  one  hundred  lances  to  the  Nether- 
lands, and  his  example  was  soon  followed  by  most  of  his 
great  Feudatories.    Towards  the  end  of  September,  Edward,  September, 
therefore,  was  able  to  commence  his  march  at  the  head  of 
20,000  men  at  arms,  with  whom  advancing  through  Picardy  as  far  as  the 
Oise  he  mercilessly  ravaged  the  intermediate  country.     A  formal  defi- 
ance was  exchanged  between  the  Kings  as  soon  as  their 
armies  were  in  presence ;  but  after  confronting  each  other    Oct.  23. 
for  a  whole  day  near  Buiron-fosse,  they  separated  without 
having  struck  a  blow,  notwithstanding  the  great  numerical  superiority  of 

*  Froissart,  Vol.  I.,  c.  36.    The  French  landed  on  a  Sunday  morning,  while  the 
inhabitants  were  at  Church. 


172    GREAT  NAVAL  VICTORY  WON  BY  THE  ENGLISH  AT  SLUYS.  [CH.  VIII. 

the  French.  This  reluctance  of  the  stronger  party  to  attack  is  ascribed 
to  a  communication,  delivered  to  Philip  while  on  the  field,  from  Robert 
King  of  Sicily ;  in  which  that  sagacious  Astrologer  predicted  the  certain 
defeat  of  his  cousin,  if  he  should  ever  hazard  an  engagement  when 
Edward  commanded  in  person  *. 

The  English  retired  unmolested  upon  Brussels,  and  there  Arteveldt 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Flemings  openly  to  espouse  the  cause  of 
Edward,  and  to  recognize  him  as  King  of  France.  They  were  engaged 
by  oath  to  pay  a  fine  of  two  millions  of  florins  to  the  Apostolical 
chamber,  if  ever  they  should  act  offensively  in  any  way  towards  the 
King  of  that  Country ;  and  the  subtle  proposal  of  Arteveldt  reconciled 
their  consciences  with  their  interests,  enabled  them  to  violate  this  oath 
without  any  injury  to  thrift,  and  as  they  persuaded  themselves,  and 

would  fain  have  convinced  others  also,  "  without  prejudice 

A.  r>.  1-340.  to  their  honour  and  faith."     Froissart  is  not  likely  to  be 

Jan.  28.    mistaken  in  the  transaction  itself,  although  he  is  clearly 

wrong  in  dating  Edward's  reluctant  assent  to  the  assumption 
of  the  title  and  arms  of  France  from  the  conclusion  of  this  Treaty  f.  We 
have  already  shown  that  he  advanced  the  pretension  more  than  two  years 
earlier. 

The  following  campaign  was  opened  by  a  war  of  posts,  occasioning 
great  mutual  loss  without  equivalent  advantage.  The  first  mention  of 
the  use  of  fire-arms  occurs  in  an  account  given  by  Froissart  of  the  repulse 
of  Philip's  eldest  son,  John  Duke  of  Normandy,  from  the  walls  of 
Quesnoy ;  whence,  we  are  told,  that  the  "  cannons  and  bombards  flung 
large  bolts  of  iron  in  such  a  manner  as  made  the  French  afraid  for  their 
horses  J."  By  sea,  the  operations  were  more  conclusive,  and  one  of  the 
greatest  Naval  victories  recorded  in  the  History  of  the  Middle  Ages,  was 
won  by  Edward  in  person  off  the  coast  between  Sluys  and  Blankenberg. 
One  hundred  and  twenty  sail,  manned  by  40,000  combatants,  were 
anchored  closely  together  under  the  command  of  the  two  pillagers 
of  Southampton ;  and  it  was  in  vain  that  the  more  experienced  Genoese, 
Barbanera  (Blackbeard),  remonstrated  upon  the  want  of  sea-room,  and 
urged  them  to  follow  his  own  example  by  standing  out  from  land  in  order 

to    allow    freedom   of  manoeuvring.     When  Edward   first 
June  30.    descried  the  stationary  "  forest  of  masts  "  which  opposed  his 

progress,  he  expressed  great  joy ;  and  having  carefully  pro- 
vided for  the   safety  of  a  band  of  noble  ladies  who    were   accompa- 

*  Froissart,  Vol.1.,  c.  39,  40,  41.  He  seems  to  contradict  himself;  but  so  far  as 
we  understand  his  computation,  the  English  mustered  27,000  men,  the  French 
105,000.  M.  de  Sismondi,  who  refers  to  the  same  authority,  raises  the  English 
force  to  44,000.  A  hare  was  started  at  one  moment  in  the  French  ranks  ;  and  the 
Count  of  Hainault,  in  consequence  of  the  shouting  occasioned  by  the  accident, 
thinking  that  the  Battle  had  begun,  knighted  fourteen  of  his  company,  who  were 
known  ever  afterwards  as  L°s  Chevaliers  dm  Lievre. 

f  Vol.  I,  c.  42.  %  lb.  c.  46. 


A.  D.   1340.]  EDWARD  CHALLENGES  PHILIP.  173 

nying  him  to  join  the  Court  of  his  Queen  at  Ghent,  he  tacked  till  he  had 
obtained  the  advantage  of  both  wind  and  sun,  and  then  bore  down  upon 
the  French,  who  had  regarded  this  manoeuvre  as  the  prelude  to  flight. 
His  ships,  as  they  neared  the  enemy,  threw  out  grappling  irons,  and  so 
narrowly  compacted  and  so  precluded  from  movement  were  the  French, 
that  almost  a  continuous  stage  of  decks  was  provided  for  the  combatants. 
The  battle  raged  during  six  hours,  and  the  English,  who  had  attacked 
fourfold  their  number,  for  a  while  were  sorely  pressed ;  but  iu  the  end 
their  obstinate  valour  prevailed  ;  30,000  of  their  adversaries  were  put  to 
the  sword,  or  driven  into  the  sea;  and  the  sole  division  of  the  Fleet  which 
escaped  was  that  which,  led  by  Barbanera  himself,  had  obeyed  his 
tactics  *. 

The  convenient  ministry  of  a  Jester  was  employed  to  acquaint  Philip 
with  this  great  defeat,  which  no  Courtier  was  willing  to  hazard  his 
favour  by  communicating,  and  the  King  was  accordingly  invited  to  join 
his  Buffoon  in  railing  at  "  the  cowardly  English,"  who  durst  not  leap 
into  the  sea  after  the  manner  of  his  brave  Normans  t-  Want  of  skill, 
or  deficiency  of  means,  protracted,  through  a  period  of  eleven  weeks,  the 
siege  of  Tournai,  which  Edward  commenced  soon  after  his  landing ;  and 
Philip  would  have  evinced  little  policy  if,  by  the  acceptance  of  a  personal 
challenge,  during  that  period,  he  had  relieved  his  foe  from  daily  increas- 
ing embarrassment.  The  Cartel  which  Edward  sent,  was  addressed, 
most  offensively,  to  "  Philip  of  Valois ;"  and  it  defied  him  to  single 
combat,  to  a  meeting  with  one  hundred  knights  on  each  side,  or  to  a 
pitched  battle  at  a  given  place  and  time.  The  termination  of  the  cala- 
mities necessarily  inflicted  upon  a  Country  occupied  by  two  great  armies, 
and  the  general  repose  of  Christendom,  were  the  arguments  upon  which 
this  proposal  rested;  and  it  was  dated  in  the  first  year  of  Edward's 
reign  in  France,  the  fourteenth  of  his  sway  in  England. 
Philip  declined  any  reply  to  letters  which  he  said  were  not  July  30. 
addressed  to  himself ;  nevertheless,  he  added,  having  heard 
by  other  means  that  the  King  of  England  "  in  violation  of  the  liege 
homage  which  he  has  swrorn  to  his  Sovereign,  has  entered  the  French 
dominions,  it  is  our  fixed  intention  at  whatever  time  we  ourselves  may 
think  best,  to  expel  this  perjured  invader  from  our  Kingdom  J." 

Notwithstanding  this  boast,  Philip  was  not  less  inclined  to  accept 
than  Edward  was  to  offer  terms  of  adjustment.  Each  Prince  indeed  had 
cogent  reasons  to  wish  for  a  suspension  of  hostilities.  Edward  was 
menaced  at  home  by  invasion  from  Scotland ;  before  Tournai  he  had 

*  Froissart,  vol.  i.,  c.  49. 

f  Thomas  de  Walsingham.     Ypodeigma  ap.  Neust.  443. 

\  Nosire  infentesi  cent,  quaml  bon  nous  semb/cru,  dc  vnus  jeler  hors  tie  noslre  Rajaume, 
Both  Edward's  Challenge  and  Philip's  Letter  are  printed  in  the  Fwrfera,  I.,  ]  131,  and 
hy  Velly,  IV.,  433. 


114  TRUCE.      CLAIMS  ON  BRET  ANY.  [CH.  VIII. 

made  little  apparent  progress,  and  the  Flemings  taking  alarm  in  conse- 
quence of  a  defeat  of  Robert  of  Artois  with  the  loss  of  1800  men  at 
St.  Omer,  had  broken  up,  and  had  retired  from  their  quarters.  Philip, 
on  the  other  hand,  knew-  that  provisions  were  rapidly  failing  in  the 
besieged  City;  and  that  although  his  position  enabled  him  to  decline 
battle,  it  equally  impeded  him  from  offering  it  for  the  relief  of  the 
distressed  garrison,  unless  at  considerable  risk  and  disadvantage. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  conclusion  of  a  Truce  for  six  months 
was  by  no  means  difficult.  Edward  returned  to  England,  and  Philip, 
having  thrown  supplies  into  Tournai,  and  having  rewarded  its  brave 
defenders  by  the  restoration  of  the  full  rights  of  Communeship,  trans- 
ferred his  Court  to  Paris. 

The  Emperor,  affecting  indignation  that  he  had  not  been  consulted 
previously  to  this  armistice,  dissolved  his  connexion  with  Edward, 
revoked  the  commission  which  appointed  him  Vicar-Imperial,  and 
entered  into  close  alliance  with  Philip.  The  Truce  nevertheless  was 
prolonged,  and  might  perhaps  have  been  converted  into  a  definitive 
Peace,  but  for  the  occurrence  of  a  new  cause  of  dispute.  So  uncertainly 
were  the  rights  of  succession  defined  by  the  Feudal  Code,  which  for  ever 
varied  locally,  that  on  the  death  of  John  III.,  Duke  of  Bretany,  without 
issue,  his  Fief  was  contested  between  a  niece,  whom,  as  it  is  said,  he  had 
wished  to  make  his  heiress ;  and  a  half-brother  whom  he  had  sought  to 
exclude.  Jane,  the  lame  {la  Boiteuse),  the  niece  *,  was  consort 
of  Charles  Count  of  Blois,  son  of  Margaret,  a  sister  of  the  King  of 
France,  whose  support  therefore  she  was  certain  of  receiving.  The 
Count  of  Montfort  f,  her  competitor,  by  seizing  the  treasure  and 
by  occuping  the  chief  towns  of  his  brother  on  the  moment  of  his  death, 
had  possessed  himself  de  facto  of  the  Duchy.  Charles  of  Blois  appealed 
to  the  Court  of  Peers ;  and  the  right  by  which  Philip  held 
a.d.  1341.  the  Crown  was  again  virtually  condemned,  as  it  had  been 

Sept.  7.  before  in  the  case  of  Robert  of  Artois,  by  an  adjudication  in 
favour  of  the  female  claimant  J. 

Montfort,  before  receiving  the  Arret  which  commanded  his  surrender, 
had  passed  over  into  England,  where  he  solicited  and  obtained  assurance 
of  aid  from  Edward,  who  hoped  to  find  in  Bretany  that  key  to  France  for 
the  attainment  of  which  he  had  uselessly  expended  much  treasure  in  the 

*  Daughter  of  Gui  Count  of  Penthievre,  second  son  of  Arthur  II. 

■j-  John,  third  son  of  Arthur  II.,  by  his  second  wife  Yoland  de  Dreux  Countess  of 
Montfort.     He  inherited  the  title  from  his  mother. 

I  One  of  the  arguments  urged  by  De  Montfort  to  prove  the  incapacity  of  Females 
to  assume  the  government  of  Men,  affords  a  remarkable  specimen  both  of  the  taste 
and  of  the  reasoning  of  his  times.  Nous  avons  /'example  de  /a  benoiste  Vierge  Marie, 
qui  ne  succeeda  mie  a  Dieu  au  gouvernement  tempore/  tii  spiritue/.  Darn.  Hist,  de 
Bretagne.  II.  83,  where  we  learn  that  many  original  Papers  illustrative  of  this 
Process  still  exist  in  the  Archives  of  Naples. 


A.  D.   1341.]         HEROISM  OF  THE  COUNTESS  OF  MONTFORT.  17") 

Netherlands.  The  Count,  however,  on  return  to  his  Capital,  Nantes, 
having  been  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  was 
committed  to  the  Tower  of  the  Louvre.  His  lady,  Mar-  Nov.  1. 
garet,  sister  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  animated  her  despair- 
ing followers,  by  exhibiting  to  them  her  infant  son.  "  This  child,"  said 
the  Heroine,  "  is  free,  notwithstanding  his  father's  captivity ;  and  by 
him,  under  God's  favour,  shall  our  Line  be  restored."  She  then 
threw  herself  into  Hennebon,  a  strong  town  on  the  coast,  in  which  she 
might  expect  reinforcement  from  England.  Within  its  walls  that 
extraordinary  woman  maintained  herself  during  a  long  siege ;  and  clad 
in  armour,  and  mounted  upon  a  war-horse  headed  sallies,  cut  her  way 
through  the  enemy's  ranks,  repulsed  their  assaults,  and  countervailed 
either  the  treachery  or  the  cowardice  of  some  of  her  own  garrison;  till  Sir 
Walter  Manny,  who  had  been  detained  by  contrary  winds  for  more  than 
two  months,  arrived  to  her  relief.  Already  were  her  faithless  or  terrified 
officers  treating  for  capitulation,  when  Margaret,  who  was  eagerly 
watching  on  a  turret  which  overlooked  the  bay,  exclaimed  with  a  loud 
voice  of  joy,  "  I  see  them,  I  see  them,  the  long-desired  succours  are 
coming!"  "Those  who  beheld  the  reception  which  the  Countess 
afforded  to  her  gallant  deliverers,  and  how  descending  from  her  Castle 
she  twice  or  thrice  kissed  Sir  Walter  and  each  of  his  comrades,  might 
well  say,"  remarks  Froissart  in  concluding  this  spirit-stirring  episode, 
"  that  she  was  indeed  a  valiant  Lady*." 

When  the  term  of  armistice  expired,  Edward,  who  had  resolved  to 
make  a  descent  upon  Bretany,  despatched  Robert  of  Artois  with  a 
strong  advanced  guard,  under  the  command  of  the  Earls  of  Suffolk,  of 
Salisbury,  and  of  Pembroke.  The  Fleet,  in  company  with  which  was  the 
Countess  of  Montfort  also,  was  intercepted  off  Guernsey,  by  a  squadron 
under  Louis  of  Spain  f.  During  the  night  which  succeeded  an  indecisive 
combat,  the  parties  were  separated  by  a  storm,  and  the  English,  having 
landed,  possessed  themselves  of  Vannes.  That  town  however  was 
recovered  by  the  French  after  a  few  days'  occupation,  and  Robert,  who 
had  been  severely  wounded  in  its  defence,  died  in  London, 
whither  he  had  been  conveyed  for  surgical  advice.  On  Nov.  — . 
Edward's  disembarkation,  Vannes  underwent  a  third  siege 
in  the  same  campaign;  and  the  English  felt  strong  enough  simulta- 
neously to  invest  both  Nantes  and  Rennes.  Into  the  former,  Charles 
of  Blois  had  retreated ;  and  when  an  overpowering  army  hastened  to 
his  assistance,  Edward  again  concentrated  his  whole  forces  near  Vannes 
in  a  position  which  defied  attack.  Midwinter  arrived  while  the  hosts 
were  thus  engaged  in  mutual  observation  ;  and  a  severe  season,  and  an 

*  Vol.  i.,c.  79,80. 

t  Grandson  of  Ferdinand  de  la  Cerda,  whose  pretensions  to  the  Crown  of  Castile 
had  been  supported  by  France. 


176  TRUCE  OF  MALESTROIT.  [CH.  IX. 

exhausted  country,  fatiguing  service  and  inadequate  supplies,  produced 

great  suffering,  and  consequently  great  discontent.      The  Papal  Legates 

profited   by  this  feeling  to   offer   mediation,    and   a   fresh 

a.  d.  1343.  armistice  was  signed  at  Malestroit,  the  leading  conditions 

Jan.  19.    of  which  engaged  the  two  Kings  to  suspend  hostilities  during 

nearly  four  years ;  and  meantime  to  send  Ambassadors  to 

Avignon,  who  might  negociate  Peace  under  the  arbitration  of  the  Pope. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

From  a.d.  1343,  to  a.  d.  1356. 

Financial  exactions — Executions  of  Breton  Noblemen — War  renewed  with  England 
— Successful  Campaign  of  the  Earl  of  Derby  in  Guyenne.— Escape  and  Death  of  De 
Montfort — Assassination  of  James  von  Arteveldt — Edward  treats  with  the 
Flemings — Invades  Normandy — Danger  of  the  English — They  force  the  Somme 
at  Blanchetache — Battle  of  Crecy — Investment  of  Calais — Its  relief  ineffectually 
attempted  by  Philip — Its  surrender — Truce — Pestilence — Brigands — Acquisition 
of  Dauphine — Treacherous  attempt  upon  Calais — Second  marriage  and  death  of 
Philip  of  Valois — John — Assassination  of  Charles  of  Spain  by  Charles  le  Mauvais 
King  of  Navarre — Arrest  and  Imprisonment  of  the  King  of  Navarre — Combat  of 
the  Thirty  in  Bretany — Operations  of  the  English — Battle  of  Poitiers — Defeat 
and  Captivity  of  John. 

During  every  cessation  of  positive  hostility,  the  fiscal  burdens  of  his 
Kingdom  were  necessarily  a  subject  of  deep  attention  to  Philip ;  but 
Political  Economy  was  not  yet  even  in  embryo,  and  the  National  dis- 
tress was  invariably  augmented  by  the  quackery  applied  for  its  cure. 
Recourse  was  again  had  to  debasement  of  the  Coinage,  and  a  Royal 
Ordinance  enjoined  the  Mint  to  increase  the  alloy  by  a  fifth.     Another 
Decree  revived  an  excise  which  had  become  proverbially  odious,  the 
gabelle  on  salt.     The  Parisians,  according  to  their    fashion,  avenged 
themselves  by  a  Pun,  the  original  invention  of  which  is  attributed  to 
Edward  III.,  and  were  contented  to  name  the  despot  who  thus  monopo- 
lized one  of  the  most  important  commodities  of  life  "  the  Author  of  the 
Salic  law*."    Yet  farther,  under  the  sanction  of  an  assem- 
a.  d.  1343.  bly  of  the   States  General  (thus  abusing  to  purposes   of 
Aug.  —    arbitrary  exaction,  a  body  by  which  Freedom  ought  to  have 
been  protected)  he  introduced  an  impost,  the  Alcavala  of 
Spain,  which  struck  at  the  very  root  of  Commerce.     Every  article  of 
merchandise,  at  every  exchange  of  possessors  which  it  underwent,  was 
assessed  at  one  twentieth  of  its  value   to   the  Royal  Treasury.     The 

*  Gabelle  is  traced  by  Du  Cange  to  a  Saxon  and  even  to  a  Hebrew  origin,  and 
is  applicable  to  any  tribute.  Velly  (IV.  497)  shows  that  a  Gabelle  on  Salt  existed  in 
the  reign  of  St.  Louis.  See  also  Mr.  Hallam  Middle  Ages  I.  182.  4to.  For  the  jest  of 
Edward  III.  we  are  indebted  to  Velly,  who  adds  that  Philip  retorted  upon  his 
Brother  of  England  by  calling  him  a  Wool-merchant. 


A.  I).   1343.]  HKM-WKD  WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.  177 

Deputies  of  Ltnguedoc  in  vain  represented  the  heaviness  with  which 
■  tax  must  fetter  the  industry  of  their  Province,  and  they  were 
compelled  to  purchase  redemption  from  it  by  a  fixed  annual  payment, 
which  for  the  Seneschalship  of  Toulouse  alone  amounted  to  17,S00  livres 
tournois*. 

Much  obscurity  envelops  a  bloody  act  by  which  Philip  brought  to 
the  scaffold  fifteen  distinguished  gentlemen  of  Bretany. 
The  most  illustrious  among  them,  Olier  dc  Clisson,  had  .  Nov.  — . 
been  in  arms  for  Charles  of  Blois,  and  was  taken  prisoner  at 
Vannes.  On  his  exchange  and  return  to  Paris,  he  was  thrown  into  the 
Chatelet,  and  beheaded  after  a  few  days'  confinement  without  any  legis- 
lative process  -f.  His  widow  Jane  de  Belleville  took  fearful  vengeance 
upon  some  inferior  and  innocent  agents  of  the  Faction  which,  unmindful 
of  former  services  in  its  behalf,  had  destroyed  her  husband.  Before  the 
execution  of  Clisson  was  generally  known,  she  presented  herself  with  a 
small  retinue  at  the  gates  of  a  Castle  in  the  occupation  of  Galois  de  la 
Heuse,  one  of  the  officers  of  Charles  of  Blois.  Orders  were  immediately 
given  for  her  respectful  admission  as  the  consort  of  an  eminent  Chieftain 
of  the  Party.  But  no  sooner  was  the  drawbridge  lowered  for  her  passage, 
than  it  was  seized  by  an  armed  force  which  she  had  placed  in  ambush,  and 
which  massacred  under  her  own  eyes  the  wretched  and  unoffending  garri- 
son, with  the  reserve  of  one  individual.  Having  poured  out  this  libation 
of  blood  to  the  Spirit  of  her  murdered  Lord,  she  took  refuge  with  the 
Countess  of  Montfort  atHennebon.  Her  son,  a  child  who  accompanied 
her,  afterwards  became  an  implacable  enemy  of  the  Family  from  which 
he  derived  protection,  and  was  elevated  in  a  future  reign  to  the  high 
dignity  of  Constable  of  France  J. 

To  the  displeasure  which  Edward  signified  at  the  perpetration  of 
"  this  right  cruel  felony "  upon  the  Breton  Knights,  Philip  did  not 
vouchsafe  any  direct  answer ;  but  he  instructed  the  Pope  (now  wholly  at 
his  controul)  to  represent  that  so  far  from  the  act  having  been  com- 
mitted in  despite  of  the  King  of  England,  it  ought  to  be  considered  by 
him  as  a  benefit;  for  the  punishment  was  due  to  the  lawlessness  of  the 
criminals,  and  must  contribute  to  the  preservation  of  the  Truce.  Edward 
temporized  till  his  preparations  were  completed,  and  then  recommenced 
War  on  a  far  more  extensive  scale  than  that  of  the  former  campaign. 

His  Cousin,  Henry  of  Lancaster,  Earl  of  Derby,  was  despatched  into 

*  M.  de  Sismondi  X.  232,  with  a  reference  to  Hist.de  Lunguedoc,  lib.  xxxx.,  c.  i., 

p.  249. 

f  Both  M.  do  Sismondi  (X.  235]  and  Darn  (IT.  99)  discredit  the  assertion  made 
in  the  Ckrtmique  de  Fhmdrts  (17«V\  ^Ult  tne  ™iri  of"  Salisbury,  jealous  of  the  admi- 
ration expressed  by  Edward  III.  for  his  Countess,  betrayed  to  Philip  the  secret 
alliance  into  which  the  Breton  Lords  hat!  entered  with  his  enemy :  but  Daru  fully 
believes  in  their  treason. 

}  Daru,  torn,  if.,  p.  101. 


178  ASSASSINATION  OE  JAMES  VON  ARTEVEI/DT.  [cH.  IX. 

Guyenne,  where  he  maintained  an  eminently  successful  warfare  against 

the  Count  L'Isle  Jourdain.      Among  many  other  brilliant 

a.d.  1345.    exploits  which  Froissart  has  vividly  particularized,  we  may 

July  — .      select  the  combat  at  Auberoche  as  a  sample  of  Derby's 

general  achievements.  He  had  marched  for  the  relief  of 
Oct.  23.        that  town  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  lances,  and  twice  as 

many  archers,  in  the  fall  confidence  of  being  largely  reinforced 
by  the  Earl  of  Pembroke.  Some  accident  prevented  the  expected 
junction;  and  the  French  Army  was  known  to  be  10,000  strong.  But 
the  safety  of  Auberoche  depended  upon  the  completion  of  the  enterprise ; 
and  this  little  handful  of  English  Knights  throwing  themselves  upon  the 
enemy  by  surprise,  put  them  entirely  to  the  rout,  and  made  prisoner 
their  wounded  Commander,  with  a  rich  and  numerous  Staff.  The  Duke 
of  Normandy,  instead  of  pressing  forward  to  revenge  this  disaster,  com- 
menced a  retreat,  and  Derby  having  reduced  the  chief  towns  of  the 
Province,  distributed  his  troops  in  winter  cantonments  at  Bordeaux. 

Less  activity  had  been  shown  in  Bretany,  although  the  Count  of  Mont- 
fort  had  re-appeared  there.  He  effected  his  escape  from  the  Louvre  in 
disguise ;  and  visited  London,  where  he  performed  homage  to  Edward 

for  the  Fief  of  Bretany ;  but  broken  by  imprisonment,  and 
Sep.  26.        dispirited  by  the  failure  of  some  recent  military  projects,  he 

breathed  his  last  at  Hennebon,  not  long  after  he  had  regained 
his  liberty.  His  Countess,  as  we  shall  see,  maintained  the  pretensions 
of  her  son  with  vigour  equal  to  that  w'hich  she  had  evinced  in  behalf  of 
her  husband. 

Edward  had  reserved  the  North  for  his  own  theatre  of  action,  and 

accompanied  by  the  Prince  of  "Wales  and  a  magnificent 
July  3.  Court  he  entered  Sluys  at  the  invitation  of  Arteveldt.     On 

board  of  his  own  Galley,  before  landing,  he  proposed  to  the 
Deputies  of  Ypres,  Ghent,  and  Bruges,  that  they  should  set  aside  their 
reigning  Count,  and  invest  the  young  Prince  of  Wales  with  his  Fief, 
a  proposition  which"  was  cordially  supported  by  Arteveldt.  But  the 
sluggish  Burghers,  although  prepared  for  Rebellion,  wanted  energy 
to  complete  a  Revolution;  and  they  preferred  the  clumsy  fiction  of 
respect  to  the  privileges  of  a  Master  against  whom  they  were  engaged  in 
continual  war,  to  the  bold  and  open  assertion  of  independence.  They 
asked  a  month  for  deliberation,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  Arteveldt,  who  no 
longer  indeed  possessed  his  former  undivided  influence,  sought  to  abridge 
the  term.  A  new  popular  Idol  had  arisen  in  his  personal  enemy 
Gerard  Denys,  a  saddler,  who  taxed  him  with  peculation,  and  with  an 
ambitious  design  of  erecting  his  own  sovereignty  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
liberty  of  his    fellow-citizens.     Little   beyond   these  accusations   was 

needed  to  stimulate  the  jealous  rabble  to  fury.  The  Hotel 
July  19.        of  Arteveldt  was  beset ;  the  assailants  refused  to  listen  to  the 

defence  which  he  offered;    and  Gerard  Denys   struck  the 


A.  D.  1346.]  EDWARD  III.  INVADES  NORMANDY.  179 

first  blow,  which  was  the  signal  for  assassination.  u  Thus,'*  says  Lord 
Berners,  translating  Froissart  in  language  applicable  to  the  crises  of 
every  democracy,  "  Thus  Jaques  Dartveld  endedde  Lhis  dayes,  who  had 
been  a  great  Maistcr  in  Finders.  Poore  men  first  mounteth  up,  and 
unhappy  men  sleeth  them  in  the  ende." 

The  murder  of  Arteveldt  convinced  Edward  that  Flanders  was  no  longer 
his  stronghold,  and  lie  hastily  weighed  anchor  and  returned 
to  Sandwich.  His  first  emotions  of  resentment  were  violent,  July  26. 
and  he  meditated  the  arrest  of  all  the  Flemish  merchants 
established  in  his  dominions.  This  anger  however  was  speedily  soothed, 
by  a  new  proposition  from  the  Deputies  who  followed  him  to  West- 
minster. "  We  cannot  depose  our  Count,"  said  these  subtle  knaves, 
ever  seeking  to  compound  with  conscience,  "  we  should  be  pointed  at  as 
disloyal,  if  we  disinherited  our  natural  Lord  in  favour  of  a  stranger;  but 
he  has  a  daughter  and  you  have  a  son ;  and  by  their  union  we  may 
accommodate  our  interests  to  our  honesty."  The  suggestion  was  so 
plainly  advantageous  to  Edward,  that  he  was  not  long  in  reconciling 
himself  to  the  fate  of  Arteveldt,  aud  the  Treaty  was  accordingly  con- 
cluded. 

The  Duke  of  Normandy  was  actively  employed  during  the  winter  in 
collecting  a  force  by  which  the  disasters  of  the  preceding 
campaign  in  the  South  might  be  repaired;  and  many  of  the  a.  d.  1346. 
greatest  Nobles  in  France  brought  their  whole  Feudal  con- 
tingent to  his  standard  in  the  ensuing  Spring.  It  was  not  possible  that 
the  Earl  of  Derby  could  keep  the  field  against  the  100,000  men  by  whom 
it  is  said  that  he  was  opposed ;  and  in  order  to  gain  time  till  he  could 
receive  assistance  from  England,  and  to  distract  the  attention  of  his 
enemy,  he  ordered  the  little  garrisons  into  which  he  divided  his  forces 
to  defend  themselves  in  every  instance  to  extremity.  It  was  thus  that 
about  1,500  resolute  men  detained  the  whole  French  army  before  Ai- 
guillon,  during  a  four  months'  siege,  and  Edward  was  not  backward  in 
wishing  to  reward  this  gallant  devotion  by  attempting  their  succour. 

The  fleet  in  which  a  powerful  army  embarked  for  that  purpose  was 
baffled  by  contrary  winds,  and  Edward,  finding  himself  unable  to  make 
the  coast  of  Guyenne,  resolved  upon  an  invasion  of  Normandy.  That 
Province  had  been  left  almost  entirely  unprotected ;  and  the 
King  of  England  landed*  without  resistance  at  La  Hogue  July  12. 
St.  Vast,  and  commenced  a  series  of  easy  and  triumphant 
marches  at  the  head  of  32,000  men  through  a  rich  country,  which  he 
pillaged  without  mercy.  Caen  was  the  first  spot  at  which  he  encountered 
opposition,   and  there  the  citizens,  who  had  persuaded  the  Count  of 

*  As  he  sprang  to  the  land  Edward  fell,  and  turned  the  accident  to  advantage, 
as  Julius  Caesar  and  William  the  Conqueror  had  done  before  him,  declaring  to  his 
intimidated  followers  that  it  was  an  omeu  how  greatly  the  land  desired  him.  Frois- 
sart, ii.  ch,  12C. 

n2 


180  Danger  of  the  English.  [ch.  ix. 

Guines  and  of  Eu,  who  was  Constable,  and  the  Count  of  Tancarville,  to 
marshal  them  for  the  defence  of  that  opulent  town,  fled  at  the  first  sight 
of  the  English  army  without  finding  safety  from  their  cowardice.  The 
conquerors  pursued  them  through  the  streets  with  horrible  butchery  ; 
5000  men  perished  in  the  massacre  which  followed ;  and  the  immediate 
spoil,  together  with  the  prisoners  from  whom  further  gain  by  ransom 
might  be  expected  (and  among  whom  were  numbered  the  Counts  of  Eu 
and  of  Tancarville),  was  hurried  to  the  fleet  and  despatched  to  England. 

After  three  days'  occupation  of  Caen,  Edward  continued  his  advance, 
and  having  mastered  Louviers,  directed  his  steps  towards  Rouen.  The 
bridges  on  the  Seine,  however,  had  been  destroyed  before  his  arrival ; 
and  Poissy  appeared  to  be  the  most  favourable  spot  upon  which  a  new 
one  could  be  constructed.  While  that  work  wras  in  preparation,  de- 
tachments from  the  English  army  were  employed  in  laying  waste  the 
left  bank  of  the  river ;  and  they  spread  destruction  to  the  very  gates  of 
the  Capital,  burning  and  ravaging  the  peaceful  villages  in  its  environs, 
and  levelling  to  the  ground  the  palaces  and  the  wealthy  mansions  which 
adorned  St.  Germains,  Montjoie,  Saint  Cloud,  and  Bourg  la  Reine. 

Philip,  meantime,  although  surprised  by  this  most  unexpected  inroad, 
was  assembling  a  force  greatly  superior  to  that  of  the  invaders,  The 
army  of  Aquitaine  indeed  could  not  be  expected  to  pass  over  the  whole 
Kingdom  with  sufficient  expedition  to  defend  the  North;  but  the  dis- 
asters of  the  House  of  Luxemburg,  with  which  he  was  allied  in  Germany, 
contributed  to  increase  his  own  strength ;  and  John  of  Bohemia,  his 
son  the  rejected  Emperor  Charles  IV.*,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  and  a 
large  body  of  distinguished  German  Knights,  sought  enrolment  in  his 
service,  at  the  very  moment  at  which  he  most  needed  their  assistance. 
The  Hainaulters  also  obeyed  his  summons,  "  in  such  numbers  as  France 
had  not  seen  for  100  yearsf."  Several  thousand  Genoese,  reputed  to  be 
among  the  most  expert  cross-bowmen  as  they  were  the  most  skilful 
mariners  in  Europe,  were  drafted  from  his  fleet;  and  at  least  70,000 
men,  probably  a  much  larger  number,  followed  him  when  he  broke  up 
from  St.  Denis  in  pursuit  of  Edward,  who  had  already  discovered  the 
perils  to  which  he  had  been  exposed  by  too  great  reliance  on  early 
success. 

That  Edward  should  retrace  his  steps  was  indeed  impossible ;  the 
country  through  which  he  had  passed  had  been  swept  by  fire  and  sword 
till  it  was  utterly  destitute  of  means  of  supply;  and  an  exasperated 
peasantry  would  have  profited  by  every  disorder  incident  even  to  the 

*  Clement  VI.,  after  repeatedly  excommunicating  Louis  of  Bavaria,  had  pro- 
cured the  election  of  the  Marquis  of  Moravia  as  Charles  IV.  in  July,  1346.  A  Diet 
at  Spire  declared  the  election  null,  and  the  chief  Princes  assisted  Louis  in  chasing 
from  Germany  "  the  King  of  the  Priests,"  as  they  styled  the  intruder ;  who,  in 
consequence  of  his  reverse,  sought  asylum  in  France. 

•f-  Froissart  describes  the  French  armv  quartered  at  Amiens  to  have  been  upwards 
pf  100,000  men,    ii.  c.  124. 


A.  I).    1346.]  THEY  CROSS  THE  SOMME  AT  BLANCIIKTACIIE.  181 

best  disciplined  army  in  retreat,  and  would  have  cut  off  his  troops  in 
detail.  To  traverse  Picardy  therefore  by  rapid  marches,  and  afterwards 
to  gain  the  coast,  or  to  fall  back  upon  the  support  of  the  Flemings,  ap- 
peared to  be  the  only  means  of  extrication.  With  that 
object,  Edward  having  crossed  the  Seine  at  Poissy,  pre-  Aug.  1G. 
vented  more  than  a  skirmish  with  his  rear  guard  under  the 
walls  of  Beauvais,  surprised  and  overthrew  a  reinforcement  proceeding 
from  Amiens  to  join  the  French  camp,  established  his  head-quarters  at 
Airaines,  and  employed  the  three  days  during  which  he  unwillingly 
halted  in  that  town  in  reconnoitring  the  banks  of  the  Somme.  That 
river,  however,  which  was  wide  and  deep,  presented  a  formidable  barrier. 
Philip  had  either  destroyed  or  pre-occupied  all  its  bridges,  and  the 
single  ford  of  Blanchetache,  near  its  mouth,  below  Abbeville,  which  is 
passable  twice  in  the  twenty-four  hours  at  low  water,  was  strongly 
guarded  by  a  Norman  Baron,  Sir  Godemar  du  Fay.  To  that 
ford,  however,  guided  by  a  prisoner*,  Edward  advanced  in  Aug.  24. 
desperation,  by  a  march  commenced  at  midnight.  The 
stream  was  too  high  for  the  attempt,  when  he  first  approached  it  at 
dawn ;  and  while  he  patiently  awaited  its  subsidence,  the  opposite  shore 
became  thronged  with  the  enemy.  About  twelve  men  abreast  might  find 
a  passage,  with  water  not  above  their  knees,  on  a  hard,  gravelly  bottom ; 
and  into  this  ford,  "  the  most  doughty  and  the  best  mounted  f"  imme- 
diately plunged,  "in  the  names  of  God  and  of  St.  George."  Many  on 
both  sides  were  unhorsed  by  tilting  in  the  very  channel,  and  as  the 
English  ascended  on  the  further  bank,  they  were  sorely  galled  by  a 
company  of  Genoese  cross-bowmen.  The  archers,  in  return,  "  shot  so 
well  together,"  that  in  the  end  the  enemy  gave  way  in  disorder.  Sir 
Godemar  and  his  men-at-arms  saved  themselves  by  flight;  but  his  in- 
fantry was  almost  wholly  destroyed.  In  a  pursuit  of  more  than  a  league, 
great  numbers  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners  J. 

Philip  had  entered  Airaines  on  the  preceding  day  within  two  hours 
after  its  evacuation  by  the  English ;  and  so  hurried  had  been  the  move- 
ments of  the  retreating  army,  that  the  French  found  in  the  town  pro- 
visions of  all  sorts,  "  meat  on  the  spits,  bread  and  pastry  in  the  ovens, 
wine  in  the  barrels,  and  even  some  tables  ready  spread."  The  King 
entertained  little  doubt  that  he  should  blockade  his  enemies  between 
Abbeville  and  the  Somme,  and  thus  should  either  take  them  prisoners 

*  The  name  of  the  traitor  was  Gohin  Agace.  He  was  bribed  by  the  promise  of 
100  Nobles,  of  his  own  freedom,  and  of  permission  to  select  twenty  prisoners  to  be 
liberated  together  with  him.     Froissart,  ii.  c.  1-1. 

f    A«?s  phis  bachelereux  et  /es  micttx  viontts. 

\  The  Continnatof  of  Nangis  accuses  Du  Fay  of  a  treacherous  abandonment  of 
bis  post;  and  Froissart  informs  us  that  Philip  afterwards  wished  to  put  him  to 
death,  lint  from  the  account  of  the  latter,  it  seems  as  if  he  would  have  been  un- 
justly sacrificed,  in  order  to  appease  popular  indignation,  which  at  the  moment  of 
disaster  always  eagerly  demands  some  victim. 


182  BATTLE  OF  CRECY.  [CH.  IX. 

without  a  battle,  or  compel  them  to  fight  at  disadvantage.  Great,  there- 
fore, was  his  surprise  and  mortification  upon  learning  that  Sir  Godemar 
du  Fay  had  been  defeated,  and  that  the  advanced  guard  of  Hainaulters, 
despatched  upon  the  river,  had  captured  only  a  few  stragglers  lingering 
behind  the  main  body  of  English,  now  secured  from  immediate  pursuit 
by  the  reflux  of  the  tide  *. 

Edward  continued  his  march  unmolested ;  and  on  a  Friday,  in  the 
afternoon  (as  the  Chroniclers  particularize  the  eve  of  the  memorable 

succeeding  day),  fixed  his  quarters  near  Crecy  in  Ponthieu, 
Aug.  25.       with  an  avowed  determination  of  accepting  battle  from  his 

pursuers.  Much  bravery,  perhaps  some  touch  of  remorse 
for  the  assertion  of  a  title  which  he  knew  to  be  untenable,  is  to  be  dis- 
covered in  the  words  by  which  he  notified  this  intention.  "  Let  us  post 
ourselves  here ;  for  we  will  not  go  farther  before  we  have  seen  our 
enemies.  I  have  good  reason  to  wish  for  them  on  this  spot ;  as  I  am 
now  upon  the  lawful  inheritance  of  my  Lady  Mother,  which  was  given 
her  as  her  marriage-portion ;  and  I  am  resolved  to  defend  it  against  my 
adversary,  Philippe  de  Valois."  His  confidence  revived  as  soon  as  he 
felt  that  he  should  be  repelling  aggression ;  while  he  was  offering  it, 
the  sophistry  which  he  employed  to  deceive  others  into  a  belief  that  his 
claim  was  just,  was  of  little  avail  to  deceive  himself. 

He  then  reconnoitred  his  position,  which  was  advantageously  chosen ; 
and  having  ascertained  by  scouts  that  no  immediate  attack  was  to  be 
apprehended,  he  entertained  his  Nobles  at  supper,  where  they  made 
good  cheer.     After  they  had  retired,  he  fell  on  his  knees,  and  prayed 

fervently  for  an  honourable  issue  on  the  morrow.  Having 
Aug.  26.       risen  early,  he  heard  Mass,  and  confessed,  together  with 

his  son,  and  then  proceeded  to  make  arrangements  for 
the  field.  All  his  baggage  and  horses  were  disposed  "  in  a  large 
park,"  by  which  must  be  understood  a  stockaded  inclosure  thrown  up 
for  the  occasion,  near  a  wood  in  his  rear;  and  into  this  park  was  only 
a  single  entrance.  Both  his  men-at-arms  and  archers,  therefore,  were 
dismounted,  and  the  whole  army  was  distributed  into  three  battalions. 
The  first  was  commanded  by  the  Prince  of  Wales,  at  that  time  in  his 
fifteenth  year,  and  who  had  received  Knighthood  on  the  landing  at  La 
Hogue.  He  was  supported  by  many  of  those  illustrious  warriors  whose 
names  are  still  household  words  to  Englishmen ;  the  Earls  of  Warwick 
and  of  Oxford,  Lords  Harcourt,  Cobham,  Holland,  Stafford,  Delaware, 
Chandos,  Burghersh,  Neville,  Clifford,  Bourchier,  and  Latimer.  They 
were  followed  by  about  800  men-at-arms,  2000  archers,  and  half  as 
many  Welch  and  Cornish  men,  a  rude  and  semi-barbarous  race,  scantily 

*  The  Ford  of  Blanchetache  is  below,  cat  demons  iV Abbeville,  as  M.  de  Sismondi 
correctly  describes  it ;  Velly  therefore  is  mistaken  when  he  says  that  Philip,  after 
discovering  his  inability  to  cross  in  consequence  of  the  rising  of  the  tide;  was  obliged 
tfc  descendre  jusrfa  Abbeville,     iv.  510". 


A.  D.  1346.]  BATTLE  OF  CRl'<  V.  183 

clothed,  and  armed  only  with  long  knives,  weapons  which,  as  we  shall 
perceive,  they  knew  how  to  employ  to  bloody  purpose.  The  second  di- 
i  equalled  the  first  in  its  number  of  men-at-arms,  but  had  not  more 
than  1200  archers.  It  was  led  by  the  Earls  of  Northampton  and  of 
Arundel,  the  latter  of  whom  had  been  created  Constable,  and  included 
among  its  oflicers  Sir  William  Tufton,  Lords  Roos,  Basset,  Willoughby, 
St.  Albans,  and  Lascelles.  The  King  chose  for  himself  the  reserve, 
occupying  a  hill  at  some  little  distance,  and  composed  of  about  100 
men-at-arms  and  2000  archers.  If  we  reckon  each  man-at-arms  with 
his  customary  attendants  as  equivalent  to  four  men,  the  whole  force  did 
not  amount  to  14,000. 

The  King  then  mounted  a  small  palfrey,  and  bearing  a  white  wand  in 
his  hand,  and  attended  by  his  two  Marshals  (Sir  Godfrey  de  Ilarcourt 
and  the  Earl  of  Warwick),  he  rode  at  a  foot's  pace  through  the  ranks, 
which  he  greatly  inspirited  by  a  few  words  of  cheerful  encouragement. 
It  was  nearly  ten  in  the  forenoon  when  he  retired  to  his  own  division ; 
having  ordered  that  the  troops,  after  a  hearty  refreshment,  should  remain 
seated  on  the  ground*,  with  their  helmets  and  bows  before  them,  until 
the  enemy  appeared  in  sight. 

A  strong  contrast  to  this  steady  and  skilful  marshalling  was  exhibited 
by  the  disorderly  advance  of  the  French.  Philip  rose  betimes,  and, 
having  attended  Mass,  quitted  Abbeville  by  sunrise.  So  loosely,  how- 
ever, was  his  movement  conducted,  that  not  till  he  arrived  close  to  the 
English  position  was  he  advised  to  form  his  order  of  battle,  to  recon- 
noitre his  adversaries,  and  to  command  "  his  foot  to  march  forward,  that 
they  might  not  be  trampled  upon  by  the  horse."  The  four  Knights 
whom  he  deputed  to  survey  the  enemy's  line  agreed  in  recommending  a 
halt  for  the  night ;  for  they  stated  that  before  theNrear  could  come  up,  it 
would  be  very  late,  and  that  the  men  would  be  tired  and  in  disorder, 
while  the  enemy  was  fresh  and  properly  arrayed.  To  this  sound  advice 
the  King  agreed ;  but  so  little  discipline  prevailed  in  his  ranks,  that  the 
order  to  halt  was  disobeyed.  Those  in  front  indeed  were  checked;  "but 
those  behind  said  they  would  not  halt  until  they  were  as  forward  as  the 
front."  When  the  front  perceived  the  rear  pressing  on,  they  too  pushed 
forward;  and  neither  the  King  nor  the  Mare'chals  could  stop  them,  but 
they  marched  on  without  any  order  till  they  came  in  sight  of  their 
enemies.  As  soon  as  the  foremost  rank  saw  them,  they  fell  back  at 
once  in  great  disorder,  which  alarmed  those  in  the  rear,  who  thought 
they  had  been  fighting.  There  was  then  space  and  room  enough  for 
them  to  have  passed  forward  had  they  been  willing  so  to  do.  "  Some 
did  so,  but  others  remained  shy." 

The  confusion  was  increased  by  a  number  of  peasants,  who,  pouring 
out  from  the  neighbouring  villages,   crowded  the  roads,   and  shouted 

*   Que  tons  ses  gens  ma/rgcassent  a  leur  aisc  ct  lussent  un  coup. 


184  BATTLE  OF  CRECY.  [CT-I.  IX. 

tumultuously.  The  King  himself,  as  if  infected  by  the  contagion,  forgot 
all  prudence  as  soon  as  he  came  in  sight  of  the  English,  "  whom  he 
hated*;"  and  revoking  his  former  instructions,  he  cried  out  to  his 
Marechals,  "  Order  the  Genoese  forward,  and  begin  the  battle  in  the 
name  of  God  and  of  St.  Denis  !  "  Fifteen  thousand  Genoese  cross-bow- 
men, who  formed  the  van,  were  fatigued  by  a  long  march  of  six  leagues, 
during  which  they  had  been  completely  armed,  and  had  carried  their 
bows.  They  hesitated  therefore,  and  professed  themselves  little  fit  to 
engage,  till  they  were  roused  by  the  taunts  of  the  Count  of  Alen^on,  the 
King's  brother,  who  termed  them  a  rabble  and  a  rascality  whom  it  was 
folly  to  hire,  since  they  always  failed  at  the  moment  in  which  their 
service  was  most  rieeded.  While  they  were  forming,  "  a  heavy  rain  fell, 
accompanied  by  thunder  and  a  very  terrible  Eclipse  of  the  Sun,  and, 
before  this  rain,  a  great  flight  of  crows  hovered  in  the  air  over  all  their 
battalions,  making  a  great  noise." 

When  the  sky  cleared  up,  the  Sun  shone  brightly  in  the  faces  of  the 
Genoese,  the  strings  of  whose  bows  were  soddened  and  relaxed  by  the 
wetf.  The  English  archers,  on  the  contrary,  had  all  the  advantage  of 
the  Sun  on  their  backs,  and  of  having  kept  their  bowstrings  dry  in  their 
helmets.  The  Genoese  shouted  thrice  as  they  moved  on,  thinking  to 
frighten  the  enemy ;  at  the  third  cry  they  began  to  shoot ;  but  most 
of  their  bolts  fell  short.  The  English,  when  they  saw  them  approach, 
"  ran  undauntedly  up,  and  fell  into  their  ranks  J,"  without  moving  till 
they  had  received  the  first  volley.  "  The  archers  then  advanced  one  step 
forward,  and  shot  their  arrows  with  such  force  and  quickness,  that  it 
seemed  as  if  it  snowed." 

The  Genoese,  smarting  under  their  wounds,  instantly  gave  way;  they 
had  attacked  with  little  good  will,  and  some  of  them  now  cut  their  bow- 
strings, or  threw  their  arms  on  the  ground.  Philip,  irritated  at  their 
speedy  discomfiture,  which  doubtless  he  attributed  to  treachery,  ordered 
his  men-at-arms  to  fall  upon  the  runaways,  and  to  clear  the  road  for  the 
onset  of  the  rest  of  the  army.  In  the  confusion  which  ensued,  and  while 
the  French  were  slaying  their  own  men,  the  English  archers  continued 
to  ply  their  bows  with  vigour ;  and  some  rude  pieces  of  small  artillery, 
then  for  the  first  time  employed  in  the  field  §,  increased  the  conster- 
nation, more  perhaps  by  the  unwonted  smoke,  flame,  and  noise  of  their 
explosion,  than  by  the  balls  which  they  discharged.  Several  horses  were 
wounded,  and  the  riders,  encumbered  by  heavy  armour,  when  thrown 
were  unable  to  rise  again.  The  Welch  and  Cornish  men,  rushing  for- 
ward at  the  moment,  despatched  them  while  on  the  ground  with  their 

*  Quatid  le  Roi  Philippe  vint  jitsques  sur  la  place  on  les  Anglois  dloicnt  de  lei  arretcs 
el  ordonnts,  el  it  les  vil,  le  sang  ltd  mua}  car  il  les  haissoit. 
■f   Contin.  Nangis,  p.  108. 

\  Se  Icvercnt  moult  ordonnement,  sans  nut  ejfroi,  et  se  ranyzrent  en  lenrs  batailles. 
§  G.  Villani,  lib.  xii.  c.  G5,  66,  pp.  947,  1M8. 


A.  D.    1346.]  C.ALLANTUY  OF  TBI  PRINCE   OF  WALKS.  185 

long  knives;  and  many  "Earls,  Barons,  Knights,  and  Squires  "  thus 
perished  by  churlish  hands,  "  at  which  the  King  of  England  was  after- 
wards much  exasperated*. "  It  was  in  this  tumultuary  affray  that  John 
of  Bohemia  terminated  his  chivalrous  career.  He  was  nearly  blind,  in 
consequence,  as  is  supposed,  of  a  potion  administered  to  him  daring  his 
Italian  Wars.  II is  son  Charles  fled  early  from  the  field ;  "  when  he  per- 
ceived that  it  was  likely  to  turn  against  the  French  he  departed,"  says 
Froissart,  perhaps  with  a  gentle  sarcasm,  "  and  I  do  not  well  know 
what  way  he  took."  The  more  gallant  father  requested  his  attendants, 
by  the  love  they  bore  him,  to  lead  him  so  far  forward  that  he  might 
strike  one  stroke  with  his  sword.  His  Knights  complied  ;  and  in  order 
that  they  might  not  lose  the  King  in  the  melee,  they  fastened  the  reins 
of  their  horses  together  before  they  advanced  to  the  charge.  All  of 
them  were  slain,  and  they  were  found  on  the  next  day  in  the  very  order 
in  which  they  had  moved  forward,  with  their  horses  dead,  and  still 
bridled  together. 

The  superior  numbers  of  the  French  enabled  the  Counts  of  Alenc.on 
and  of  Flanders,  notwithstanding  the  overthrow  of  the  van,  to  attack  the 
Prince  of  Wales's  division  on  both  flanks,  and  Philip  himself  would 
at  the  same  time  have  charged  in  front,  "  but  there  was  a  hedge  of 
archers  before  him."  The  Prince  of  Wales  was  hard  pressed,  when  the 
second  division  moved  to  his  support ;  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  de- 
spatched a  Knight  to  request  assistance  from  the  reserve.  The  King,  on 
receiving  the  application,  first  inquired  if  his  son  were  dead,  unhorsed, 
or  badly  wounded  ?  And  upon  hearing  in  answer  that  nothing  of  the 
sort  had  occurred,  he  replied  as  follows  to  Sir  Thomas  Norwich  the 
messenger :  "  Now,  Sir  Thomas,  return  back  to  those  that  sent  you,  and 
tell  them  from  me  not  to  send  again  for  me  this  day,  nor  to  expect  that 
I  shall  come  let  what  will  happen,  so  long  as  my  son  has  life ;  and  say 
that  I  command  them  to  let  the  boy  win  his  spurs ;  for  I  am  deter- 
mined, if  it  please  God,  that  all  the  glory  and  honour  of  this  day  shall  be 
given  to  him,  and  to  those  into  whose  care  I  have  intrusted  him." 

This  chivalrous  encouragement  infused  greater  spirit  into  the  com- 
batants than  they  would  have  derived  from  a  reinforcement  of  ten  thou- 
sand lances,  and  they  fought  so  stoutly,  that  the  Counts  of  Alencon  and 
of  Flanders  were  killed,  and  their  divisions  twice  driven  back.  The  dis- 
parity of  force  was  too  great  to  allow  quarter  to  be  given  by  the  con- 
querors, and  the  slain  therefore  were  more  than  usually  numerous. 
About  the  hour  of  vespers,  the  French  had  been  routed  on  every  part  of 
the  field  ;  and  Philip,  who  had  exhibited  much  courage,  and  whose 
horse  had  been  killed  under  him,  was  left  with  a  scanty  retinue  not  ex- 
ceeding sixtv  men.  Even  then,  however,  it  was  not  without  some  force 
that  Sir  John  of  Hainault,  seizing  his  bridle,  compelled  him  to  retire. 

*  Not  only  from  aristocratic  sympathy,  but  also  from  the  loss  of  ransom. 


186  EDWARD  BLOCKADES  CALAIS.  [cH.  IX. 

It  was  dark  before  they  readied  the  Castle  of  la  Broyes,  but  the  gates 
were  opened  to  the  summons  of  "  the  Fortunes  of  France."  That 
fortress,  however,  was  too  near  the  scene  of  recent  defeat  to  promise 
safety;  and  the  King,  having  refreshed  himself  and  obtained  guides, 
rode  through  the  night,  till  he  arrived  at  Amiens. 

The  English  remained  in  their  ranks,  scarcely  crediting  their  mar- 
vellous success,  till  the  war-cries  having  ceased,  they  believed  the  field 
to  be  their  own.  The  King,  who  all  that  day  had  never  put  on  his 
helmet,  then  came  down  from  his  post  with  his  battalion,  and  embraced 
and  kissed  the  Prince  of  Wales,  and  said,  "  Sweet  son,  God  give  you 
good  perseverance !  You  are  my  son,  for  most  loyally  have  you  ac- 
quitted yourself  this  day;  you  are  worthy  to  be  a  Sovereign.5'  The 
Prince  bowed  down  very  low,  and  humbled  himself,  giving  all  honour  to 
the  King  his  father. 

Numerous  stragglers  were  put  to  the  sword  on  the  following  morning; 
and  the  English  patroles,  after  a  sharp  engagement,  wholly  destroyed 
two  large  detachments,  which,  uninformed  of  the  battle  on  the  day 
before,  were  marching  to  Philip's  head-quarters.  The  French  killed, 
numbered  by  heralds  on  the  field,  amounted  to  eleven  Princes,  eighty 
Bannerets,  1200  Knights,  and  about  30,000  common  men.  Of  the 
English  loss  much  less  precise  accounts  have  been  recorded ;  but  from 
this  very  silence  we  are  justified  in  believing  that  it  was  trifling;  if  it 
had  been  otherwise,  it  would  have  been  blazoned  by  the  French  in  ex- 
tenuation of  their  defeat*.  After  a  short  repose,  and  a  Truce  of  three 
days  granted  for  the  interment  of  the  dead,  Edward  proceeded  on  his 
march  to  Calais,  and  finding  that  town  too  well  defended  to  permit  a 
hope  of  carrying  it  by  assault,  he  determined  upon  its  re- 
Sept.  3.  duction  by  the  slower  process  of  blockade.  Winter  was 
now  before  him ;  and  having  the  full  command  of  the  Chan- 
nel, he  sent  to  England  for  building  materials,  and  framed  cantonments 
so  stable,  that  his  lines  of  circumvallation  are  compared  to  a  second 
town. 

The  Duke  of  Normandy,  provoked  by  the  gallant  resistance  of  Aiguil- 
lon,  had  vowed  not  to  quit  its  walls  till  he  had  entered  them  by  the 
breach.  But  a  soldier's  perjuries  of  this  kind  are  not  less  common  than 
those  of  lovers ;  and  six  days  before  the  disaster  at  Crccy,  he  received 
and  obeyed  peremptory  orders  to  break  up,  and  to  hasten  to  the  defence 
of  Paris.  No  sooner,  however,  was  it  plain  that  Edward,  content  with 
his  victory,  did  not  mean  for  the  present  to  renew  active  operations, 
than  Philip  gladly  escaped  from  the  ruinous  expense  to  which  the 
maintenance  of  a  large  standing  force  exposed  him;  and  disbanded  both 
the  army  of  the  South  and  the  remnant  of  that  which  had  fought  under 

*  Nevertheless,  we  greatly  mistrust  the  return  given  by  Henry  of  Knyghton, 
who  says  that  one  Esquire  was  killed  before  the  battle,  three  ^Knights  daring' it, 
and  that  all  the  rest  were  preserved  by  God's  grace.     2508. 


A.  D.  1347.]  INEFFECTUAL  ATTEMPT  AT  ITS  RELIEF.  187 

his  own  command.  The  Earl  of  Derhy  was  not  slow  in  profiting'  by 
the  retreat  of  the  former,  and  having  captured  many  Castles,  he  returned 
to  England  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  leaving  behind  him,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  bounty  and  splendour,  the  reputation  of  being  "  the  most 
noble  Prince  that  ever  mounted  steed." 

Fresh  debasements  of  the  Coinage,  a  rigid  exaction  of  the  gabelle,  the 
arrest  and  pillage  of  the  Lombard  merchants,  and  a  subsidy 
granted  by  the  Clergy,  enabled  the  King  to  take  the  field  a.  d.  1347. 
curly  in  the  following  Spring.  The  campaign  opened  un- 
favourably for  him  in  Bretany,  where  Charles  of  Blois  was  surprised 
near  Roche  de  Rien,  dangerously  wounded,  and  conveyed 
prisoner  to  England*.  Philip  himself  directed  his  efforts  June  18. 
to  the  relief  of  Calais,  which,  notwithstanding  the  precau- 
tions of  its  Governor,  Jean  de  Vienne,  a  most  expert  and  valiant  soldier, 
was  in  imminent  peril.  So  far  back  as  the  first  month  of  the  invest- 
ment, he  had  carefully  examined  the  stores  which  each  family  possessed 
for  subsistence,  and  wherever  sufficiency  was  wanting,  he  issued  a  stern 
but  necessary  order  for  the  expulsion  of  all  the  "useless  mouths." 
Seventeen-hundred  destitute  wretches  were  in  this  manner  excluded 
from  the  walls,  and  their  fate  is  variously  recounted.  According  to 
Froissart  t,  they  met'  with  hospitable  entertainment,  and  a  dole  of  alms 
from  the  King  of  England's  charity.  But  Henry  of  Knyghton  \  relates 
a  widely  different  tale,  and  informs  us  that  they  perished  miserably  by 
famine,  in  the  sight  of  abundance,  between  the  camp  and  the  ramparts. 
It  is  to  be  feared  that  the  latter  account  is  of  the  two  more  in  conformity 
with  the  spirit  of  the  times,  and  with  other  transactions  in  Edward's 
career. 

'  The  gathering  of  Philip  was  made  at  Amiens,  and  thence  he  de- 
signed to  move  down  upon  Calais  by  way  of  Gravelines ;  but  the  Fle- 
mings having  made  rapid  passage  through  the  intermediate  districts,  he 
changed  his  route  for  Boulogne.  A  strong  block-house  had  been  built 
by  Edward,  which  commanded  the  harbour  of  Calais,  and  prevented  the 
reception  of  supplies  by  sea.  Of  the  two  roads  by  which  alone  the  town 
could  be  approached,  that  which  ran  along  the  downs  near  the  shore  was 
within  bow-shot  of  the  English  fleet;  that  which  crossed  the  country 
higher  up  was  intersected  by  numerous  bogs  and  ditches ;  and  the  Bridge 
of  Xeuillet,  which  it  was  indispensable  to  pass,  was  fortified  and  occupied 
by  i  powerful  detachment.  Philip,  therefore,  was  compelled  to  halt 
at  the  hill  of  Sangatte;  and  as  the  famishing  citizens  of  Calais  watched 
from  their  towers  the  display  of  tents  and  standards  by  moonlight,  not 

*  In  the  luedera,  iii.  134,  is  a  Grant  of  a  pension  of  10/.  a  year  from  the  I'xche- 
quer,  till  an  equii  alent  landed  provision  could  be  made,  to  John'/le  Merle,  who 
hrought  the  happy  news  of  the  capture  of  Charles  of  Blois. 

f  II.  c.  131.  I  25ii3. 


188  SURRENDER  OF  CALAIS.  [CH.  IX. 

knowing  to  whom  they  belonged,  they  shuddered  with  a  belief  that  they 
were  surrounded  by  a  new  host  of  besiegers*. 

One  hope  of  provoking  the  combat,  which  Edward's  position  enabled 
him  to  persist  in  declining,  still  remained  to  Philip;  and  he  sent  his 
adversary  a  defiance  to  meet  him  upon  equal  ground.  The  Knights 
who  bore  this  cartel  expressed  their  admiration  of  the  English  outposts, 
as  they  rode  through  them ;  and  especially  of  the  strength  with  which 
the  Earl  of  Derby  had  fortified  the  tete-du-po?it  at  Neuillet.  They  were 
perhaps  scarcely  less  surprised  at  the  sound  discretion  with  which 
Edward  replied  to  their  challenge,  than  at  the  military  skill  which  had 
made  such  a  challenge  necessary.  Philip,  no  doubt,  had  calculated 
upon  piquing  the  well-known  chivalrous  spirit  of  his  opponent  into  an 
abandonment  of  the  signal  advantage  which  he  had  obtained  by  superior 
generalship.  But  Edward  answered  with  prudence  and  with  truth,  that 
during  the  twelve  months  in  which  he  had  occupied  the  same  spot,  the 
King  of  France,  had  he  so  chosen,  might  have  taken  an  earlier  oppor- 
tunity of  seeking  him ;  that  now,  when  he  had  already  expended  very 
large  sums,  and  must  soon  inevitably  be  master  of  Calais,  it  could  little 
be  expected  that  he  should  sacrifice  all  his  gains  in  order  to  suit 
Philip's  convenience.  "  Inform  your  Master,  therefore,"  was  his 
conclusion,  w  that  if  neither  he  nor  his  army  can  pass  this  way,  he  must 
seek  out  some  other  road."  Philip,  on  receiving  this  message,  per- 
ceived that  his  enterprise  was  useless,  retired  to  Amiens,  and  there  dis- 
banded his  troops. 

Calais,  reduced  to  the  very  extremity  of  famine,  surrendered  after  this 
retreat.  Edward  at  first  demanded  unconditional  submission,  and  noti- 
fied that  he  should  accept  ransom  or  inflict  death  at  pleasure.  From 
this  most  ferocious  design  he  was  induced  to  relax  by  the  well-timed 
admonition  of  Sir  Walter  Manny,  who  showed  him  that  reprisals  would 
some  day  probably  be  in  the  power  of  the  French ;  and  that  he  could 
little  expect  persevering  loyalty  and  constancy  of  devotion  from  his  own 
subjects,  if  he  visited  those  qualities  in  his  enemies  with  so  severe  and 
misjudged  a  punishment.  The  King  then  signified  that  he  would  pardon 
the  mass  of  inhabitants,  provided  six  of  the  principal  Burgesses  would 
surrender  themselves  to  his  absolute  disposal,  bareheaded  and  barefooted, 
with  halters  round  their  necks,  and  with  the  keys  of  the  town  and  castle 
in  their  hands.  Eustace  de  St.  Pierre  was  the  first  who  devoted  himself 
for  his  fellow-citizens  to  this  apparently  certain  death ;  and  his  glorious 
example  was  followed  by  Jean  d'Aire,  and  by  the  two  brothers,  Jacques 
and  Pierre  de  Vissant,  all  of  whom  were  connected  by  ties  of  relation- 

*  This,  as  we  think,  is  Froissart's  representation,  ii.  c.  142.  M.  de  Sismondi 
(x.  32G.)  understands  it  as  if  the  garrison  of  Calais  knew  that  the  army-belonged  to 
Philip,  and  therefore  that  they  expected  relief.  But  the  original  words  do  not  seem 
capable  of  this  interpretation.  Cevtx  de  Calais  q  lei  vcdc't  de  /cum  mars  quant  i/z  upper* 
ceureid  qui/z  se  logoient  ce  Icur  zemhloit  uug  petit  iiegc,     Tom.  i.  /mil.  veeii, 


A.D.  1317.]  TRUCE.  189 

ship  with  their  noble-minded  loader.  The  namei  of  the  two  other  asso- 
ciates in  this  more  than  Roman  band  unfortunately  are  not  transmitted 
to  us.  It  is  said  that  when  they  presented  themselves  in  the  Royal 
pavilion,  Edward  remained  inexorable;  that  he  had  already  made  a  sign 
for  the  presence  of  the  headsman,  and  that  he  was  moved  from  his 
bloody  and  ungenerous  revenge  only  by  the  tears  of  his  Queen.  The 
rigid  scepticism  of  modern  inquiry  has  cast  some  doubt  upon  the  par- 
ticulars of  this  narrative,  which  depends  principally  upon  the  authority 
of  Froissart.  But  the  general  leaning  of  that  most  delightful  Chronicler 
is  far  too  aristocratical  to  permit  us  to  suppose  that  he  would  either  have 
invented  or  have  adopted,  upon  any  other  than  conclusive  evidence,  an 
anecdote  by  which  the  otherwise  brilliant  memory  of  Edward  III.  is  so 
darkly  tarnished.  Corroborative  instances  of  a  disposition  little  tempered 
by  mercy  are  not  wanting  in  the  annals  of  that  Prince.  The  Scottish 
AVars  were  pursued  with  unrelenting  barbarity;  and  in  the  campaign 
of  Bretany,  but  a  year  before  the  surrender  of  Calais,  the  King  was 
prevented  only  by  the  remonstrance  of  Godfrey  de  Harcourt  from  mas- 
sacring in  cold  blood  the  whole  population  of  Caen*. 

Calais  for  more  than  two  Centuries  afterwards  f  became  the  favourite 
continental  possession  of  the  Crown  of  England;  and  Edward's  first 
intention  was  to  render  it  a  Colony  altogether  peopled  by  his  insular 
subjects.  The  inhabitants  were  accordingly  removed,  great  privileges 
were  conceded  to  settlers,  and  heavy  restrictions  forbade  the  alienation 
of  property  to  any  but  English  purchasers  {.  The  experiment  failed ; 
and  the  town  having  become  an  asylum  for  outcasts  and  renegades,  was 
speedily  re-peopled  by  its  original  tenants.  It  is  not  unworthy  of  remark, 
that  among  the  natives  permitted  to  return  earliest  to  their  hearths,  was 
one  who  had  shown  that  he  was  willing  to  sacrifice  even  life  itself  for 
their  preservation — Eustace  de  St.  Pierre  §. 

The  exhausted  finances  of  each  of  the  rival  Kingdoms  loudly  pro- 
claimed the  necessity  for  repose  ||;  and  a  Truce,  at  first  con- 
cluded for  ten  months,  was  afterwards  repeatedly  prolonged.       Sept.  28. 
The  allies  on  both  sides  were  embraced  in  this  armistice, 

*  Many  particulars  relative  to  the  siege  and  surrender  of  Calais  are  given  by  M. 
de  Burigny  in  the  M«m.  de  Is 'Acad,  des  Ins.  xxxvii.  He  inspected  the  MSS.  in  the 
Exchequer  at  London,  and  gives  a  very  curious  account  of  their  receptacle.  For 
Sir  Godfrey  de  Harcourt's  successful  remonstrance  at  Caen,  see  Froissart,  ii.  1:2:2. 

f  Calais  was  retaken  hy  the  Duke  of  Guise  in  1553. 

X  Many  ordinances  relative  to  Calais  occur  during  the  year  1347,  and  may  he 
found  in  the  Flxdera,  iii.  The  title  of  one,  dated  Aug.  12,  may  sufhee.  De  Ca/esio 
Jam  exputjnato  inco/is  Angficanis  snppe/liiaudo.      130. 

§  In  the  F<rdcr<t,  iii.  138,  is  a  Grant  of  a  Pension  of  40  marks  sterling  to  Eustace 
de  St.  Pierre,  Pro  bono  ttrvicio  nobis,  pro  bond  custndid  el  bond  ditpotiiiotte  villm  nostrce 
Ca/esitr,  impendrndo.  M.  de  Burigny  («/  sup.)  satisfactorily  defends  the  character 
of  St.  Pierre,  which  has  been  unjustly  attacked. 

||  According  to  the  "  Book  of  Particular  Accounts"  of  Walter  Wentwayht,  Trea- 
surer of  the  BovaJ  Household,  the  sum  total  of  the  '•'  Wages  of  War  in  Normandy, 


190  ANNEXATION  OF  DAUPHIN^.  [CH.  IX. 

■which  was  negotiated  by  Papal  mediation;  and  Edward,  on  its  sig- 
nature, returned  home.  No  sooner,  however,  had  France  been  relieved 
from  the  scourge  of  War,  than  she  was  exposed  to  the  yet  more  terrible 
devastation  of  Pestilence ;  and  it  has  been  computed  that  she  lost  one 
third  of  her  population  during  the  Plague,  which  ravaged  all  Europe  in 
the  middle  of  the  XIVth  Century,  and  which  is  now  chiefly  remembered 
through  the  vivid  picture  given  by  Boccaccio  of  the  sufferings  of  his 
own  City.  Nor  could  the  habits  of  a  People  long  accustomed  to  violence 
and  rapine  subside  at  once  into  tranquillity.  When  the  sword  ceased  to 
be  requisite  for  national  defence,  it  still  remained  unsheathed  for  private 
gain ;  and  troops  of  banditti,  headed  by  lawless  spirits,  who  made  arms 
both  their  trade  and  their  pastime,  set  authority  at  defiance,  and  ma- 
rauded in  open  day.  The  names  of  Bacon  in  Languedoc,  and  of  Croc- 
quart  in  Bretany,  are  transmitted  to  us  as  having  spread  terror  through 
their  respective  Provinces.  They  obtained  forcible  possession  of  many 
Castles  and  much  treasure.  With  the  former  of  them,  the  King  at  length 
entered  into  composition,  legitimated  his  thefts  by  purchase,  and  soothed 
him  to  obedience  by  the  bestowal  of  honours.  Froissart  tells  us  that  he 
always  appeared  in  public  handsomely  mounted  on  a  horse  of  generous 
breed,  apparelled  like  an  Earl,  and  very  richly  armed ;  and  this  state  he 
maintained  as  long  as  he  lived*. 

One  important  acquisition  was  made  by  France  during  the  latter  part 
of  Philip's  reign.  Humbert  II.  Count  of  Viennois  was  most  careless 
and  profuse  in  his  expenditure,  and  being  without  issue,  he  disposed  at 
various  times  of  the  reversion  of  different  parts  of  his  dominions, 
in  order  to  supply  his  extravagance.  In  this  manner  the  succession  of 
Dauphine  had  been  transferred  by  him  for  120,000  florins,  so  far  back 
as  the  year  1343,  as  an  apanage  for  which  ever  of  the  Princes  Philip 
might  choose  to  name.  Overwhelmed  with  debts,  and  unable  any 
longer  to  maintain  the  splendour  in  which  he  had  hitherto  been  accus- 
tomed to  live,  this  vain  and  inconsiderate  Prince  at  length  determined  to 
make  an  immediate  cession  of  his  Sovereignty,  and  to  retire  to  a 
Cloister.  The  price  was  increased  to  200,000  florins; 
a.  d.  1349.  on  the  payment  of  which  sum,  Charles,  heir  of  the  Duke  of 
July  16.  Normandy,  and  grandson  of  the  King,  was  solemnly 
invested  with  that  title  and  those  territorial  rights  which 
afterwards,  under  his  own  reign,  became  inseparably  annexed  to  the 
eldest  sons  of  the  Kings  of  France. 

The  Truce  with  England  appears  to  have  been  faithfully  observed,  at 
least  by  the  chief  negociators  ;  for  there  is  not  any  evidence  to  convict 
Philip  of  participation  in  a  treacherous  attempt  upon  Calais,  which  was 
frustrated  principally  by  the  valour  of  Edward  III.  himself.     Geoffry 

France,  and  before  Calais,"  from  June  4,  1346,  toOct,  12, 1347,  was  127,201/.  2s.  9^/. 
Grose,  Military  Antiquities,  i,  330. 
*  Froissart,  ii.  c,  146, 


A.  D.  1350.]  ACCESSION  OP  JOHN.  191 

de  Charny*,  who  commanded  on  the  frontiers  of  Picardy,  bribed  the 
Governor  of  Calais,  a  Lombard  named  Aymery  of  Pavia,  to  open  the 
gates  of  the  town  intrusted  to  his  charge.  But  Edward  having  received 
information  of  the  design,  secretly  embarked  with  a  force  sufficient 
to  render  it  abortive.  Himself  and  the  Prince  of  Wales 
served  as  private  soldiers  under  the  command  of  Sir  Dec.  31. 
Walter  Manny,  and  on  the  'appointed  night  they  surprised 
and  captured  the  whole  band  engaged  in  this  disgraceful  enterprise.  The 
King  entertained  his  prisoners  courteously  at  supper;  and  it  was  on  that 
occasion  that  he  presented  a  costly  chaplet  of  pearls,  taken  from  his  own 
brow,  to  Sir  Eustache  of  Ribaumont,  with  whom  he  had  fought  hand  to 
hand.  Sir  Eustache,  who  was  strong  and  hardy,  had,  before  his 
surrender,  twice  struck  the  King  down  upon  his  knees,  and  Edward,  in 
this  instance,  exhibiting  a  generous  admiration  of  bravery  even  when 
exercised  against  himself,  released  his  opponent  without  ransom,  and 
added  the  chaplet  as  a  prize  due  to  the  best  combatant  of  the  day,  to  the 
Knight  who  of  all  he  had  ever  encountered  had  given  him  most  trouble 
in  battle  f. 

The  close  of  Philip's  reign  and  life  was  fast  approaching.     At  fifty- 
eight  years  of  age,  he  weakly  surrendered  himself  to  a  misplaced  passion 
for  Blanche  of  Navarre,  a  young  Princess  of  great   beauty,  destined 
as  bride  to  his  son  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  at  that  time  a  widower. 
The  King,  regardless  of  the  Lady's  engagement,  found  a  pretext  for 
his    son's   temporary  removal   from   Court,     and     during 
his  absence  married  the  betrothed.     A  lingering  debility   a.d.  1350. 
succeeded  these  dishonest  and  unseasonable  nuptials,  and     Aug.  22. 
he  expired  in  little  more  than  six  months  after  their  cele- 
bration. 

The  accession  of  John  was  marked  by  a  few  political  changes,  which 
were  unexpected  on  account  of  the  close  union  in  which  he  had  always 
lived  with  his  father.  Immediately  after  his  Coronation,  he  restored  to 
liberty  and  to  their  hereditary  station  the  two  sons  of  Robert  of  Artois, 
who,  since  the  conviction  and  banishment  of  that  Prince,  had  undergone 
fifteen  years  of  imprisonment.  This  act  of  grace  was  succeeded  by  one 
of  unexplained  severity.  Raoul  Count  of  Eu  and  Guines  had  enjoyed 
the  confidence  of  Philip  VI.,  who  bestowed  upon  him  the  Sword_  of 
Constable.  Having  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  English  at  Caen,  he  was 
permitted  to  return  to  France,  in  order  to  collect  his  ransom,  fixed  at 
60,000  crowns  of  gold.  No  sooner,  how?ever,  had  he  arrived  at  Paris, 
than  he  was  arrested,  after  a  private  audience  with  the  King,  and  was 
executed  almost  immediately,  without  any  process  and  without  even  the 
assignment  of  a  reason.     The  dignity  which  he  left  vacant  was  conferred 

*  lie  afterwards  bore  the  Royal  Banner  at  the  Battle  of  Poictiers,  in  which  engage 
ment  he  was  killed  by  the  Lord  Reginald  de  Cobhara.    Froissart  II.,  c.  lOlt 

f  Froissart  II.,  c.  100. 


192  ASSASSINATION  OF  CHARLES  OF  SFAIN.  [CH.  IX. 

on  Charles  of  Spain,  son  of  the  exiled  Alfonso  de  la  Cerda,  and  younger 
brother  of  that  Louis  whom  we  have  already  seen  distinguished  in  naval 
command.  Charles  possessed  great  bravery,  considerable  talent,  and  a 
pleasing  exterior ;  and  the  exclusive  favour  with  which  he  was  regarded 
by  his  Sovereign  soon  exposed  him  as  a  mark  to  the  envy  of  less  fortu- 
nate Courtiers. 

Among  those  who  sought  the  overthrow  of  the  new  Constable,  none 
exhibited  greater  virulence  than  Charles,  King  of  Navarre,  Brother  of 

the  Queen  Dowager  Blanche,  upon  whom  contemporaries 

a.d.  1349.   bestowed   the  odious  title.  Le  Mauvais.     Charles,  sprung 

Oct.  6.       from  the  Count  of  Evreux  and  Jane,  daughter  of  Louis 

Hutin,  succeeded  to  his  maternal  dominions  at  seventeen 
years  of  age ;  and,  at  that  early  season  of  life,  in  consequence  of  some 
cruel  punishments  by  which  he  suppressed  a  conspiracy  among  his  sub- 
jects, he  obtained  the  evil  appendage  which  has  never  quitted  his  name. 

The  possessions  in  Normandy  which  he  held  by  descent  from 
a.d.  1353.   his  Father,  rendered  his  alliance  important  to  John,  and  it 

was  secured  by  the  hand  of  Jane,  the  eldest  daughter  of 
France,  a  child  in  her  eighth  year  *. 

This  marriage,  however,  created  dissension  instead  of  harmony,  on 
account  of  a  breach  of  the  provisions  by  which  it  was  accompanied.  The 
annuity  of  12,000  livres  which  formed  the  portion  of  the  Bride  was  never 
paid ;  Angouleme  and  Mortaing,  which  the  King  of  Navarre  had 
received  in  compensation  for  the  surrender  of  his  claims  on  Champagne 
and  la  Brie,  and  which  he  returned  to  the  Crown  as  not  defraying  their 
own  charges,  were  bestowed  on  Charles  of  Spain,  with  additions  which 
made  them  eminently  productive.  Other  bounties  which  tended  to  the 
aggrandizement  of  this  Favourite  at  the  expense  of  the  King  of  Navarre 
were  regarded  with  an  evil  eye  by  the  latter,  and  the  Court  was  distracted 
by  the  jealousy  of  their  rival  Factions. 

The  King  of  Navarre  appears  at  first  to  have  entertained  a  design  of 

waylaying  his  rival  in  the  streets  of  Paris  itself;  but,  failing 

a.  d.  1354.   in  opportunity,  he  assassinated  him  while  in  bed  at  Aigle  in 

Jan.  8.       Normandy.    "  It  is  done !  "  were  the  words  in  which  one  of 

theBravoes  announced  the  intelligence  to  his  employer,  who 
breathlessly  awaited  him  in  a  barn  close  to  the  mansion  within  which 
his  victim  was  butchered.  Even  if  this  bloody  deed  had  allowed 
concealment,  its  perpetrator  was  far  from  seeking  to  dissemble  its  com- 
mission.    On  the  contrary,  he  openly  avowed  the  act,  and  occupying 

*  Blanche,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  and  sister  of  the  consort  of  the  Dau- 
phin Charles,  was  married  at  the  same  time  to  Pedro  the  Cruel,  King  of  Castile.  The 
illicit  passion  of  that  Prince  for  Maria  Padilla,  the  consequent  imprisonment  of 
Blanche  on  the  second  day  after  her  marriage,  and  the  poison,  administered  hy  her 
husband's  command,  which  terminated  seven  years'  confinement,  are  well  known 
portions  of  Spanish  History, 


A.  D.    1355.]  ARREST  OF  THE  KING  OF  NAVARRE.  193 

Mantes  with  a  large  armed  force,  he  defied  the  anger  with  which  he 
knew  that  his  crime  must  he  pursued  hy  the  King*. 

John  however  at  the  time  was  ill  prepared  for  Civil  War,  and  although 
indignant  at  the  outrage  offered  to  his  authority  and  deeply  grieved  by 
the  loss  of  his  Favourite,  he  yielded  to  necessity  ;  and  admitting  the 
powerful  mediation  exerted  in  behalf  of  the  Murderer  f,  he 
granted  him  a  pardon,  and  allowed  him  even  to  offer  an  March  4. 
extenuating  plea  before  a  Bed  of  Justice.  Resentment, 
however,  was  far  from  being  extinguished  in  his  heart ;  and  when  the 
King  of  Navarre,  finding  that  his  position  was  becoming  most  insecure 
at  Court,  privately  withdrew  to  Avignon,  John  proceeded  to  the  seizure 
and  confiscation  of  many  of  the  chief  towns  in  Normandy. 

The  King  of  Navarre  formed  a  League  with  England,  and  John,  who 
perceived  the  danger  of  this  alliance,  again  proffered  recon- 
ciliation.    His  displeasure  was,  however,  renewed  not  long   a.  d.  1355. 
afterwards,  by  the  opposition  which  Navarre  excited  or  sup- 
ported to  the  levy  of  a  gabelle ;  and  he  then  resolved  at  once  to  deprive 
his  turbulent  vassal  of  all  future  power  of  resistance.     "  France,"  he 
said,  "  must  not  have  two  masters;"  and  the  connexion  which  his  son 
Prince  Charles  maintained  with  the  King  of  Navarre  soon  afforded  him 
an  opportunity  for  vengeance.    Charles,  either  treacherously  assisting  or 
not  partaking  his  Father's  resentment,  found  or  affected  to  find  in  the 
King  of  Navarre  a  companion  fitted  to  his  taste  and  years ;  and  invited 
him,  together  with  some  of  his  chief  confidents,  to  pass  a  day 
in  festivity  at  the  Castle  of  Rouen.     This  engagement  was      April  1 6. 
made  known  to  John,  who  entered  the  banqueting  hall  with 
an  armed  force,  while  the  company  were  seated  at  table.     The  Count  of 
Harcourt,  and  three  gentlemen  In  Navarre's  train,  were  beheaded  in 
John's  presence  immediately  after  he  had  partaken  of  the  dinner  which 
his  unexpected  entrance  had  interrupted;  and  the  King  of  Navarre  him- 
self, after  suffering  much  indignity,  was  transferred  to  close  imprison- 
ment in  the  Louvre  \. 

These  incidents  which,  for  the  sake  of  perspicuity,  we  have  related  in 
an  unbroken  narrative,  were  scattered  over  the  course  of  several  years, 
during  which  little  else  of  public  interest  occurred.  The  Truce  with 
England,  although  occasionally  interrupted  by  hostilities,  was  renewed 
from  time  to  time ;  and  the  feats  of  arms  by  which  it  was  broken  often 
partook  more  of  the  nature  of  a  private  Feud  than  of  National  Warfare. 

*  Froissart,  ii.,  c.  158. 

f  Jane,  relict  of  Charles  le  Bel,  was  aunt,  Blanche,  relict  of  Philippe  de  falois, 
was  sister  to  Charles  le  Mvitvais,  and  hoth  of  those  Queens  interfered  in  his  hehalf. 

\  On  the  explosion  of  this  quarrel  hetween  John  and  Charles  le  Matnais,  Ed- 
ward III.  wrote  to  the  Pope  and  to  the  Emperor  letters,  in  which  he  denied  any 
conspiracy  with  the  King  of  Navarre  for  the  recovery  of  Normandy,  an  imputation 
which  the  King  of  France  sought  to  attach  to  him.     Feeder^  iii.,  321). 


194  COMBAT   OF  THE  THIRTY  BRETONS.  [CH.  IX. 

The  scene  of  one  combat  deeply  tinctured  with  chivalrous  spirit  is  laid 
in  Bretany,  and  although  the  authenticity  of  the  fact  has  been  disputed 
upon  the  negative  testimony  of  Froissart's  silence,  there  is  not  on  the 
whole  any  reason  which  justifies  us  in  rejecting  it.  John  of  Beau- 
manoir,  a  noble  Baron,  challenged  Richard  Bembrough,  the  English 
Commander  at  Ploermel,  to  meet  him  in  the  lists  with  thirty 
a.  d.  1351.  Knights  on  each  side,  and  there  to  decide  the  question  so 
March  27.  frequently  disputed  by  the  lance,  to  which  of  their  Mistresses 
the  prize  of  beauty  should  be  adjudged.*  The  place  agreed 
upon  for  the  contest  was  marked  by  an  oak  standing  half  way  between 
Josselin  and  Ploermel.  Beaumanoir,  grievously  wounded  in  the  first 
onset,  and  parched  with  thirst,  called  for  drink ;  and  he  received  an 
answer  from  one  of  his  followers  which  afterwards  became  the  War-cry 
of  his  Family.  "  Beaumanoir,  drink  your  own  blood  f !"  At  the  close  of 
the  day  (as  the  French  narrative  relates)  four  Bretons  and  twice  that 
number  of  their  opponents  had  fallen ;  and  a  manoeuvre,  which  wears 
some  appearance  of  treachery,  compelled  the  remaining  Englishmen  to 
surrender.  A  stone  fixed  on  the  spot,  which  preserved  the  remembrance 
of  the  contest  by  a  simple  inscription,  was  replaced  in  1811  by  a  more 
costly  monument  j. 

At  the  time  in  which  Edward  Til.  imagined  himself  secure  of  the 
co-operation  of  the  King  of  Navarre,  he  disembarked  at 
A.  d.  1355.    Calais.     During  a  short  campaign  he  inflicted  great  severi- 
Oct.  —     ties  on  those  parts  of  Artois   and  Picardy  which  he  tra- 
versed ;   and  he  returned  to  his  ships  pursued  by  the  Royal 
army,  although  each  party  had  avoided  an  engagement.     Operations  of 
equally  little  importance  were  at  the  same  time  commenced  in  Languedoc 
by  his  son  the  Black  Prince,  who,  after  menacing  Avignon,  retired  into 
winter- quarters  at  Bordeaux. 

On  the  arrest  of  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  the  execution  of  the  Count 
of  Harcourt,  Philip,  brother  of  the  former,  and  Godfrey,  uncle  of  the 
latter,  threw  themselves  on  the  protection  of  England  §.  The  Duke  of 
Lancaster  reinforced  them   in  Normandy,  and   displayed   great  skill 

*  Nous  allons  voir  qui  peut  se  ranter  d'avoir  la  plus  belle  amie. 

f  Beaumanoir  bois  ton  sang. 

\  Dam,  ii.  109,  &c.  Where  the  whole  narrative  of  the  combat  is  examined,  and, 
as  we  think,  satisfactorily  established.  Much  stress  on  the  other  hand  has  been  laid 
upon  Froissart's  silence,  notwithstanding  the  facts  were  especially  adapted  to  his 
taste.  But  Froissart  is  not  altogether  silent ;  he  mentions  the  combat  incidentally 
by  stating  that  the  Brigand  Croquart  was  the  most  active  Champion  on  the  side  of 
the  English,  ii.  c.  147. 

§  A  safec-onduct  for  their  passage  to  England,  June  24,  1356,  is  printed 
Fcedera,  iii.  331.  The  homage  of  Godfrey  de  Harcourt,  July  17,  p.  332,  and 
a  commendation  of  him  by  Edward  to  his  officers,  Aug.  1,  p.  333.  A  safe-conduct 
for  the  return  of  Philip  of  Navarre  to  Normandy,  Aug.  20,  p.  338.  Godfrey  de 
Harcourt  remained  in  arms  till  he  was  killed  at  Coutantin.  Froissart,  ii.  c.  168. 
169. 


A.  D.   1356.]  BATTLE  OP  POITIERS.  195 

in  evading  the  superior  numbers  against  which  he  manoeuvred,  till  he 
at  length   found   security   in  Cherbourg.      The  King   of 
France  conducted  this  pursuit  in  person,  and  he  was  engaged   a.  d.  1356. 
in  pressing  the  siege  of  Breteuil  when  events  of  greater    June  — 
moment  demanded  his  presence  in  the  South. 

The  force  under  the  Black  Prince  was  by  no  means  considerable, 
amounting  in  all  to  not  more  than  2000  men  at  arms,  about  the  same 
number  of  light  infantry,  both  of  which  were  chiefly  Gascons,  and 
4000  English  archers.  With  these  troops,  however,  he  had  taken  the 
field  early  in  the  Summer;  had  passed  the  Garonne  and  the  Dor- 
dogne ;  had  pillaged  Auvergne  and  Limousin,  and  had  threatened  to 
extend  his  devastations  over  all  the  Provinces  southward  from  the 
Loire.  The  close  of  August  was  nearly  at  hand  before  John  marched 
from  the  North  to  repel  this  irruption,  and  even  when  he  had  fixed  his 
head-quarters  at  Blois,  he  was  unable  to  prevent  the  storming  of 
the  Castle  of  Romorantin,  but  ten  leagues  distant  from  his  camp.  The 
Prince  of  Wales,  irritated  by  the  loss  of  a  favourite  officer,  had  vowed  not 
to  leave  that  fortress  till  it  was  taken ;  and  an  obstinate  adherence  to 
his  oath  compromised  the  safety  of  his  army.  John  by  rapid  marches 
gained  his  rear,  and  occupied  the  road  leading  to  Poitiers,  upon  which 
the  English  intended  to  fall  back.  So  deficient  however  were  both 
Generals  in  intelligence,  that  each  was  utterly  ignorant  of  the  other's 
real  position.  The  King  of  France  expected  to  find  the  English  already 
in  occupation  of  Poitiers ;  the  Black  Prince  believed  that  his  enemy  was 
still  pressing  on  his  front,  when  an  accidental  skirmish  of  some  foragers 
revealed  to  John  his  advantage,  to  Edward  his  infinite  peril. 

Retreat  without  a  battle  was  utterly  impossible  to  Edward,  and  the 
enormous  superiority  of  the  French  appeared  to  promise  them  certain 
success.  "  God  help  us  !"  was  the  remark  of  the  Black  Prince  when  he 
learned  his  situation,  "  we  must  now  consider  which  will  be  the  best 
manner  to  fight  them  conveniently;"  and  the  pious  confidence,  the 
unshaken  courage,  and  the  calm  discretion  which  this 
observation  implied  directed  his  arrangements  for  the  field.  Sept.  18. 
He  drew  up  his  line  on  a  ridge,  called  Maupertuis  *,  near 
Beaumont,  about  two  leagues  north  from  Poitiers.  The  ground  was 
rough,  broken,  covered  with  bushes,  and  surrounded  by  vineyards  which 
impeded  the  action  of  cavalry  ;  and  it  was  approached  in  front  only  by 
one  lane,  admitting  but  four  horsemen  abreast,  and  flanked  by  thick 
hedges  which  were  lined  with  archers.  The  men  at  arms,  dismounted, 
were  arranged  on  the  plain  at  the  end  of  this  narrow  tunnel,  and  before 
them  was  disposed  a  hearse  harroiv,  or  double  square  of  archers. 

To  overwhelm  this  gallant  handful  of  enemies,  the  King  of  France 

*  Froissart,  who  in  such  a  matter  is  not  likely  to  be  mistaken,  supplies  this  name; 
which  however  is  disputed  by  Walckenaer  in  his  Additions  to  Henault.  Abrtgi 
Chronologiqtie,  i.  359. 

o  2 


196  BATTLE  OF  POITIERS.  [CH.   IX. 

ranged  under  his  standard  four  of  his  sons,  six  and  twenty  Dukes  and 
Counts,  140  Bannerets,  and  nearly  60,000  other  combatants.  He  dis- 
tributed this  great  force,  than  which  none  more  brilliant  or  more  amply 
provided  had  ever  been  levied  in  France,  into  three  nearly  equal 
battalions.  The  first  he  assigned  to  his  brother  the  Duke  of  Orleans ; 
in  the  second  commanded  the  three  Princes,  Charles,  Louis,  and  John ; 
and  he  kept  by  his  own  person  in  the  reserve  his  youngest  son  Philip, 
a  boy  in  his  fourteenth  year.  The  English  position  was  reconnoitred  by 
Sir  Eustace  de  Ribaumont  and  three  other  Knights  of  tried  military 
skill,  who  reported  its  strength  and  arrangement  with  extraordinary 
precision.  In  conformity  with  their  advice,  three  hundred  men  at  arms 
were  ordered  to  advance  on  horseback  along  the  lane,  and  to  overthrow 
the  hearse  of  archers  at  its  termination.  When  this  service  should  have 
been  performed,  the  rest  of  the  army  was  directed  to  follow  on  foot,  for 
which  purpose  the  Knights  were  ordered  to  take  off  their  spurs,  and  to 
shorten  their  lances.  These  dispositions  were  already  made,  and  only 
the  signal  for  onset  was  needed,  when  the  impending  carnage  was 
arrested  for  a  few  hours,  by  the  intercession  of  two  Legates  whom 
the  Pope  had  deputed  to  attempt  reconciliation.  Talleyrand  de  Perigord 
(a  name  belonging  to  the  History  of  more  than  a  single  Age)  and 
Nicolo  Capoccio  prevailed  upon  John  to  suspend  his  attack,  and 
to  offer  conditions  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Edward,  well  aware  of 
the  dangers  to  which  he  was  exposed,  expressed  willingness  to  abandon 
his  recent  conquests,  to  release  his  prisoners,  and  to  pledge  himself  to 
abstain  from  personal  service  against  France  for  a  term  of  seven  years ; 
but  he  rejected  with  disdain,  as  inconsistent  with  honour,  the  arrogant 
demand  that  himself  and  100  of  his  Knights  should  surrender  as 
prisoners. 

Even  on  the  following  morning  negociation  was  renewed  by  Talley- 
rand, who  met  but  harsh  reception  from  the  French*.  When  he  an- 
nounced his  failure,  Edward  replied,  "  God  defend  the 
Sept.  19.  right!"  and  made  ready  for  battle.  The  dispositions  were 
the  same  as  those  of  the  preceding  day;  excepting  that 
Maupertuis  had  been  somewhat  strengthened  by  such  field-works  as  the 
time  had  permitted  the  English  to  throw  up ;  and  that  300  men-at-arms 
and  an  equal  number  of  mounted  archers  were  posted  under  cover  of  a 
rising  ground  on  the  right  wing,  with  orders  to  charge  the  enemy  in 
flank  whenever  the  moment  should  appear  to  be  favourable. 

The  signal  for  attack  was  given  about  nine  in  the  morning,  when  the 

*  Nevertheless,  the  suite  of  the  Cardinal  remained  on  the  field,  and  fought  in  the 
French  ranks.  Edward,  greatly  irritated  at  this  conduct  of  the  retainers  of  a 
Minister  of  Peace,  sent  to  the  Cardinal  the  body  of  his  nephew,  Lord  Robert  de 
Duras,  borne  upon  a  shield,  with  a  message  that  he  saluted  him  by  that  token.  Sir 
John  Chandos  prevented  a  more  vigorous  demonstration  of  anger  which  Edward 
meditated,  discreetly  remarking  that,  perhaps,  the  Cardinal  by  and  by  might  excuse 
himself  so  well  as  to  afford  conviction  that  he  was  not  at  all  to  blame. 


A.D.   1356.]  BATTLE  OF  POITIERS.  197 

French  moved  forward.  As  soon  as  the  whole  body  of  men-at-arms, 
who  formed  the  Van,  headed  by  their  Marshals,  had  entered  the  lane, 
the  English  archers  planted  in  the  hedges  commenced  their  volleys  from 
either  side.  So  thickly  and  so  well  did  they  then  shoot,  that  the  wounded 
horses  became  unruly,  and  the  dense  mass  was  speedily  thrown  into  con- 
fusion. As  the  Van  fell  back,  it  disordered  the  first  and  second  batta- 
lions, and  their  panic  was  increased  by  an  unexpected  flank  attack  from 
the  English  ambuscade  in  advance  upon  the  right.  The  experienced  eye 
of  Sir  John  Chandos,  who  had  placed  himself  near  the  side  of  Edward, 
"  to  guard  and  to  advise  him,"  perceived  that  this  was  the  crisis  of  the 
battle ;  and  he  assured  the  Prince  that  if  he  ordered  his  men-at-arms  to 
mount  their  horses,  which  were  placed  ready  at  hand,  and  to  make  at 
once  to  the  post  of  the  King  of  France, — "  where  would  lie  the  main 
stress  of  the  business,  for  his  valour  would  never  let  him  fly," — the  day 
would  be  his  own*.  Edward,  burning  for  the  enterprise,  gave  the  word 
to  advance,  and,  galloping  forward  with  shouts  of  "  St.  George  for 
Guyenne !  "  overthrew  first  the  division  of  the  Duke  of  Athensf,  and 
then  a  troop  of  Germans.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  abandoned  his  ground, 
and  sought  shelter  behind  the  rear ;  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy  and  his 
brothers  too  readily  consulting  their  safety,  took  to  flight,  with  800 
lances,  without  abiding  the  charge. 

The  division  commanded  by  the  King  in  person  was  still  however  firm 
and  entire,  and  that  alone  was  more  than  twice  as  numerous  as  the 
whole  English  army.  But,  notwithstanding  the  gallantry  of  John,  who 
fought  with  a  battle-axe  on  foot,  and  of  the  boy  Philip,  who  richly 
deserved  the  name  le  Harelip  which  was  then  bestowed  upon  him,  the 
combat  was  already  decided ;  and  the  Nobles,  who  gathered  round  their 
Sovereign,  fell  thickly  in  his  defence.  When  John  saw  that  all  further 
resistance  was  useless,  and  that  his  enemies,  every  moment  pressing 
closer,  urged  him  to  surrender  if  he  hoped  for  life,  he  inquired  for  his 
cousin  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Sir  Denis  de  Morbeque,  a  young  Knight 
of  Artois  engaged  in  the  English  service,  made  himself  known  to  the 
King,  and  undertook  to  lead  him  to  the  Prince.  "  To  you,  then,  I  sur- 
render myself,"  replied  John,  at  the  same  time  presenting  his  right 
gauntlet  in  token  of  submission.  But  his  danger  by  no  means  ended 
here.  A  throng  of  armed  men  disputed  the  honour  of  the  capture ;  and 
when  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and  Reginald  Lord  Cobham,  despatched  by 
the  Prince  of  Wales  to  ascertain  the  situation  of  the  King,  arrived  in 
his  presence,  angry  words  were,  perhaps,  forerunning  blows  which  might 
have  occasioned  the  destruction  of  the  contested  prize.    The  interposition 

*  For  l)is  good  service  on  this  day,  Sir  John  Chandos  received  a  Grant  for  life 
of  two  portions  of  the  ."Manor  of  Kirketon  in  Lindsay,  to  be  held  by  the  presenta- 
tion of  a  Red  Rose  on  Midsummer-dav.  The  Grant  is  dated  Nov.  15,  1356.  Fcedera, 
iii.  343. 

f  Ganltier  de  Brienne,  who  had  succeeded  James  of  Bourbon  as  Constable. 


198  NOBLE  BEARING  OF  THE  BLACK  PRINCE.  [CH.  IX. 

of  those  Noblemen  succeeded  in  restraining  the  tumult;  and  approach- 
ing John  with  profound  reverence,  they  conducted  him,  together  with 
Prince  Philip,  to  the  quarters  of  the  conqueror. 

About  noon,  when  the  fortune  of  the  day  was  evidently  decided,  Sir 
John  Chandos  prevailed  upon  the  Black  Prince  to  halt  awhile  for  re- 
freshment, and  to  plant  his  banner  upon  a  bush  as  a  signal  by  which 
his  troops,  at  that  time  much  dispersed  over  the  field,  might  re-assemble. 
A  small  tent  was  accordingly  pitched  upon  the  spot,  and  it  was  sur- 
rounded by  Knights  returning  from  the  pursuit,  and  bringing  in  nume- 
rous prisoners,  when  the  Barons  arrived  with  their  illustrious  charge. 

The  Prince  made  a  very  low  obeisance  as  the  King  entered,  and 
ordered  wine  and  spices,  which  he  presented  with  his  own  hand.  In 
the  evening  he  entertained  him  at  supper  in  his  tent ;  and  it  is  worthy 
of  remark,  that  the  table,  which  we  are  informed  was  well  covered,  re- 
ceived its  provisions  from  the  French  camp,  because  the  English,  among 
their  other  disadvantages,  had  been  so  straitened  for  supplies,  that 
many  of  them  had  not  tasted  bread  for  the  last  three  days.  The  King, 
Prince  Philip,  James  of  Bourbon,  John  of  Artois,  the  Counts  de  Tan- 
carville,  Estampes,  and  Dammartin,  and  the  Lords  of  Joinville  and 
of  Partenay,  were  seated  apart  on  a  sort  of  dais,  the  remaining  Barons 
and  Knights  were  placed  in  different  quarters.  Edward  himself  served 
at  the  Royal  and  other  tables,  with  every  mark  of  humility ;  protesting 
in  reply  to  the  King's  invitation,  that  he  was  unworthy  of  being  seated 
in  company  with  so  great  a  King  and  so  valiant  a  man  as  John  had 
proved  himself  that  day  by  his  actions.  He  added  assurances  of  friend- 
ship and  of  honourable  treatment  by  his  father,  and  concluded  by  de- 
claring that,  notwithstanding  the  discomfiture  of  the  French,  the  unani- 
mous testimony  of  all  who  had  seen  and  observed  the  deeds  of  each 
party,  decreed  the  prize  and  garland  of  prowess  to  the  captive  Monarch. 
"  At  the  end  of  this  speech,  there  were  murmurs  of  praise  heard  from 
every  one ;  and  the  French  said  the  Prince  had  spoken  nobly  and  truly, 
and  that  he  would  be  one  of  the  most  gallant  Princes  in  Christendom,  if 
God  should  grant  him  life  to  pursue  his  career  of  glory." 

Eleven  thousand  French  perished  in  the  battle  or  in  the  pursuit.  The 
Registers  of  only  two  Churches  in  Poitiers*  furnish  the  names  of  126 
Nobles  and  40  Esquires  who  were  buried  underneath  their  pavement, 
exclusively  of  the  uncounted  bodies  which  were  shot  from  carts  into 
large  graves  dug  within  the  consecrated  precincts.  The  English  lost 
900  men-at-arms  and  1500  archers.  Their  prisoners  were  twice  as 
numerous  as  themselves;  and  this  abundance,  the  joy  occasioned  by  the 
greatness  of  success,  and  a  reasonable  sense  of  danger  from  disparity  of 
force,  made  ransom  unusually  easy.  So  rich  was  the  spoil  in  gold  and 
silver  plate,  in  jewels,  ornaments,  and  furred  mantles,  that  tents  and 

•  The  Freres  Mineurs  and  the  Freres  Prescheurs.  Bouchet,  Annates  d' 'Aquitaine, 
p.  4,  f.  15,  cited  in  Johnes's  Froissart,  ii.  p.  346. 


A.  D.  1356.]  MISERY  OF  FRANCE.  199 

armour  were  but  little  prized.  The  French,  we  are  told,  had  come  as 
magnificently  dressed  as  if  they  had  been  sure  of  gaining  the  victory. 
Most  of  the  booty,  it  is  added,  was  foolishly  expended  in  feasting  and 
merriment  during  the  Winter  passed  at  Bordeaux.  Thither  the  Prince 
retired,  by  easy  marches,  without  opposition,  and  without  attempting  the 
achievement  of  further  triumphs.  His  natural  anxiety  was,  in  the  first 
instance,  to  secure  his  recent  and  most  important  acquisition  from  the 
hazard  of  recapture*. 


CHAPTER  X. 

From  a.  d.  1356,  to  a.  d.  1380. 

Miserable  condition  of  France — Meeting  of  the  States-General — Their  constitution 
— Their  second  meeting — Truce — Removal  of  John  to  England — Third  meeting 
of  the  States — Escape  of  the  King  of  Navarre — He  joins  the  popular  faction — 
Tumults  and  murders  in  Paris — The  Dauphin  declared  Regent — Great  power  of 
Etienne  Marcel — He  prepares  to  defend  Paris — Treachery  of  the  King  of  Na- 
varre— Violent  death  of  Marcel — Campaign  against  the  King  of  Navarre — Siege 
of  Melun — Treaty  of  Pontoise — Rejection  of  the  Terms  proposed  for  the  release 
of  John — Ravages  of  the  Free  Companies— Insurrection  of  La  Jacquerie — Inva- 
sion by  the  English — Treaty  of  Bretigny — John  returns  to  England — His  death 
and  character — Charles  V. — The  King  of  Navarre  claims  the  Fief  of  Burgundy — 
Rise  of  Bertrand  du  Guesclin — The  Duke  of  Anjou  breaks  his  parole — Battle  of 
Aurai — Death  of  Charles  of  Blois — Treaty  of  Guerande — Civil  war  in  Castile — 
Employment  of  the  Free  Companies — Battle  of  Najara — Guyenne  rebels  against 
the  Black  Prince — Charles  defies  Edward  III. — Close  of  the  Civil  war  in  Castile 
— Edward  III.  reassumes  the  title  of  King  of  France — Capture  and  massacre  of 
Limoges — Retirement  of  the  Black  Prince — Naval  defeat  of  the  English  by  the 
Castilians  off  La  Rochelle — La  Rochelle  won  by  stratagem— Expulsion  of  the 
English T  from  Poitou  —  Clisson's  inhumanity  in  Bretany  —  John  of  Gaunt 
marches  across  France — His  misery  on  arriving  at  Bordeaux — Truce  of  Bourges 
— War  renewed  on  the  accession  of  Richard  II. — War  with  the  King  of  Navarre 
— Insurrection  in  Languedoc — Severities  at  Montpellier — The  Duke  of  Anjou 
removed  from  his  Government — Troubles  in  Bretany — Return  of  De  Montfort 
— Death  of  Du  Guesclin — Expedition  of  the  Earl  of  Buckingham — Death  of 
Charles  V. 

The  condition  of  France  during  the  period  which  succeeded  this  great 
defeat  was  infinitely  perilous  and  miserable ;  and  there  is 
scarcely  a  calamity  by  which  a  Nation  can  be  afflicted  which    a.  d.  ]  356. 
she  did  not  in  some  measure  undergo.     Pestilence,  and  its 

*  The  Black  Prince  sent  home  as  trophies  John's  Coat  of  Arms  and  Bassinet, 
and  some  gratuity  was  probably  ordered  to  the  bearer  Ga/frido  Hcmelyn  vulletio 
camera?  Principis  fl'<i//icr,  vrnienti  de  partibits  Fasconia?  cum  tunica  aC  nrntia  el  bacy- 
netto  adversarii  de  Francid.  Fcedera,  iii.  340.  In  the  page  following  to  which  may 
be  found  a  Brief  addressed  to  the  Archbisbop  of  Canterbury,  dated  Oct.  10,  order- 
ing a  Thanksgiving  for  the  Victory  at  Poitiers. 


200  ASSEMBLY  OF  [CH.  X. 

invariable  companion,  Famine,  had  already  ravaged  her  fields ;  the 
sword  had  mowed  down  the  flower  of  her  Nobles ;  her  glory  was  tar- 
nished ;  a  foreign  enemy  had  carried  away  her  King  into  captivity ; 
and  she  was  now  about  to  become  a  prey  to  Civil  broils  and  intestine 
sedition. 

The  Duke  of  Normandy*,  on  flying  from  Poitiers,  directed  his  steps 
at  once  to  Paris,  and  there  assuming  the  Royal  authority  as  his  father's 
Lieutenant,  prepared  to  deliberate  with  the  States- General,  whose  pro- 
mised meeting  was  accelerated  by  the  public  disasters.  As  yet  we  have 
made  but  slight  and  incidental  mention  of  a  body  which,  on  this  occa- 
sion, became  elevated  into  importance.  Its  early  history,  like  that  of 
most  other  institutions,  is  enveloped  in  obscurity.  Some  General  As- 
semblies no  doubt  were  held  even  under  the  Merovingian  Kings ;  and 
the  Capitularies  of  Charlemagne  seem  to  have  been  framed  at  legislative 
Diets.  After  the  establishment  of  the  Feudal  System,  however,  these 
Conventions  altogether  ceased ;  and  the  Royal  Council  was  limited  en- 
tirely to  the  tenants  in  chief.  The  mass  of  the  Nation  did  not  exercise 
even  the  semblance  of  Political  functions,  till  the  necessities  of  Philip 
Ic  Bel  induced  him  to  make  a  bold  innovation,  in  the  hope  of  obtaining 
relief.  Having  enrolled  the  Deputies  of  Towns  as  a  separate  Order  (the 
Tiers  Etat),  he  twice  summoned  a  representative  body,  within  which 
were  included  the  Three  Estates  or  States-General;  in  the  first  in- 
stance, in  1302,  to  support  him  in  his  quarrel  with  Boniface,  and  after- 
wards, more  to  our  present  purpose,  in  1314,  to  grant  a  subsidy.  Before 
the  last-mentioned  epoch,  the  Royal  authority  never  ventured  to  levy  a 
tax  within  the  dominions  of  a  vassal,  until  that  vassal  had  previously 
granted  consent.  But  the  Roturiers,  upon  their  admission  to  the  States- 
General,  were  empowered  to  tax  themselves;  and  in  the  outset  they 
paid  more  liberally  and  less  reluctantly  when  the  impost  went  imme- 
diately to  the  Crown,  than  they  had  been  accustomed  to  do  to  their  own 
Lords,  by  whom  a  considerable  share  of  +he  produce  was  intercepted  in 
its  passage  to  the  National  Treasury. 

The  early  Constitutional  privileges  of  the  States-General  are  very 
little  known,  and  perhaps  were  by  no  means  accurately  defined.  It  was 
obviously  the  policy  of  the  King  to  restrict  them  within  the  narrowest 
possible  limit;  for  otherwise  he  would  only  have  substituted  the  rule  of 
the  Populace  for  that  of  the  Aristocracy ;  he  would  have  exchanged,  not 
have  destroyed,  his  fetters.  Nevertheless,  the  right  of  controlling  the 
purse  seems  so  naturally  to  appertain  to  those  by  whom  the  purse  is 
filled,  that  the  Royal  authority  must  soon  have  been  diminished,  if  the 
sittings  of  the  States  had  become  fixed  and  periodical ;  if  they  had  been 
regulated  like  those  of  the  Parliament  of  England.  In  no  instance,  in- 
deed, did  they  assemble  without  effecting  some  curtailment  of  the  pre- 

*  Charles  was  Duke  of  Normandy,  a  title  superior  to  that  of  Count  of  Dauphinc. 
M.  de  Sismondi,  x.  512. 


A.  D.  1356.]  THE  STATES-GENERAL.  201 

rogative  of  the  Crown ;  and  the  final  Revolution  under  which,  in  latter 
days,  the  Monarchy  sank,  was  consummated  by  their  operation.  We 
shall  perceive  that  even  in  their  cradle  they  evinced  a  spirit  of  deter- 
mined resistance  to  arbitrary  sway*. 

John  had  already  twice  assembled  the  States,  first  immediately  after 
his  accession,  and  again  in  the  year  before  the  Battle  of  Poitiers;  at 
which  last  sitting  it  had  been  understood  that  they  were  to  meet  annu- 
ally, in  order  to  renew  the  necessary  taxes ;  and  the  close  of  the  follow- 
ing November  had  been  fixed  for  their  convocation.  The 
ferment  of  the  public  mind,  arising  from  National  danger,  Oct.  17. 
brought  them  together,  however,  six  weeks  earlier  than  the 
appointed  time.  Although  they  consisted  only  of  Representatives  of  the 
Northern  division  of  the  Kingdom,  the  Langue  cVOil^  as  it  was  named, 
the  Assembly  compris'ed  not  less  than  800  Deputies ;  and,  notwith- 
standing the  vagueness  and  uncertainty  of  the  powers  attributed  to  them, 
all  men  appeared  confidently  to  expect  that  some  benefit,  they  knew  not 
what,  would  result  from  their  deliberations.  The  benches  of  the  Clergy, 
and  of  the  Nobles,  were  thronged  with  personages  of  high  birth  and  dis- 
tinction ;  and  Etienne  Marcel,  Provost  of  the  Merchants  of  Paris,  was 
prepared  to  exhibit  himself  as  the  most  able  and  the  most  active  among 
the  Bourgeois. 

The  Deputies,  when  invited  to  vote  a  subsidy,  required  time  for  de- 
liberation, and  retired  for  the  purpose  into  separate  Chambers  in  the 
Cordeliers.  For  the  sake  of  convenience,  a  Committee  of  Fifty  was 
chosen  from  the  whole  body ;  who,  after  meeting  fifteen  days  consecu- 
tively, instead  of  providing  the  Funds  which  the  Dauphin  expected, 
demanded  a  Conference,  in  order  to  acquaint  him  with  a  Remonstrance 
which  they  intended  to  offer  at  their  next  public  sitting.  Its  contents 
in  brief  required  the  dismissal  and  the  punishment  of  certain  agents  of 
the  Crown  who  were  accused  of  malversation ;  the  release  of  the  King 
of  Navarre ;  and  the  appointment  of  a  Council  of  State,  selected  from 
the  Deputies,  and  composed  of  four  Prelates,  twelve  Nobles,  and  twelve 
Bourgeois. 

Charles,  thus  forewarned  of  the  attempt  about  to  be  made  to  shackle 
his  authority,  evaded  a  public  sitting,  and  succeeded  in  dissolving  the 

*  For  the  best  account  of  the  States-General  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  the 
reader  may  turn  to  the  IId  Part  of  Chapter  ii.  of  Mr.  Hallam's  History  of  Europe 
during  the  Middle  Ayes. 

f  The  Loire  was  the  boundary  between  the  iMnyue  d' Oil  and  the  langue  d'Oe, 
so  named  from  the  manner  in  which  the  population  of  the  two  Districts  respectivelv 
pronounced  the  monosyllable  Qui.  This  is  well  explained  by  M.  de  Sismondi,  x. 
427-  On  reyardoit  la  France  comme  composee  ii  quelque  sorte  de  deux  royauvirs :  lc 
pays  qui  parloit  le  Roman  fVallon,  qui  etoit  regi  par  des  coutumes,  et  qui  faimnt  usage 
du  mot  oil,  oui,  pour  affirmation,  vtoit  MMM  Langue  d'Oil,  et  le  pays  qui  parloit  le 
Roman  Provencal,  qui  ttoit  rigi  par  le  droit  ljatin  oil  droit  ecrit,  et  qui  etoit  nomme 
Langue  d'Oc,  d'aprcs  I'emploi  du  monosyllabe  oc  pour  l"  affirmation.  See  also  Du- 
cange,  Gloss,  ad  v.  Lingua. 


202  ABUSES.  [CH.  X. 

States  before  the  presentation  of  this  Remonstrance.  He  was  not  able, 
however,  to  prevent  a  recital  of  grievances  made  before  the  Committee 
by  Robert  le  Cocq,  Bishop  of  Laon ;  one  of  those  stirring  spirits  which 
the  times  awakened  to  activity,  and  whose  motives,  perhaps  ill  under- 
stood even  by  himself,  will  always  be  variously  represented  according  to 
the  political  bias  of  the  writer  by  whom  they  are  described. 

From  the  assemblies  of  the  Three  Orders  which  were  accustomed  to 
meet  in  the  separate  Provinces,  Charles  expected  and  found  greater  de- 
ference than  he  had  experienced  from  the  large  mass  of  National  De- 
puties. These  smaller  bodies  were  much  more  easily  influenced  than 
the  great  representative  union ;  and  their  existence  frequently  enabled 
the  Crown  to  postpone  a  Convention  of  the  States-General,  to  which, 
indeed,  no  motive  short  of  necessity  was  ever  likely  to  incline  it*.  The 
States  of  Languedoc,  assembled  at  Toulouse,  made  a  considerable  Grant; 
and  their  example  was  followed,  in  the  course  of  the  Winter,  by  many 
other  Provinces.  Meanwhile,  the  Duke  of  Normandy  withdrew  to 
Metz,  where  he  passed  some  time  in  festivity  with  his  uncle  the  Em- 
peror Charles  IV.,  to  whom  he  owed  homage  for  the  newly-acquired  Fief 
of  Viennois. 

A  debasement  of  the  Coinage,  to  which,  when  all  other  means  had 
failed,  the  Dauphin  resorted,  served  to  increase  popular  dis- 
a.  d.  1357.  content,  without  at  the  same  time  replenishing  the  Exche- 
quer; and  early  in  the  following  year  he  was  compelled 
once  again  to  summon  the  States-General.  Marcel  and  Le  Cocq  were 
still  the  favourite  Deputies ;  and  after  a  month's  discussion,  of  which  no 
memorial  is  left  to  us,  they  obtained  the  publication  of  an  Ordinance, 
engaging  the  Dauphin  to  undertake  a  Reform  of  abuses  on  the  promise 
of  a  subsidy.  The  funds  procured  were  to  be  sufficient  for  the  levy  and 
the  maintenance  of  30,000  men  ;  but  the  distribution  of  this  money  was 
jealously  reserved  to  the  hands  by  which  it  was  furnished.  This  re- 
markable Edict,  by  informing  us  of  some  of  the  measures  from  which 
the  Government  intended  in  future  to  abstain,  affords  a  frightful  picture 
of  those  acts  which  it  had  heretofore  been  accustomed  to  commit  with 
impunity.  The  Dauphin  solemnly  protested  that  the  moneys  destined 
for  the  protection  of  the  Kingdom  should  not  be  diverted  from  their 
legitimate  purpose  by  himself,  by  the  Princes  of  the  Blood,  or  by  the 
Ministers ;  that  he  would  no  longer  postpone  the  decision  of  the  Tri- 
bunals out  of  respect  to  parties  concerned  in  Trials — instances  of  which 
were  produced  wherein  the  delay  had  extended  to  twenty  years ;  that 
he  would  neither  sell  nor  farm  out  judicial  offices ;  nor  instruct  Magis- 
trates to  receive  pecuniary  mulcts  in  commutation  of  punishment ;  that 
he  would  establish  a  regular  system  of  accounts  in  the  Chamber  of 
Revenue;  would  restore  the  currency  to  an  equitable  standard;  and 

*  Mr.  Hallam,  Middle  Ages,  vol.  i.  p.  188,  4to. 


A.  D.   1357.]         JOHN  TRANSFERRED  AS  A  PRISONER  TO  ENGLAND.  203 

would  not  permit  any  change  in  it  without  the  consent  of  the  States ; 
that  lie  would  restrain  all  forcible  seizures  of  provisions  for  the  service 
of  the  Royal  Household ;  and  that  he  would  oblige  the  purveyors  to 
make  entries  of  all  articles  taken  up  by  them  for  such  purposes,  instead 
of  appropriating  them  to  their  own  profit;  that  he  would  prohibit  the 
exactions  which  were  practised  by  inferior  officers  of  justice ;  would 
abolish  monopolies  among  the  retainers  of  the  Court ;  would  suppress  all 
private  wars;  and  would  authorise  every  class  of  his  subjects  to  resist 
by  force  acts  of  pillage  attempted  by  any  Soldiery,  even  by  those  enrolled 
under  the  Royal  banner. 

In  combating  such  abuses  as  these,  the  popular  leaders  were  secure 
of  general  approbation  and  support.  But  some  clauses  of  the  Ordi- 
nance which  they  obtained  betray  an  ambitious  design  of  annihilating 
the  independence  of  the  Crown,  and  of  subjecting  it  to  control  in  matters 
over  which  wiser  Statesmen  have  determined  that,  even  in  a  mixed 
Government,  its  authority  ought  to  be  supreme.  Thus  they  objected  to 
the  exercise  of  the  prerogative  of  Mercy  in  the  issue  of  Letters  of  Par- 
don. Atrocious  crimes,  indeed,  were  specified  as  the  offences  which 
were  to  be  excluded  from  Grace,  but  by  whom  was  the  standard  of  atro- 
city to  be  adjusted  ?  They  restricted  the  free  choice  of  the  King  in  his 
selection  of  a  Ministry,  by  personally  denouncing  a  certain  number  of 
individuals  as  for  ever  unworthy  of  his  confidence ;  and  they  interfered 
with  the  rights  of  private  property  (for  such  must  the  Fiefs  of  the 
French  Crown  be  considered)  by  forbidding  any  Grant  or  alienation  of 
territory*. 

Charles,  however,  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  Deputies ;  for  the  cala- 
mities of  the  Government  which  he  administered  were  hourly  increasing. 
The  Gascon  Barons,  bribed  by  the  distribution  of  100,000  florins,  per- 
mitted the  King,  who  had  hitherto  been  detained  among  them  at  Bor- 
deaux, to  be  removed  from  their  shores ;  and  in  order  to 
ensure  his  unobstructed  transport  to  England,  a  Truce  for  March  23. 
two  years  was  signed  between  the  Belligerents  f.  The  re- 
ception and  the  entertainment  of  John  by  his  conquerors  are  among  the 
brightest  portious  of  English  History.  Every  abatement  of  the  rigour 
of  captivity  which  seemed  compatible  with  his  safe  custody  was  proffered 
without  ostentation  and  with  good  taste;  and  a  graceful  respect  for  the 
feelings  of  the  illustrious  prisoner  mingled  even  with  the  natural  and 
laudable  ebullitions  of  popular  triumph. 

The  Spring  and  Summer  of  1331  were  passed  in  continual  struggles 
between  the  Dauphin  and  the  Bourgeois  Faction,  represented,  during 
the  intervals  of  the  assembly  of  the  States-General,  by  a  standing  Com- 
mittee of  thirty-six  Deputies.     The  policy  of  Charles,  however,  was  far 

*   Ordoiutances  de  France,  iii.  124,  146.  f    Faedera,  iii.  348. 


204  OUTRAGES  OF  THE  PARISIAN  RABBLE.  [CH.  X. 

from  being  uniform ;  and  the  resistance  prompted  by  an  occasional 
access  of  courage,  or  by  a  favourable  opportunity,  often  yielded  to  the 
first  succeeding  attack.  Every  day,  and  almost  every  hour,  witnessed 
the  promulgation  of  contradictory  Edicts ;  and  not  the  least  remarkable 

occurrence  of  these  singular  times  is  the  issue  of  an  Ordi- 
April  6.         nance  (which  perhaps  created  a  temporary  revulsion  in  his 

favour),  forbidding  the  payment  of  the  subsidy  granted  by 
the  States.  This  Ordinance  was  revoked  within  two  days  after  it  had 
been  proclaimed ;  but  the  Deputies  found  difficulties  in  levying  money, 
the  rabble  forgot  their  late  oppression  in  present  suffering,  and  attri- 
buted the  relief  which  the  Dauphin  had  apparently  been  willing  to 
afford,  to  a  wish  that  they  should  be  freed  from  burdens  altogether, 
rather  than  to  a  dissatisfaction  that  the  power  of  imposing  those 
burdens  was  taken  away  from  himself.  Charles,  encouraged  by  these 
demonstrations  of  public  opinion,  dismissed  the  Council  with  which 
he  had  been  shackled,  and  for  a  brief  season  shook  off  the  yoke  of  the 
Bourgeois. 

Inability  to  procure  supplies  soon  occasioned  a  fresh  assembly  of  the 

States,  in  which  the  influence  of  the  malecontents  was  very 
Nov.  7.         greatly  increased  by  the  escape  of  the  King  of  Navarre  from 

prison.  That  turbulent  Prince,  after  a  short  abode  at 
Amiens,  during  which  he  consolidated  his  party,  demanded  re-admission 
into  Paris.  The  Dauphin,  who  was  his  brother-in-law,  and  who  had 
been  living  on  terms  of  intimate  confidence  with  him  at  the  time  of  his 
arrest,  was  wholly  without  any  pretext  on  which  a  refusal  to  the  demand 
might  be  founded ;  and  Navarre,  having  first  harangued  the  populace, 
obtained  permission  to  detach  from  the  gibbets  upon  which  they  were 
still  exposed  at  Rouen,  the  bodies  of  the  friends  who  had  suffered  in  his 
cause,  and  to  celebrate  public  obsequies  to  their  memory  *. 

Democracy  has  often  borrowed  the  aid  of  some  factious  Patrician 
to  cover  its  early  aggressions ;  and  Marcel  soon  availed  himself  of  the 
alliance  which  the  King  of  Navarre  was  willing  to  afford.  Nor  was  he 
insensible  of  the  strength  which  a  cabal  derives  from  outward  distinctive 
badges  of  union ;  and  when  he  instructed  his  adherents  to  wear  parti- 
coloured hoods  {capuchins)  in  which  red  and  blue  were  mingled,  he 
exhibited   no    slight  knowledge   of  the    contagious   nature  of  human 

passions.     At  the  head  of  a  troop  of  ruffians  thus  arrayed, 

a.  n.  1358.   he  burst  into  the  presence  of  the  Dauphin,  and  having 

Feb.  22.     massacred  two  of  his   chief  attendant  Nobles,  Robert  de 

Clermont  Marechal  of  Normandy,  and  the  Sire  de  Conflans 
who  held  similar  high  office  in  Champagne,  he  assured  the  trembling 
Prince,  whose  clothes  were  stained  with  the  blood  of  his  friends,  that  so 

*  The  remains  of  the  Count  of  Harcourt  had  already  been  secretly  interred.  He 
was  buried  in  effigy  on  this  occasion.     Villaret,  v.,  148. 


A.  D.  1358.]  TREACHERY  OF  THE  KING  OF  NAVARRE.  205 

far  as  regarded  himself  there  was  not  any  cause  for  alarm.  Then, 
having  exchanged  hoods  as  a  guarantee  of  safety,  he  led  Charles  to 
a  window  in  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  The  rabble  meantime  were  hunting 
down  a  third  great  Officer  of  State,  Reginald  d'Acy  *  the  Advocate- 
General,  whom  they  murdered  in  the  streets ;  and  while  this  deed 
of  horror  was  being  enacted  before  his  eyes,  the  Dauphin,  tricked  out  in 
the  colours  under  which  the  assassins  were  marshalled,  assured  them  in 
words  dictated  by  the  Provost,  that  he  rejoiced  in  the  destruction 
of  Traitors. 

The  States  had  assembled  in  the  Capital,  some  few  days  before  this 
commotion;  and  it  is  probable  that  they  viewed  the  ascendency  of 
Marcel  with  suspicion  ;  for  although,  from  want  of  power  or  of  will,  they 
forebore  from  any  enquiry  into  this  outrage,  they  conferred  at  least  the 
appearance  of  increased  authority  upon  the  Dauphin,  by  requesting  him 
to  assume  the  title  of  Regent.  But  this  nominal  addition  to  his  power 
was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  a  fatal  step  which  has  been  repeated 
under  similar  circumstances,  and  always  with  evil  consequences.  Many 
of  the  Clergy  and  of  the  Nobles  finding  themselves  unequal  to  oppose  the 
Tiers  Etat,  gradually  withdrew  from  the  meetings  of  the  Committee,  and 
Marcel  taking  advantage  of  their  secession,  supplied  their  vacant 
places  with  Deputies  of  his  own  creation,  and  thus  gained  double 
strength  at  every  retreat  of  an  opponent. 

The  Noblesse,  however,  as  before,  preserved  their  superiority  in  the 
Provincial  States,  and  at  those  meetings,  which  Charles  attended,  they 
awakened  in  him  a  sense  of  violated  dignity,  and  induced  and  enabled  him 
to  menace  Paris  with  blockade.  His  demands  at  first  excited  fear  for  the 
entire  population ;  but  he  at  last  contented  himself  by  requiring  the 
surrender  of  a  few  of  the  most  guilty  Citizens,  and  even  to  those 
he  promised  a  remission  of  capital  punishment.  Marcel  was  not  thus 
easily  deceived ;  all  History  forewarned  him  of  the  lot  of  Rebels  who 
surrender  their  arms ;  and  resolutely  preparing  for  defence,  he  occu- 
pied the  Castle  of  the  Louvre,  and  fortified  and  provisioned  Paris 
to  withstand  a  siege. 

If  the  King  of  Navarre,  when  he  issued  from  Paris  to  take  the  field, 
had  continued  faithful  to  his  promises,  Marcel  might  perhaps  have 
triumphed ;  but  Charles  le  Mauvais  was  engaged  in  a  double  treachery, 
and  at  the  very  moment  at  which  the  Provost  had  obtained  for  him  the 
title  of  Captain-General  of  Paris,  he  had  sold  his  alliance  to  the 
Dauphin  for  400,000  florins.  The  part  which  he  intended  ultimately  to 
assume  cannot  be  determined,  but  it  is  little  to  be  doubted  that  his  chief 
object  was  to  encourage  National  disunion  in  any  shape,  in  the  hope 

*  Froissart  in  his  account  of  these  murders  (ii.  c.  17G)  gives  the  name  of 
"  Simon  de  Buci,  a  Knight  of  Laws."  This  plainly  is  no  more  than  a  different 
version  of  d'Acy. 


206  ASSASSINATION  OF  ETIENNE  MARCEL.  [CH.  X. 

that  some  favourable  opportunity  would  present  itself  during  a  period  of 
struggle,  in  which  he  might  set  aside  the  Salic  Law,  and  thus  establish 
his  own  claim  to  the  Crown — a  claim  which,  if  the  female  line  were 
admitted,  was  undoubtedly  legitimate  in  the  nearest  grandson  of 
Louis  X.  Notwithstanding,  therefore,  his  Treaty  with  the  Dauphin,  and 
his  consequent  breach  with  the  Parisians,  he  continued  to  negociate 
with  Marcel,  from  whom  he  received  a  promise  that  the  Gate  and  For- 
tress of  St.  Antoine  should  be  delivered  to  his  troops.  Duped  by  his  own 
ambitious  hopes,  the  Provost  conveyed  the  keys  of  those  strong-holds 
in  person;  and  although  the  Bourgeois  had  denounced  the  King  of 
Navarre  as  an  apostate  from  their  cause,  and  had  stripped  him  of  his 
Captainship,  Marcel  persisted  in  his  blindness.  On  the  night  of  the 
31st  of  July,  he  was  engaged  in  substituting  guards  devoted  to  his  own 
service  in  place  of  the  ordinary  sentinels  at  the  posts  which  he  had 
agreed  to  surrender.  This  step  was  preparatory  to  the  admission  of  the 
Navarrois ;  but,  before  its  completion,  some  Fellow-Citizens,  either 
betraying  or  detecting  the  plot,  raised  the  populace,  accused  Marcel  of 
treachery,  of  which  the  keys  at  that  moment  in  his  hands  were  suffi- 
cient evidence,  and  put  him  to  death  upon  the  spot,  together  with  several 
of  his  adherents.  Their  bodies,  after  having  been  stripped  and  exposed 
to  public  gaze,  were  thrown  into  the  Seine,  amid  the  execrations  of  the 
giddy  rabble  by  whose  suffrages  the  deceased  leaders  had  recently 
obtained  their  influence  *. 

The  Regent  speedily  occupied  the  Capital  and  avenged  himself 
by  numberless  executions ;  but  his  success  was  little  suited  to  the 
designs  of  the  King  of  Navarre,  who  at  once  assumed  a  hostile  attitude. 
Money,  which  he  had  largely  at  his  command,  soon  swelled  his  ranks 
with  adventurers  of  all  Nations,  at  that  time  discharged  from  military 
service  by  the  Truce  between  France  and  England.  Before  the  Regent 
had  acquired  sufficient  energy  to  move  from  Paris,  these  mercenary 
Brigands  spread  terror  over  some  of  the  finest  parts  of  the  Isle  of 
France,  of  the  Vermandois,  and  of  Picardy ;  and  it  was  not 
a.  d.  1358.  till  the  middle  of  the  following  Summer  that  Charles  was 
June  —  roused  to  action,  and  commenced  the  siege  of  Melun.  That 
City  was  the  abode  of  three  Queens,  each  nearly  connected 
with  Charles  le  Mauvais ;  Blanche  of  Navarre,  relict  of  Philip  VI., 
was  his  sister ;  Jane,  widow  of  Charles  IV.  was  his  aunt ;  and  another 
Jane,  sister  of  the  Regent,  was  his  wife.  The  terror  of  these 
illustrious  Ladies  in  a  few  days  produced  an  accommodation  for 
which  the  sufferings  of  the  entire  Kingdom  during  several  months  had 


*  Froissart,  ii.  c.  175,  176.  Mtmoires  de  PAcadkmie  des  Inscriptions,  xliii.  563. 
Question  Historique  a  qui  doit-on  attribue  la  gloire.  de  la  Revolution  qui  sauva  Paris 
pendant  la  prison  du  RoiJean.     Par  M.  Dacier. 


A.  D.  1358.]   INEFFECTUAL  NEGOTIATION  FOR  RELEASE  OF  JOHN.   207 

pleaded  ineffectually;  and  through  their  diplomacy  a  Treaty 
VII  negociated  at  Pontoise,  to  which  nevertheless  Philip  of       Aug.  21. 
Navarre,  the  brother  of  Charles  le  Mauvati)  refused  ac- 
cession. 

Before  the  signature  of  this  Peace,  the  Truce  with  England  had  been 
prolonged  by  John  till  the  following  Midsummer*,  in  order  to  receive 
the  assent  of  his  son  to  a  compact  which  the  tediousness  of  captivity  had 
induced  him  to  accept  from  Edward  III.  The  document  itself  has 
perished,  and  it  appears  on  the  authority  of  Froissart,  that  the  particulars 
contained  in  it  were  by  no  means  publicly  known  ;  for  not  more  than  an 
outline  framed  by  Edward  and  the  Black  Prince  on  the  one  hand, 
and  agreed  to  by  the  King  of  France  and  James  of  Bourbon  on  the 
other,  N  without  any  arbitrator  between  them,"  was  despatched  by 
special  messengers  to  Paris.  The  freedom  of  John  would  have  deprived 
Charles  of  his  Regency,  and  would  have  diminished  the  chances  of 
anarchy  upon  which  Navarre  calculated  for  success.  It  was  natural 
therefore  that  both  those  Princes  should  seek  a  pretext  for  opposition. 
Froissart  tells  us  that  the  Dauphin  consulted  the  King  of  Navarre,  who 
advised  the  assembling  of  a  Great  Council,  the  Members  of  which 
unanimously  declared  that  the  conditions  of  Peace  u  were  too  hard,"  and 
that  they  would  rather  endure  their  present  distress  than  suffer  the 
Kingdom  to  be  dismembered  t-  Thomas  of  Walsingham  states  more  in 
detail  that  John  agreed  to  surrender  Flanders,  Aquitaine,  Picardy,  and 
such  other  districts  as  the  English  had  already  "  ridden  through  and 
ravaged  J."  The  terms,  whatever  they  might  be,  were  rejected  by  the 
French  Council  of  State,  upon  which  depended  the  provision  of  ransom. 
Edward,  who  suspected  John  of  insincerity  in  the  transaction,  transferred 
him  from  Somerton  to  Berkhampstead,  and  afterwards  to  the  Tower  of 
London  §.  The  King  of  France,  perhaps  more  justly,  attributed  his 
disappointment  to  the  subtilty  of  Charles  le  3Iauvaisi  who  he  said  was 
cunning  enough  to  deceive  forty  such  as  his  fair  son  §. 

France  at  this  time  presented  a  frightful  picture  of  calamity  and 
misrule.  "  The  Free  Companies,"  as  the  disbanded  soldiery  styled 
themselves,  pillaged,  even  in  small  bodies,  without,  opposition.  One 
troop,  headed  by  a  Welshman  (variously  called  Rufnn  and  Griffith), 
marauded  about  Paris,  Orleans,  and  Chartres,  till  their  Captain,  "  whom 
they  had  knighted,  acquired  such  immense  riches  that  they  could  not  be 
counted  ||."    Another  leader  of  Banditti,  Sir  Arnold  de  Cervole,  who 

*  Fcedera,  iii.  422,  dated  March  18,  135$ 

f  ii.e.  199. 

X  Hist.  Anglice  ap.  Camden,  173.  The  same  words  are  repeated  in  the  Ypodeigma 
Neustrite  ;  id.  523. 

§  Ha,  ha,  Charles,  beau-JUs,  vous  conseiliez  au  Roi  de  Navarre,  qui  vous  derail  et 
decevroit  quarante  tels  que  vous  ties. 

||  Froissart,  ii.  c.  175. 


208  FRIGHTFUL  INSURRECTION  OF  [CH.  X. 

bore  the  title  of  Arch-Priest  (Archipretre*),  levied  contributions  in 
Provence,  and  extended  his  violence  even  within  the  sacred  pale  of 
Avignon.  The  terrors  felt  by  Innocent  VI.  prevailed  over  his  self-respect. 
We  are  assured  that  the  Bravo  "  dined  several  times  with  the  Pope  and 
Cardinals,  who  at  his  departure  presented  him  with  40,000  Crowns 
to  distribute  among  his  companions  f." 

But  no  suffering  with  which  this  most  wretched  Country  had  been 
afflicted  exceeded  that  produced  by  an  insurrection  which  armed  the  Vil- 
lains (or  Labourers),  chiefly  in  Beauvoisis,  against  the  Lords  of  the  soil. 
The  Peasants  of  France,  uneducated,  unprotected,  and  hopeless  of  eman- 
cipation from  the  most  grinding  of  all  servitudes,  were  but  little  raised 
above  the  level  of  savage  life.  The  Bourgeoisie  indeed  had  made  rapid 
advances  towards  civilization,  and  consequently  towards  independence, 
by  the  ties  which  associated  them  in  Communes  ;  but  the  great  mass  by 
which  France  was  inhabited,  the  rural  cultivators,  were  altogether  with- 
out mutual  union,  and  therefore  were  stationary  in  degradation.  Toil 
and  poverty  were  the  only  heritages  transmitted  by  each  father  to  his 
son;  and  it  was  not  worth  while  to  labour  for  the  acquisition  of 
property  (if  the  word  can  be  so  applied)  which  might  allure  the  violence 
of  Banditti,  or  tempt  the  more  legalized  avarice  of  the  paramount 
Seigneur. 

Miserable  as  was  this  condition,  its  misery  appears  to  have  been 
capable  of  enhancement ;  and  the  great  sums  required  by  the  Nobles 
captured  at  Poitiers  for  the  provision  of  ransom  could  only  be  furnished 
by  increased  exactions  from  the  Peasantry.  "  Jacques  Bonhomme  will 
pay  for  all"  is  said  to  have  been  the  heartless  and  unfeeling  declaration 
with  which  the  Lords  when  enfranchised  by  the  English  returned  to  their 
Chateaux ;  and  this  idle  levity  aggravated  the  oppression  by  which  it  was 
accompanied.  The  Villains,  either  styling  themselves  or  being  styled  La 
Jacquerie  for  the  above  reason,  began  to  assemble  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Soissons  ;  they  were  devoid  of  weapons,  (for  in  this  instance  the 
despoiled  had  not  arms  which  they  could  retain  J,)  they  were  without 
leaders,  and  at  first  they  did  not  exceed  a  few  scores  in  number. 
Staves  shod  with  iron,  knives,  and  agricultural  implements,  supplied  the 

*  Villaret,  v.  161,  explains  the  title  Arekiprttre  to  have  corresponded  in  the  early 
Church  with  Vicar-Imperial,  and  that  afterwards  it  was  given  to  Priests  subordinate 
to  Archdeacons,  who  in  modern  times  would  be  called  Rural  Deans.  Arnold  de 
Cervole,  although  a  married  layman,  enjoyed  the  revenue  of  an  Archiprelre,  accord- 
ing to  a  common  abuse  among  the  Provincial  Nobles. 

A  detailed  history  of  Arnold  de  Cervole  may  be  found  in  the  Memoires  de 
fAcademie  des  Inscriptions,  xxiii.  153.  He  is  there  styled  Archipresbyter  de 
Verniis,  of  Vezzins.  He  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  at  Poitiers,  and  afterwards 
ransomed  by  a  sum  paid  from  the  Royal  coffers.  In  13G1,  while  commanding  the 
van  of  a  Royal  Army  despatched  against  the  very  adventurers  whom  he  had  formerly 
led,  he  was  defeated  and  captured.  In  13G5'  he  was  appointed  Chamberlain  to 
Charles  V.,  and  in  the  year  following  he  died  quietly  in  his  bed  in  Provence. 

f  Froissart,  ii.  c.  175  and  c.  144. 

\  Spoliatis  arma  supersunt,     Juv.  viii.  123. 


A.  D.  1358.]  LA  JACQUERIE.  209 

want  of  swords  and  spears ;  a  Chief  was  provided  under  the  title  which 
had  been  given  in  derision,  and  Jacques  Bonhomme,  a  peasant  of  Mello 
near  Clermont  (his  real  name  was  GuillaumeCaillet),  "  the  worst  of  the 
bad,"  having  been  elected  their  King,  their  forces  soon  amounted  to 
more  than  100,000  men;  who  burned  and  destroyed  upwards  of  one  hun- 
dred castles  and  mansions  between  Paris  and  Noyons.  Horrors  which 
we  would  far  more  willingly  forget  (if  to  forget  them  were  possible)  than 
transcribe  for  the  perusal  of  others,  were  inflicted  and  retaliated  ;  and  in 
the  Summer  of  1358,  the  part  taken  by  the  King  of  Navarre  in  suppres- 
sion of  these  enormities  materially  contributed  to  diminish  the  influence 
which  he  had  established  with  the  Tiers  Etat  of  Paris.  The  Villains, 
indeed,  placed  but  little  confidence  in  the  professions  of  alliance  which 
Charles  had  made,  for  they  justly  deemed  them  alien  from  his  Caste.  It 
was  against  that  Caste,  against  all  superiority  that  their  war  was  aimed ; 
and  when  asked  for  what  reason  they  acted  so  wickedly,  they  replied 
"They  knew  not,  but  they  did  so  because  they  saw  others  do  so,  and  they 
thought  that  by  this  means  they  should  destroy  all  the  Nobles  and  Gen- 
tlemen in  the  World  *."  The  King  of  Navarre  (as  the  same  authority 
reports,  but  probably  with  much  exaggeration)  destroyed  3000  of  them 
in  one  day ;  "  and  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Country  hanged  them  in 
troops  on  the  nearest  trees."  Nevertheless,  so  extensive  was  the  insur- 
rection, that  the  Duchess  of  Normandy,  the  Duchess  of  Orleans,  and  300 
other  Ladies  of  illustrious  birth,  were  compelled  to  seek  shelter  from 
outrage  and  dishonour  within  the  walls  of  Meaux.  Even  in  that  City 
they  obtained  a  very  insecure  asylum ;  and  from  circumstances  at- 
tendant upon  the  final  discomfiture  of  the  Jacquerie  in  its  streets, 
we  learn  both  the  audacity  which  success  had  inspired  among  the 
Villains,  and  also  the  want  of  courage  in  their  Lords,  to  which  that 
success  is  mainly  to  be  attributed.  Gaston  Count  de  Foix,  and  his 
cousin  the  Captal  t  of  Buch,  the  latter  of  whom  was  a  retainer  in  the 
English  service,  returning  from  a  Crusade  (as  it  is  termed)  in  Prussia  }, 
chivalrously  tendered  their  protection  to  the  distressed  ladies  in  Meaux. 
The  Bourgeois  of  that  City,  who  were  leagued  with  the  Peasantry, 
opened  their  gates  to  them  and  to  a  band  of  Parisian  malecontents 
by  whom  they  were  accompanied ;  but  at  the  moment  at  which  the 
noble  Dames  were  overcome  with  terror,  the  two  Knights,  followed  by 
about  sixty  lances,  galloped  amid  the  unarmed  and  undisciplined  rabble, 
"  striking  them  down  like  beasts,"  till  upwards  of  7000  perished  by  the 

*  Froissart,  ii.  c.  181. 

f  This  title  is  explained  by  Villaret,  v.  289,  and  by  Ducange  ad  v.  Capita/is.  It 
seems  to  have  been  equivalent  to  Count,  but  at  the  commencement  of  the  XlVth 
Century  it  was  assumed  only  by  two  French  Nobles,  the  Captal  of  Buch  and  the 
Captal  of  Trene. 

I  Villaret's  Note  on  this  transaction  is  somewhat  naive.  La  Prusse  alort  itoit 
encore  en  pariic  barbare.  Nos  Chevaliert  eloient  dans  fuiage  d'y  alter  excrcer  /eur 
valeur. 


210  TREATY  OF  BRETIGNY.  [CH.  X. 

sword,  or  by  the  river  into  which  they  were  chased.  Not  an  individual 
would  have  escaped  if  the  fugitives  had  been  pursued ;  but  the 
conquerors  returned  to  inflict  vengeance  upon  the  Citizens  of  Meaux, 
whose  town  with  most  of  its  inhabitants  they  reduced  to  ashes.  From 
that  day  the  Jacquerie  may  be  'considered  as  suppressed,  for  they 
"  never  collected  again  in  any  great  bodies." 

In  a  Country  so  destitute  of  military  energy  and  of  sound  Govern- 
ment, as  to  owe  its  deliverance  from  this  most  virulent 
a.  d.  1359.  sedition  only  to  a  lucky  accident,  a  foreign  invader  was  not 
Oct.  —  likely  to  meet  with  any  formidable  resistance ;  and  after 
Edward  III.  had  landed  at  Calais,  he  marched  unopposed 
Nov.  30.  to  Rheims.  His  chief  embarrassment,  indeed,  was  created 
not  by  enemies,  but  by  the  throngs  of  mercenary  adven- 
turers who  awaited  his  arrival,  in  the  hope  of  finding  engagement  in  his 
service,  and  provision  for  whom  would  at  once  have  exhausted  his 
resources,  notwithstanding  the  unsparing  cost  with  which  they  had  been 
provided.  He  entertained  them  civilly,  and  although  he  declined 
entering  into  any  compact  for  their  aid,  he  offered  them  free  participation 
in  booty  if  they  would  accompany  his  enterprise.  The  English  army 
was  amply  furnished  with  materiel  for  its  own  subsistence,  without 
which  its  advance  would  have  been  impossible  in  a  Country  utterly 
devastated ;  and  Froissart  is  lavish  in  his  commendations  of  the  gallant 
show  exhibited  by  the  richly  equipped  battalions,  headed  by  the  King 
and  his  four  sons;  and  of  the  huge  train  of  six-thousand  sumpter 
carriages,  many  of  them  conveying  whole  workshops,  which  occupied  two 
leagues  in  length  in  their  rear  *.  After  blockading  Rheims  during  seven 
weeks,  Edward  fixed  his  quarters  at  Bourg  la  Reine  within  two  short 
leagues  of  Paris,  burning  and  ravaging  every  district  through  which  he 
passed.  The  Dauphin,  however,  still  remained  inactive  in  the  Capital,  in 
which  he  was  greatly  harassed  by  the  intrigues  of  the  King  of  Navarre ; 
and  even  when  Sir  Walter  Manny  shattered  a  lance  against  the  barriers 
of  the  City,  the  unwarlike  Prince  brooked  the  insult,  and  maintained  an 
obstinate  resolution  to  avoid  battle.  The  sole  chance  of  escape  from 
entire  subjection  depended  therefore  upon  the  moderation  of  Edward ; 
who,  listening  to  the  wise  remonstrances  of  his  cousin  of  Lancaster, 
abandoned  his  views  upon  the  Crown  of  France  (the  phantom  which  he 
had  been  accustomed  to  contemplate),  and  discreetly  contented  himself 
with  a  substantial  acquisition,  which  there  were  reasonable 
a.  d.  1360.  grounds  for  believing  he  possessed  strength  enough  to  main- 
May  18.      tain.    The  Treaty  of  Bretigny,  long  emphatically  named 

*  In  this  expedition  provision  for  amusement  and  pleasure  was  not  omitted. 
During  Lent,  an  ample  supply  of  fish  was  obtained  by  means  of  boats  of  boiled 
hather,  each  of  which  was  large  enough  to  contain  three  men.  The  King  had 
a  train  of  thirty  mounted  Falconers  with  Hawks,  sixty  couple  of  Hounds,  and  as 
many  greyhounds.  Many  Lords  besides  carried  with  them  Hawks  and  Hounds. 
Froissart,  iii.  c.  208. 


A.  D.   1362.]  RANSOM  OP  JOHN.  211 

the  Great  Treaty,  secured  to  England  the  independent  sovereignty  of 
Aquitaine,  hitherto  regarded  as  a  Fief  of  France ;  certain  adjoining 
districts  were  permanently  annexed  to  this  Duchy ;  and  a  small 
territory  surrounding  Calais,  and  embracing  Ponthieu,  Guines,  and 
Montreuil,  was  transferred  absolutely  to  the  English  dominion.  The 
ransom  of  John  was  fixed  at  three  millions  of  Crowns  of  gold,  600,000 
of  which  were  to  be  paid  before  his  release,  and  the  balance  by  equal 
instalments  during  the  six  ensuing  years.  As  a  guarantee  for  these 
moneys,  Edward  was  allowed  to  select  a  certain  number  of  hostages 
chosen  from  the  most  illustrious  Nobles  and  the  most  wealthy  Bourgeois 
of  France.  One  point  alone,  the  succession  to  Bretany,  remained  for 
adjustment ;  and  since  that  dispute  regarded  accessories,  not  the  chief 
negociators,  the  claims  of  John  of  Montfort  and  of  Charles  of  Blois  were 
reserved  for  future  discussion. 

Calais  was  to  be  John's  abode*  until  the  first  instalment  of  the 
ransom  should  be  defrayed ;  but  from  what  funds  was  it  likely  that  his 
impoverished  Kingdom  could  furnish  600,000  Crowns?  The  sum 
which  the  exertions  of  a  whole  Nation  were  incompetent  to  supply  was 
provided  by  the  vanity  of  an  individual,  and  Galeazzo  Visconti,  who  had 
been  unsparing  of  blood  and  crime  to  elevate  himself  from  a  private 
station  to  the  sovereignty  of  Milan,  was  now  equally  prodigal  of  gold  to 
confirm  his  ill  gotten  Lombard  power  by  alliance  with  the  Royal  House 
of  France.  He  offered  half  the  requisite  money  as  a  free  gift,  whenever 
the  hand  of  Isabella,  daughter  of  John,  should  be  bestowed  on  his  son 
Giovanni,  and  the  remaining  moiety  was  to  be  delivered  in  return  for  the 
Bride's  portion,  the  inconsiderable  Fief  of  Vertus  in  Cham- 
pagne. The  bargain  was  accordingly  struck,  and  the  young  Oct.  8. 
Princess,  in  her  eleventh  year,  was  conducted  with  nuptial 
pomp  to  Milan. 

The  few  remaining  years  of  the  reign  of  John  afford  little  which 
is  either  attractive  or  important.  He  was  chiefly  occupied 
in  vain  endeavours  to  escape  from  the  sight  and  hearing  of  a.  d.  1362. 
calamities  which  he  was  utterly  without  power  even  to 
mitigate.  Pestilence  from  time  to  time  swept  through  almost  every 
Province  of  his  Kingdom ;  and  the  Free  Companies,  the  dregs  and  scum 
of  Europe,  "  Germans,  Brabanters,  Flemings,  Hainaulters,  Gascons  and 


*  The  changes  in  the  style  of  John  in  the  numerous  orders  relative  to  him  during 
his  imprisonment,  may  he  accepted  as  measures  of  the  progress  of  negotiation  for  his 
ransom.  Sometimes  he  is  advertarius  nosier,  sometimes  consanguineus  nutter.  In 
the  Foedera,  iii.  485,  may  be  found  a  Grant  (dated  April  28,  1360)  to  the  Clerk 
of  the  Hanaper,  giving  him  GO  shillings  as  an  indemnification  for  the  expense  in- 
tuned  by  dislodging  the  Records  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  which  before  were 
kept  in  the  apartments  of  the  Tower  of  London  destined  for  the  reception  of  the 
Royal  captive,  and  for  providing  new  cases  in  which  they  might  be  securely  depo- 
sited. 

P2 


212  SECOND  ROYAL  HOUSE  OF  BURGUNDY.  [CH.  X. 

bad  Frenchmen,"  under  various  names  *,  "  persevered  in  their  wicked- 
ness," and  defied  all  authority  exerted  for  their  suppression.  One  band, 
whose  pre-eminence  in  robbery  and  violence  had  acquired  for  it  the  dis- 
tinction of  La  Grande,  after  having  defeated  and  mortally 
April  2.  wounded  James  of  Bourbon  f,  found  more  legitimate 
employment  for  its  arms  in  the  Wars  of  Italy;  and  released 
France  from  the  terrors  of  its  presence,  by  passing  the  Alps,  in  the 
service  of  the  Marquis  of  Montferrat. 

Even  the  good  actions  of  John  were  to  be  the  seeds  of  future  ill.  His 
■on  Philip  had  amply  merited  reward  by  the  gallantry  which  in 
extreme  youth  he  had  displayed  at  Poitiers ;  but  his  father  was  less 
politic  than  munificent  in  his  acknowledgment  of  this  service.  The 
death  of  Philip  of  Rouvre  united  to  the  French  Crown  the  lapsed  Fief 
of  Burgundy,  not  indeed  without  a  rival  claimant,  for  so  valuable  a 
possession  does  not  often  pass  undisputed  to  a  new  owner.  The  King  of 
Navarre,  however,  was  unprepared  to  contest  his  right  at  the  moment, 
although  he  renewed  war  under  this  pretext  six  months  afterwards,  and 
John,  having  received  homage  from  the  Burgundians  at  Dijon,  privately 
conferred  the  Duchy  as  an  apanage  upon  his  son  Philip  le  Hardi.  A 
second  Royal  House  was  thus  established  in  Burgundy  J,  and  Philip 
afterwards  marrying  Margaret,  the  widow  of  his  predecessor,  and 
the  daughter  and  heiress  of  Louis  Count  of  Flanders,  reunited  in  his 
single  hand  extensive  territories,  the  resources  of  which  were  too  often 
employed  by  his  descendants  in  struggles  injurious  to  the  stock  from 
which  they  had  sprung  §.  Upon  the  accession  of  Urban  V.  to  the  Papal 
Throne,  John  paid  a  visit  of  congratulation  to  Avignon,  in  which  City 
his  days  were  partly  spent  in  festivity,  partly  in  urging  an  unsuccessful 
suit  to  Joanna  Queen  of  Naples,  at  that  time  widowed  from  her  second 
husband.  The  King  of  France,  undeterred  by  the  reported  murder  of  her 
first  Consort  by  that  Lady  (whose  reputation  has,  perhaps  undeservedly, 
been  as  grievously  assailed  as  that  of  Semiramis  or  of  Messalina),  pro- 

*  Les  Tar ds- Venus,  Malandrins,  Routiers,  Linsards,  Coterets,Tuchins,  etc.  Mezeray, 
ii.  456,  explains  the  first  of  these  names  (the  late-comers)  by  stating  that  their  pre- 
decessors had  reaped  so  closely,  that  nothing  was  left  beyond  a  gleaning  for  those  who 
came  after  them. 

f  James  of  Bourbon  appears  to  have  been  a  very  accomplished  Knight.  His  loss 
was  often  lamented  during  John's  last  visit  to  England  in  conversation  with 
Edward  III.,  and  the  King  agreed  that "  no  one  ever  better  deserved  his  rank  among 
.Nobles."    Froissart,  iii.,  c.  217- 

I  The  first  Royal  Line  of  Burgundy  was  founded  by  Robert,  son  of  King  Robert, 
grandson  of  Hugues  Capet.     It  lasted  330  years. 

§  The  Charter  conferring  this  Grant,  dated  Feb.  6,  1383,  is  printed  in  the  Fcedera, 
iii.  708.  It  makes  very  honourable  mention  of  Philip's  service,  and  confirms  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  in  his  right  of  the  premier  peerage  of  France;  which  heretofore 
had  been  claimed  sometimes  by  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  sometimes  by  the  Duke  of 
Normandy  (Henault,  Abr.  Chron.  I.  366).  Till  after  his  father's  death  Philip  was 
not  recognized  by  any  other  title  than  that  of  Duke  of  Touraine. 


A.  D.  1363.]      THE  DUKE  OF  ANJOU  BREAKS  HIS  PAROLE.        213 

posed  either  himself  orhis  favourite  son  Philip  as  the  partner  of  her  Throne. 
But  Joanna  had  already  selected  James  of  Aragon,  whom  she  admitted  to 
conjugal  rights,  without  allowing  him  any  share  in  her  sove- 
reignty. During  this  residence  at  Avignon,  John  also  con-  a.  d.  1363. 
tracted  the  friendship  of  Pierre  I.  of  Lusignan,  King  of  Cy- 
prus; and  at  the  suggestion  of  that  Prince,  actuated  by  motives  which 
it  is  difficult  either  to  understand  or  to  justify  (unless  we  suppose  that  his 
chief  object  was  to  find  a  distant  service  which  might  effectually  relieve 
France  from  the  Free  Companies),  he  took  the  Cross  together  with  him, 
and  received  from  Urban  the  sounding  title  of  Commander  of  the 
Christian  Host.  Men,  money,  valour,. energy  and  reputation  wTere  alike 
deficient  at  that  moment  in  France ;  and  the  circumstances  of  the  East 
by  no  means  called  for  a  repetition  of  those  sacrifices  which  had  hitherto 
cost  Europe  so  profuse  and  so  useless  an  expenditure  of  lives  and  of 
treasure.  "  Several  Councils,"  as  Froissart  tells  us,  "  were  held  on  the 
subject  of  thi3  Crusade,  to  discover  in  what  manner  it  could  turn  out  to 
the  honour  of  the  King  of  France,  or  to  the  good  of  his  Realm."  Yet 
notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  his  wisest  Ministers,  John  confirmed 
the  engagement,  entertained  the  King  of  Cyprus  with  great  magnificence 
at  his  Court,  and  promised  that  he  would  embark  from  Marseilles  in  the 
ensuing  year. 

A  scruple  of  honour  frustrated  this  most  impolitic  enterprise.  The 
Princes  of  the  Blood  (les  quatre  Fleurdelys),  who  had  been  left 
in  England  as  hostages  for  payment  of  the  King's  ransom,  eagerly 
longed  for  return  to  their  native  Country,  and  obtained  permission  to 
reside  at  Calais  under  certain  restrictions,  having  previously  delivered 
the  principal  towns  in  their  several  Fiefs  to  English  garrisons,  as  pledges 
of  their  fidelity.  The  restraint  imposed  upon  them  was  far  from  being 
burdensome ;  and  was  not  indeed  more  than  a  prudent  regard  for  their 
custody  required  :  they  were  permitted  access  to  every  part  of  France 
which  they  chose  to  visit,  on  condition  that  they  should  present  them- 
selves before  the  Governor  of  Calais  at  every  fourth  sunset.  Louis  of 
Anjou,  the  King's  second  son,  impatient  of  even  this  slight  bond, 
dishonourably  violated  the  compact  *,  and  absented  himself  altogether 
from  Calais.  John  was  most  indignant  at  this  breach  of  promise;  and 
acting  upon  a  maxim  which  it  is  said  he  often  repeated,  u  that  if  Good 
Faith  were  banished  elsewhere  from  the  Earth,  she  ought  still  to 
be  found  upon  the  lips  of  Kings  t,"  he  determined,  in  order  to  remove 
all  imputation  from  himself,  to  cross  to  England  in  person,  and  there  to 
offer  apologies  for  the  unworthiness  of  his  son.  The  resolution  was 
vehemently  opposed,  but  John,  expressing  unlimited  confidence  in 
the  loyalty  and  honour  of  his  Brother  of  England,  obtained  from  him  a 

*  The  promise,  dated  April  16,  1363,  is  printed  iu  the  Fcedera,  iii.  700. 
f  Yillaret,  v.  241.     Henault,  i.  367. 


214  JOHN  DIES  IN  LONDON.  [CH.  X. 

safe^conduct  for  the  passage,  protection,  and  return  of  himself  and  a 
retinue  of  200  Knights  *.  He  was  received  at  Dover  with 
a.  D.  1364.  marked  respect ;  paid  his  devotions  at  the  shrine  of  a 
March  3.  Becket  at  Canterbury ;'  and  after  much  pageantry  and 
rich  entertainment  by  the  Court  at  Eltham,  proceeded 
onward  to  London.  The  Winter  passed  away  in  a  succession  of 
festivities ;  and  the  Thames  afforded  easy  and  almost  private  communi- 
cation between  the  Palace  at  Westminster  and  that  of 
April  8.  the  Savoy,  which  had  been  prepared  for  John's  abode.  Of 
the  fatal  malady  which  attacked  him  in  the  Spring  little  is 
recorded ;  but  we  are  told  by  Froissart  that  when  he  expired,  the  King 
of  England,  the  Queen,  the  Princes  of  the  Blood,  and  all  the  Nobles 
were  exceedingly  concerned  for  the  great  love  and  affection  which  he  had 
shown  to  them  since  the  conclusion  of  Peace.  Notwithstanding  the 
heavy  disasters  of  his  reign,  John,  indeed,  appears  to  have  possessed 
in  eminence  those  qualities  which  command  golden  opinions.  If  the 
valour  of  a  single  arm  could  redeem  the  cowardice  of  thousands,  the 
fortune  of  the  day  of  Poitiers  might  have  been  changed  by  his  personal 
courage.  Amid  the  manifold  seditions  which  disturbed  his  Government, 
and  which  successively  embarrassed  every  other  public  character  in  his 
Realm,  himself  alone  altogether  escaped  popular  reproach  and  odium ; 
and  the  latest  act  of  his  life  evinces  a  lively  sensitiveness  to  honour, 
akin  to  many  other  generous  feelings,  and  little  likely  to  have  existed  as 
a  solitary  virtue.  The  Annals  of  the  French  Monarchy  do  not  afford 
many  parallel  examples ;  and  we  see  no  good  ground  on  which  we 
should  defraud  them  of  the  lustre  flowing  from  the  memory  of  John,  or 
should  deny  our  esteem  to  one  of  the  few  Kings  sprung  from  the  House 
of  Valois  who  have  at  all  deserved  its  bestowal. 

The  remains  of  John  were  conveyed  with  becoming  solemnity  from 
London  to  St.  Denis,  and  his  Crown  passed  to  that  Son  Charles,  who 
although  distinguished  by  the  appendage  le  Sage,  had  as  yet  given  little 
evidence  of  wisdom.  The  title  indeed  has  been  interpreted,  and  we 
doubt  not  justly  t,  far  more  to  denote  his  attainments  in  Literature,  than 
his  general  powers  of  mind.  To  what  extent  he  had  advanced  in  the 
cultivation  of  knowledge  is  ascertained  by  the  words  of  his  Panegyrist 
Christine  of  Pisa,  a  daughter  of  his  chief  Astrologer,  Professor  of  an 
empiric  Art  which  at  that  time  held  unbounded  dominion  over  the 
minds  of  Princes,  and  regulated  the  secret  Politics  of  most  European 
Courts.     Christine  informs  us,  that  the  King  was  a  proficient  in  Latin, 

*  Dec.  10,  1363.  Foedera,  iii.718. 

f  M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  4.  Or  may  we  not  render  le  Sage  as  the  subtle,  cunning, 
crafty?  For  the  claim  which  entitles  Charles  V.  to  the  honour  of  forming  the 
Bibltotheque  du  Roi  in  the  Louvre,  and  for  some  very  curious  particulars  relative  to 
the  outset  of  that  most  noble  Collection,  see  M6moires  de  PAcad.  det  Inscriptions,  i., 
310,  and  ii.,  690. 


A.  D.   1364.]  WAR  IN  BRKTANY.  215 

and  was  competently  acquainted  with  the  rules  of  Grammar*.  But 
these  attainments  scarcely  furnish  a  key  to  the  prosperity  of  his  Govern- 
ment, or  assist  in  determining  the  causes  which  rendered  the  sway  of  a 
manifestly  weak  Prince,  commencing  under  clouds  and  darkness,  a 
period  of  sunshine  to  his  dominions. 

The  first  disturbance  of  public  tranquillity  arose  from  the  restlessness 
of  the  King  of  Navarre,  who  to  his  former  claims  upon  Champagne  and 
Brie,  now  added  those  which  he  asserted  on  Burgundy  also.  He  was 
Opposed  in  the  field  by  a  young  Breton,  Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  who  had 
already  attained  great  celebrity  as  a  General ;  and  who,  notwithstanding 
a  repulsive  exterior,  and  gross  ignorance  of  all  but  military  science,  fills 
a  distinguished  place  among  the  Preux  of  France.  The  Captal  of 
Buch,  an  experienced  soldier,  who  commanded  the  Navarrois,  was 
entirely  defeated  and  taken  prisoner  by  the  youthful  warrior 
at  Cocherel,  a  small  village  in  Normandy,  between  Evreux  May  16. 
and  Vernon,  and  Charles  V.,  who  received  the  news  of  this 
success  on  the  evening  before  his  Coronation,  soon  after-  June  2. 
wards  confirmed  his  brother  Philip  in  the  investiture  of 
Burgundy.  In  this  act  of  Royal  favour,  which  realized  the  intentions 
of  his  deceased  father,  he  was  more  to  be  commended  than  in  another 
which  directly  contradicted  them.  In  spite  of  the  blot  which  tarnished 
the  honour  of  Louis  of  Anjou,  and  the  reclamations  of  Edward  III., 
who  demanded  the  surrender  of  his  perjured  hostage  t,  the  Government 
of  the  important  Province  of  Languedoc  was  conferred  upon  that  Prince, 
who  was  thus  brought  into  immediate  contact  in  Aquitaine  with  the 
English  whom  he  had  so  justly  offended. 

The  succession  to  Bretany  was  still  undetermined;  and  the  two 
Pretenders,  refusing  all  mediation,  had  recourse  to  arms.  In  the  Treaty 
of  Bretigny  the  Kings  of  France  and  England  had  reserved  to  themselves 
a  right  of  aiding  their  separate  allies  in  this  disputed  Province  (in 
case  of  the  renewal  of  hostilities  between  them),  without  any  infraction 
of  the  General  Peace ;  and,  accordingly,  auxiliaries  were  despatched  to 
the  scene  of  action,  on  the  one  side  under  Du  Guesclin,  on  the  other 
under  Sir  John  Chandos.  The  Countess  Jane  of  Penthievre  peremp- 
torily forbade  her  husband  from  admitting  any  accommodation  ;  Charles 
of  Blois  would  readily  have  agreed  to  a  partition,  but  she  protested  that, 
notwithstanding  the  timidity  of  her  sex,  she  would  prefer  the  loss  of  life 
twice  repeated  to  the  cession  of  one  square  inch  of  her 
inheritance.  All  negociation  was  accordingly  rejected,  and  Sept.  29. 
the  two  armies  met  at  Aurai,  a  sea-port  town  which  De 

*  Memoires  de  Christine,  cited  by  M.  de  Sismondi,  ut  sup.  i.,  3. 

f  In  the  Foederu,  iii.  755,  757>  may  be  found  several  papers  to  this  effect,  dated 
Nov.  20,  1364.  One  is  a  general  Reclamation  of  tbe  Hostages ;  a  second,  a 
Monition  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou  personally,  which  contains  the  following  strong 
words,  parmi  ce  vous  avez  moult  blemi  Ponur  de  vous  el  de  tout  vostrc  itgnage  ;  a  third 
is  a  Summons  to  him  to  appear  before  the  English  Council  at  the  expiration  of 
a  month ;  and  a  fourth  is  an  Appeal  to  the  Peers  of  France. 


216  BATTLE  OF  AURAI.  [CH.X. 

Montfort  was  besieging,  where  they  were  separated  only  by  a  brook.  The 
French,  who  in  numbers  doubled  their  opponents,  crossed  the  stream  in 
order  to  attack ;  and  Sir  John  Chandos  at  once  perceived  the  advantage 
afforded  by  this  blunder,  since  as  the  tide  rose  they  must  be  cut  off  from 
their  reserve.  The  fight  was  very  obstinately  contested;  Olivier  de 
Clisson,  who  commanded  one  of  De  Montfort's  wings,  lost  an  eye  by  the 
stroke  of  a  battle-axe  which  penetrated  his  vizor;  Du  Guesclin  was 
grievously  wounded  and  made  prisoner;  and  Charles  of  Blois  was  cut 
down  by  an  English  soldier  after  he  had  surrendered  and  had  been  led 
from  the  melee.  Froissart  exculpates  the  conquerors  from  any  peculiar 
blame  in  this  otherwise  savage  assassination,  by  informing  us  that 
it  had  been  agreed  beforehand  on  both  sides  that,  in  order  to  render  the 
combat  final,  quarter  should  be  mutually  refused  to  the  principals.  Not 
fewer  than  5000  of  the  vanquished  perished  on  the  field;  and  De  Mont- 
fort pushed  his  first  success  with  so  much  activity,  that  ere  long  he  had 
mastered  all  the  chief  towns  in  the  Duchy. 

Of  three  sons  left  by  Charles  of  Blois,  one  was  yet  an  infant,  the 

two  elder  were  prisoners  in  England.    Louis  of  Anjou,  who  had  married 

his  daughter,  made  a  demonstration  in  behalf  of  the  widow,  who  had 

urged  her  husband  to  his  own  destruction ;   but  the  King  of  France 

was  too  politic  to  second  the  impetuosity  of  his  brother ;  he  perceived 

that  Bretany  was  lost  to  the  Family  of  Blois,  and  after  a 

a.  d.  1365.   tedious  negociation  he  consented  that  De  Montfort  should 

April  11.     retain  the  Duchy,  upon  making  a  liberal  allowance  for  the 

support  of  the  Countess  of  Penthievre.     Edward  III.  agreed 

to  the  ratification  of  this  Peace,  and  the  Treaty  of  Guerande  closed  a  Civil 

War  which  had  desolated  Bretany  for  a  quarter  of  a  Century  *. 

Surer  weapons  than  the  sword  were  employed  for  the  disturbance  of 
Dc  Montfort ;  and  as  the  force  of  public  opinion  was  directed  to  the 
posthumous  elevation  of  his  late  Rival,  he  himself  became  proportion- 
ably  depressed.  Some  years,  indeed,  elapsed  before  the  efforts  of  the 
French  party  could  obtain  Canonization  for  Charles  of  Blois,  and 
Urban  V.  steadily  denied  the  boon  which  was  wrung  by  importunity 
from  his  successor.  But  in  the  mean  time  it  was  affirmed  that  un- 
numbered miracles  had  been  worked  at  the  tomb  of  the  deceased  Prince; 
and  if  we  were  to  believe  the  testimony  of  the  300  witnesses  who  deposed 
to  these  marvels  before  the  Inquest  appointed  for  their  examination  by 
Gregory  XL,  the  lame  and  halt  recovered  the  use  of  their  limbs,  the 
blind  received  their  sight,  the  dumb  their  speech,  the  deranged  their  in- 
tellects, by  reliance  upon  his  mediation.  If  we  hesitate  in  granting 
assent  to  these  and  still  less  credible  wonders,  we  must  however  unre- 
servedly admit  certain  claims  to  Beatification  which  Charles  exhibited 
during  his  life-time.     The  fastings,  the  austerity,  the  watchings,  the 

*  Froissart,  iii.  c  222—227.       Daru,  Hist,  de  Breiagne,  Liv.  IV. 


A.  D.   1366.]  FREE  COMPANIES  IN  CASTILE.  217 

macerations,  the  infliction  of  bodily  torture,  the  want  of  personal  clean- 
liness, which  he  voluntarily  underwent,  have  rarely  been  exceeded  by 
any  Devotee  who  has  sought  to  exalt  himself  by  self-abasement:  yet  it 
is  but  just  to  add,  that  these  mistaken  exercises  of  Fanaticism  were  ac- 
companied for  the  most  part  by  a  meek,  pious,  charitable,  humane,  and 
Christian  spirit*. 

The  Peace  obtained  for  Bretany  by  the  Treaty  of  Gue'rande  was  fol- 
lowed by  an  accommodation  with  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  the  tran- 
quillity thus  partially  restored  enabled  Charles  to  direct  undivided  atten- 
tion to  the  suppression  of  the  brigandage  of  the  Free  Companies.  The 
King  of  Cyprus,  after  a  successful  attempt  upon  Alexandria,  had  been 
compelled  to  abandon  his  conquest,  so  that  no  further  hope  remained  of 
engagement  for  them  in  his  service.  The  Emperor  Charles  IV.  under- 
took to  procure  a  passage  through  the  Hungarian  States  for  the  Arch- 
priest,  Arnold  de  Cervolef  and  his  formidable  band,  which  Charles  V. 
wished  to  despatch  into  Turkey ;  but  the  marauders  provoked  retaliation 
from  the  Peasants  of  Alsace,  and  suffered  so  greatly  in  the  mountain 
defiles,  that  they  were  glad  to  regain  the  borders  of  France  after  con- 
siderable loss;  and  their  fate  inspired  their  comrades  with  abhorrence 
from  all  future  German  expeditions|. 

A  new  channel,  however,  for  mercenary  service  was  opened  by  the 
Civil  War  which  commenced  in  Castile,  between  Pedro  the  Cruel  and 
his  natural  brother  Henry,  Count  of  Trastamara.  Charles  V.  and  Pedro 
had  married  sisters;  and  the  long  imprisonment  and  the  final  poisoning 
of  Blanche  of  Bourbon  by  her  detestable  husband,  had  provoked  merited 
indignation  in  the  bosom  of  the  King  of  France,  which  the  circumstances 
of  his  own  Country  had  compelled  him  to  dissemble.  When,  however, 
Henry  of  Trastamara  offered  himself  to  the  Castilians  as  a  deliverer  from 
the  tyranny  under  which  they  were  groaning,  Charles  was  prompted  by 
the  double  hope  of  avenging  the  murder  of  his  sister-in-law,  and  of 
emancipating  himself  from  the  Free  Companies,  to  promise  aid,  and  to 
license  every  engagement  which  his  subjects  formed  under  the  Invader's 
banner.  Du  Guesclin  was  ransomed  from  Sir  John  Chan- 
dos,  in  order  that  he  might  command  the  expedition,  and  a.  d.  1366. 
throngs  of  adventurers  crowded  his  battalions  when  he  Jan.  — . 
entered  Catalonia. 

The  Tyrant,  panic-stricken  by  the  great  force  which  menaced  him, 
and  by  the  evident  disaffection  of  his  subjects,  did  not  venture  to  keep 
the  field  ;  and  Henry,  having  entered  Burgos  triumphantly, 
there  celebrated  his  Coronation.     But  this  rapid  and  peace-        April  5. 
able  revolution  was  little  in  accord  with  the  wishes  of  the 
army  by  the  terror  of  whose  advance  it  had  been  effected;  and  the  Free 

*  See  the  extracts  from  the  Inquest  given  by  Darn,  ut  si/p.  Tom.  ii.  p.  144. 
f  At  that  time  the  Royal  Chamberlain,  as  has  been  shown  in  a  former  psote. 
\  Froissart,  iii.  228. 


218     THE  BLACK  PRINCE  SUMMONED  BEFORE  THE  FRENCH  PEERS.    [CH.  X. 

Companies,  debarred  from  the  expected  chance  of  enrichment  by  pillage, 
gradually  retired  into  their  old  quarters.  In  the  meantime,  Pedro,  by 
his  lavish  promises  of  remuneration  to  the  Aquitainers,  and  by  awaken- 
ing the  ambition  of  the  Black  Prince,  to  whom  he  tendered  the  sove- 
reignty of  Biscay,  was  prepared,  with  their  important  aid,  to  dispute  the 
Throne  which  he  had  abandoned.  Many  of  the  leaders  to  whom  his 
late  overthrow  was  attributable,  were  thus  arrayed  in  his  defence.  The 
King  of  England,  indeed,  had  long  ago  strictly  prohibited  his  officers 
from  serving  with  Henry  of  Trastamara  against  the  King  of  Castile,  with 
whom  he  had  always  been  allied ;  but  so  little  were  these  orders  obeyed, 
that  we  find  several  of  the  most  celebrated  men  of  that  class, — Sir  Hugh 
Calverley,  Walter  Huet,  Matthew  Gournay,  and  numerous  others, — • 
wholly  regardless  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  for  which  they  fought,  and 
looking  to  the  sword  only  as  a  purveyor  of  gain,  passing  after  a  few 
months'  interval  from  the  ranks  of  one  army  into  those  of  another  most 
directly  opposed  to  it,  and  not  considering  this  fickle  change  of  trading 
partizanship  as  any  stain  upon  their  honour. 

Upon  the  events  of  the  War  in  Castile,  unless  so  far  as  they  affected 

France,  it  is  unnecessary  that  we  should  enter.     By  the 

a.d.  1367.   Victory  of  Najara,  which,  although  gained  by  the  Black 

April  3.      Prince  for  an  evil  cause,  rivalled  in  military  splendour  his 

former  great  achievements  at  Crecy  and  Poitiers,  the  Tyrant 
Pedro  was  for  a  short  season  restored  to  his  Crown,  and  Du  Guesclin 
once  more  became  a  prisoner.  But  that  field  was  the  last  scene  of  glory 
in  which  the  English  Hero  was  permitted  to  share.  Deceived  by  the 
false  promises  of  the  King  whom  he  had  re-enthroned,  he  lingered  in  an 
unhealthy  station,  till  disease  and  discontent  had  enfeebled  his  troops, 
and  the  seeds  of  a  malady  were  imbedded  in  his  own  constitution,  which 
slowly  but  surely  conducted  him  to  the  grave.  He  returned  to  Aqui- 
taine,  which  Henry  of  Trastamara  had  attacked  after  his  defeat  at 
Najara,  without  the  means  of  defraying  his  expenses,  and  he  disgusted 
his  vassals  in  that  Principality  by  the  imposts  which  his  encumbrances 
obliged  him  to  exact.  The  King  of  France  craftily  watched  the  pro- 
gress of  rebellion,  and  attached  to  himself  each  great  Seigneur  who  fell 
away  from  the  part  of  the  English.  Olivier  de  Clisson,  the  Sire  d'Albret, 
and  the  Count  d'Armagnac,  wrere  already  in  his  confidence,  when  a 
general  assembly  of  the  Gascon  Barons  appealed  to  him  as  their  Sove- 
reign against  the  exactions  of  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine.  Charles,  who 
knew  that  the  growing  infirmities  of  the  Black  Prince  would  prevent 

him  from  taking  the  field  in  person,  entertained  the  plea, 

a.  d.  1369.    and  addressed  a  summons  to  him  as  his  vassal,  to  answer 

Jan.  25.      before  the  Chamber  of  Peers  in  Paris.    This  gross  violation 

of  the  Peace  of  Bretigny  was  received  by  the  English  Prince 
with  astonishment  and  scorn.  He  paused  a  few  seconds  after  the  sum- 
mons had  been  read  to  him,  and  then  shaking  his  head  sternly,  he  bade 


A.  D.  1369.]  WAR  RENEWED  WITH  ENGLAND.  219 

the  messengers  inform  their  Master,  the  King  of  France,  that  his  com- 
mands should  be  obeyed.  "  Let  him,  however,  know,  'he  added,  "  that 
when  we  attend  his  pleasure  in  Paris,  it  shall  be  with  our  helmet  on  our 
head,  and  with  60,000  men  in  our  train*." 

But  Charles,  to  use  the  language  of  the  Chronicler,  "  was  too  wise 
and  artful "  to  provoke  an  enemy  from  whom  any  hazard  of  resistance 
was  to  be  apprehended.  By  the  report  of  Physicians  upon  whom  he 
could  depend,  he  was  already  advised  that  Edward's  increasing  dropsy 
must  prevent  the  fulfilment  of  this  menace,  and  having  fully  resolved 
upon  a  War  in  which  the  chances  of  success  were  infinitely  in  his  favour, 
he  next  conveyed  to  the  King  of  England  a  defiance,  which  was  insult- 
ingly borne  by  one  of  his  household-servants.  The  indignation  with  which 
the  Court  at  Westminster  received  this  announcement  was  heightened 
by  the  unworthiness  of  the  messenger;  and  the  Nobles  justly  observed 
that  "  War  between  two  so  great  Lords  ought  to  have  been  declared  by 
some  Prelate,  or  some  valiant  Baron  or  Knight,  not  by  a  common 
servant t." 

That  Aquitaine  was  well  prepared  to  reject  the  English  yoke  was  not 
to  be  doubted ;  and  the  departure  of  the  Black  Prince  from  Castile  had 
led  to  the  revival  of  French  influence  in  that  Country  also.  Pedro, 
deprived  of  the  support  of  those  Allies  to  whom  he  owed  his  restoration, 
had  increased  the  former  National  hatred  by  a  League  with  the  Moorish 
Powers.  The  contest  therefore  raged  with  aggravated  fury,  when  Henry 
was  again  able  to  enter  Andalusiaf  Du  Guesclin  was  ransomed  a  second 
time,  in  order  to  hold  command ;  and  after  a  sanguinary  battle  at  Mon- 
teil,  in  which  the  Tyrant  was  defeated  and  taken  prisoner,  the  Constable 
of  France  (as  Du  Guesclin  became  in  the  following  year  J) 
appears  to  have  shared  in  the  tragic  scene,  in  which,  by  a.  d.  1369. 
drawing  the  heart's  blood  of  his  brother,  Henry  terminated  March  23. 
the  unnatural  strife,  and  seated  himself  upon  an  undisputed 
Throne  §. 

The  defiance  to  Edward  III.  had  not  been  confined  to  words  only  ;  it 
was  accompanied  by  an  almost  simultaneous  movement  upon  Ponthieu 
and  Quercy,  territories  little  prepared  for  defence,  because  attack  had 
been  little  anticipated.  Edward  strongly  represented  to  his  Parliament 
this  unexpected  breach  of  existing  Treaties,  and  by  their  advice  he  re- 
sumed the  title  of  King  of  France,  which  he  had  renounced  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Peace  of  Bretigny  || .  But  neither  himself  nor  his  son 
retained  the  bodily  vigour  which  in  former  years  had  enabled  them  to 
lead  their  armies  to  victory,  and  several  of  his  best  Generals  also  had 

*  Froissart,  iii.  246.  f  Id.  iii.  c.  250.  J  Id.  iv.  c.  22. 

§  Id.  iii.  c.  243.     M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  105,  and  the  authorities  there  cited. 

||  In  the  Faedera,  iii.  870,  are  two  Proclamations,  dated  June  11,  1369,  "  in  the 
thirteenth  year  of  our  reign  in  France,"  issued  by  Edward  as  Rex  Anglice  et 
Francicc. 


220  SACK  OP  LIMOGES.  [CH.  X. 

disappeared  from  the  scene  at  this  most  important  crisis.  The  veteran 
Chandos  was  mortally  wounded  in  a  skirmish  in  Poitou,  at  a  season 
which  more  than  ever  demanded  the  benefit  of  his  valour  and  expe- 
rience*; and  although  the  timidity  of  Charles  restrained  the  ardour 
evinced  by  his  troops,  and  forbade  them  from  engaging  in  regular  battle, 
it  was  plain  that  their  strength  hourly  increased. 

In  the  Spring  of  1370,  three  armies,  each  under  the  command  of  a 
brother  of  the  King,  were  assembled  for  the  invasion  of  Aquitaine ;  and 
Limoges  was  treacherously  surrendered  to  the  Duke  of  Berri  by  its 

Bishop,  in  whom  the  Black  Prince  reposed  a  misplaced  con- 

a.  n.  1370.    fidence.     Edward,  bent  upon  vengeance,  promptly  invested 

Oct.  — .      the  town.     It  was  in  vain  that  Du  Guesclin  manoeuvred  for 

its  relief;  the  walls  were  mined,  the  besiegers  entered 
through  the  breach  f,  and  the  miserable  inhabitants  were  ruthlessly  put 
to  the  sword.  Three  thousand  unarmed  and  innocent  persons  fell  in 
this  indiscriminate  and  unsparing  slaughter.  "  God  have  pity  on  their 
souls!"  exclaims  Froissart,  "for  in  truth  they  were  Martyrs  }."  The 
Bishop,  to  whose  perfidy  the  carnage  is  to  be  imputed,  and  upon  whose 
head  the  conquerors  had  set  an  especial  price,  was  taken  prisoner ;  and, 

strange  as  it  may  appear,  was  among  the  very  few  indivi- 

a.d.  1371.    duals  who  succeeded  in  obtaining  mercy  §.     A  few  months 

Jan.  — .      after  this  bloody  exploit,  which  we  would  most  willingly 

erase  from  the  chivalrous  story  of  the  Black  Prince,  and 
which  may  receive  some,  although  an  inadequate  palliation  from  the 
irritability  consequent  on  declining  health  and  the  daily  view  of  faithless 
aggression,  he  withdrew  altogether  from  France.  Broken  by  sickness 
and  domestic  sorrow,  having  witnessed  at  Bordeaux  the  death  of  his 
eldest  and  most  promising  son,  the  Hero  whose  name  still  awakens  re- 
membrances inseparably  connected  with  our  National  glory,  retired  to 
England,  where,  during  five  years  of  infirmity,  his  sufferings  were  en- 
hanced by  the  gradual  diminution  and  ultimate  loss  of  the  fruits  of  his 
early  valour. 

Meantime,    some    detached   English  bands  had  ravaged   Picardy; 

and  had  even  insulted  Charles  in  his  Capital,  from  which 

A.  d.  1370.   he  did  not  venture  to  issue,  content  with  the  assurance  of 

July  — .     Clisson,  that,  "  although  cottages  might  blaze,  he  could  not 

*  Froissart,  iv.  c.  9.  The  Chronicler's  eulogy  on  this  gallant  Knight  is  very 
simple  and  touching.  "  God  have  mercy  on  his  soul !  for  never  since  a  hundred 
years  did  there  exist  among  the  English  one  more  courteous,  nor  fuller  of  every 
virtue  and  good  quality  than  him."  Sir  Walter  Manny  also  died  soon  afterwards, 
and  was  buried  in  his  own  foundation  of  the  Charter-House  at  London.    Id.  iv.  33. 

fit  has  heen  said  that  the  Black  Prince  was  too  infirm  to  conduct  this  siege 
otherwise  than  from  a  litter  ;  but  Froissart  makes  him  rush  into  the  breach. 

\  Froissart,  iv.  c.  21. 

§  He  was  delivered  by  the  Black  Prince  to  John  of  Gaunt,  who  spared  him  at 
the  intercession  of  the  Pope.    Id.,  ibid. 


A.  D.  1372].  JOHN  OF  GAUNT  TRETENDS  TO  CASTILE.  221 

easily  be  smoked  out  of  his  heritage*."    Sir  Robert  Knolles,  a  soldier  of 
fortune,  by  whom  this  enterprise  was  conducted,  was  unpopular  among 
some  of  his  more  high-born  followers;  and  Du  Guesclin,  who  hung 
upon  his  march,  seizing  a  moment  during  which  insubordination  had 
weakened  the  English  discipline,   attacked  him   at  Pont 
Valin,  and  obtained  an  advantage,  which  the  King  loudly    Oct.  — . 
boasted  was  far  more  than  equivalent  to  the  losses  sustained 
by  his  Peasantry. 

The  King  of  Navarre,  with  his  usual  ambiguous  and  dishonest  policy, 
was  in  treaty  with  each  belligerent  at  the  same  moment ; 
but  the  growing  superiority  of  Charles  compelled  him  to  an    a.  d.  1371. 
open  performance  of  homage  for  all  his  Fiefs  in  France,     March  3. 
during  an  interview  at  Vernon,  in  which  he  exchanged  the 
towns  of  Mantes  and  Meulan  for  the  Lordship  of  Montpellier.     The 
Flemings  continued  firm  in  their  alliance  with  England,  notwithstanding 
the  opposite  inclination  of  their  Count,  strongly  supported  by  Philip 
le  Hardi,  who  had  now  become  his  son-in-law;  and  the  Duke  of  Bre- 
tany,   grateful  for  that  assistance   which  had  fixed  him  in  his  sove- 
reignty, signed  a  new  Treaty,  which  pledged  himself  and  his  posterity 
to  indissoluble  alliance  with  the  English  Crown  f . 

The  mediation  of  Gregory  XI.  was  tendered  in  vain.  Edward  would 
have  treated  fairly  and  on  equitable  terms,  but  Charles  perceived  that 
inactive  War  had  hitherto  proved  a  successful  game,  and  he  accordingly 
demanded  concessions  which  he  well  knew  would  never  be  granted  by 
his  adversary.  At  the  same  moment,  an  impolitic  double  marriage, 
which  the  English  Monarch  had  contracted  for  two  of  his  sons  with  the 
fallen  House  of  Castile,  aroused  in  that  Country  a  powerful  Naval  ally 
for  France.  John  of  Gaunt,  Duke  of  Lancaster,  wedded  Constance; 
Edward,  Earl  of  Cambridge,  Isabella,  daughters  of  the  late  Pedro  ;  and 
the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  passing  over  the  undoubted  claim  of  an  impri- 
soned son  of  the  murdered  Tyrant,  quartered  the  arms  and  assumed  the 
title  of  King  of  Castile,  in  right  of  his  wife. 

The  pretension,  however,  was  dearly  purchased.     John  of  Gaunt  con- 
ducted his  Bride  to  England,  and  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  on 
his  passage  to  succeed  him  in  the  Government  of  Aquitaine,    a.  d.  1372. 
was  encountered  oft*  La  Rochelle  by  a  squadron  of  forty     June  23. 
large  vessels  and  thirteen  barks,  "  well  provided  with  towers 
and  ramparts,  as  the  Spanish  men-of-war  usually  are."     The  ships  oa' 
Castile  far  out-numbered  those  of  England;  they  were  of  larger  size,  and 
of  heavier  burden;  and  they  were  manned  with  a  greater  number  of 
soldiers.     The  combat,  nevertheless,  was  maintained  during  the  first  day 
with  at  least  equal  success ;  but  the.  Rochellois,  who  were  French  at 
heart,  refused  all  assistance  to  the  English,  and  on  the  following  morn- 

*  frroissart,  iv.  c.  20.  f  Feeder  a,  iii.  953,  dated  July  If),  1372. 


222  DISASTERS  OF  THE  ENGLISH  IN  POITOU.  [CH.  X. 

ing,  the  Castilians  renewing  the  fight,  obtained  a  complete  victory. 
Pembroke  himself  was  compelled  to  surrender ;  the  galley  which  con- 
tained his  military  chest  with  20,000  marks  was  sunk,  and  all  the 
Knights  and  vessels  under  his  command  became  prizes  to  the 
Enemy*. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou,  under  the  guidance  of  the  Constable  Du  Gues- 
clin,  was  eminently  successful  in  Poitou ;  and  La  Rochelle  itself  was 
won  by  a  stratagem  practised  on  the  honest  dulness  of  its  Commandant. 
Philip  Mansel,  the  English  Governor,  a  brave  soldier,  but  wholly  un- 
skilled in  letters,  was  dining  with  the  Mayor  of  the  City,  when  that 
Bourgeois,  a  secret  partizan  of  the  French,  received  a  Despatch  from 
the  King  of  England.  Having  ostentatiously  exhibited  the  seal  which 
Mansel  at  once  recognised,  the  wily  Knave  read  aloud  contents  which 
he  had  forged  at  the  moment,  pretending  to  convey  an  order  for  the 
muster  both  of  the  garrison  of  the  Castle  and  of  the.  Town-Militia  on 
the  following  morning.  Mansel,  deceived  by  this  invention,  left  the 
Castle  unguarded,  while  he  arrayed  his  battalion ;  and  an 
Aug.  15.  ambushed  party  of  the  Citizens  secured  its  walls  and  over- 
powered the  garrison.  The  Mayor  then,  after  stipulating 
for  independence,  which  the  Rochellois  had  always  greatly  coveted,  ad- 
mitted the  troops  of  the  Constable  t- 

Thouars  was  now  the  chief  fortress  in  Poitou  which  remained  unsub- 
dued, and  the  garrison  of  that  Town  engaged  to  a  conditional  surrender, 
provided  they  were  not  released  by  the  King  of  England,  or  by  one  of 
his  sons,  before  the  ensuing  Michaelmas.  The  devotion  of  these  gallant 
men  to  his  cause  was  met  by  Edward  with  proportionate  activity.  Re- 
nouncing an  expedition  which  he  had  intended  to  direct  against  the 
North,  he  concentrated  a  large  force  at  Sandwich  and  Southampton,  and 
embarking  with  his  three  sons  (for  a  short  freedom  from  disease  enabled 
the  Black  Prince  to  be  a  sharer  in  this  enterprise),  he  manned  a  fleet 
of  400  ships  with  the  intention  of  gaining  Poitou.  Contrary  winds,  how- 
ever, detained  him  off  the  coast  of  Bretany  beyond  the  appointed  time ; 
and  after  having  been  driven  about  by  foul  weather  during  nine  weeks, 
he  was  compelled  to  disembark  in  the  port  from  which  he  had  originally 
sailed.  It  was  then  that  he  remarked  with  some  pardonable  chagrin, 
u  that,  although  there  never  had  been  a  King  of  France  who  appeared  so 
little  in  arms  as  Charles,  there  never  had  been  one  who  occasioned  him 
so  much  trouble  J." 

Thouars  surrendered  according  to  its  capitulation  ;  and  the  last 
defeat  of  the  English  in  Poitou  occurred  during  the  following  Spring, 

*  Froissart,  iv.  c.  34,  35,  36. 

f  Id.  iv.  42.  Philip  Mansel,  as  the  Mayor  justly  observed,  riktoit  pas  trop  ma- 
licieux. 

%  U  rCy  eut  oncques  Roi  qui  moins  se  arm&t,  et  «  riy  cut  oncques  Roi  qui  (ant  me 
donnut  a  /aire,     Froissart,  iv.  c  43. 


A.  D.  1373.]  FEROCITIES  OF  CLISSON  IN  BRETANY. 

in  an  attempt  made  by  Sir  John  Devereux  and  the  Earl  of  Angus,  with 
very  unequal  numbers,  to  relieve  the  town  of  Chizai*.  The 
triumphant  Constable  next  turned  his  arms  on  Bretany,  a.d.  1373. 
and  the  Duke,  perceiving  that  he  was  betrayed  on  all  sides,  March  21. 
took  refuge  in  England.  The  march  of  Clisson,  who  com- 
manded under  Du  Guesclin,  was  every  where  stained  with  April  28. 
blood.  So  ferocious  was  his  hatred  of  the  English,  that 
he  invariably  refused  quarter,  and  even  slew  many  prisoners  with 
his  own  hand,  till  he  acquired  the  sobriquet  "Le  Boucher f."  This 
invasion  of  Bretany  was  sullied  by  breaches  of  good  faith  not  less 
than  by  acts  of  cruelty.  Among  the  places  besieged  were  the  Castle  of 
Derval  and  the  important  naval  station  of  Brest ;  and  hostages  were 
given  for  the  surrender  of  both,  provided  within  a  fixed  time  they  did 
not  receive  assistance  from  a  force  strong  enough  to  offer  battle.  Du 
Guesclin,  satisfied  with  this  promise,  withdrew  with  his  hostages  into 
the  interior ;  and  he  was  not  a  little  surprised  and  perplexed  on  receiving 
an  unexpected  summons  to  meet  the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who  had  landed 
at  Brest,  with  1000  men-at-arms,  and  twice  that  number  of  archers. 
The  Constable  at  first  replied,  that  he  would  fight  only  at  the  spot  upon 
which  the  conditions  had  been  signed;  and  when  Salisbury  objected 
that  he  was  unprovided  with  means  of  conveyance,  that  his  men,  being 
chiefly  mariners,  were  unaccustomed  to  march  on  foot,  but  that  he  would 
repair  to  the  desired  field  if  his  enemy  would  furnish  horses  for  the  ad- 
vance, Du  Guesclin  insultingly  asked  what  security  would  be  afforded 
for  their  return ;  and  declined  both  further  conference  and  the  restora- 
tion of  the  hostages  {.  Sir  Robert  Knolles,  irritated  at  this  treachery, 
refused  to  open  the  gates  of  Derval  in  which  he  commanded ;  and  when 
the  wretched  hostages  had  been  beheaded  at  the  expiration  of  the  as- 
signed term,  he  retaliated  upon  an  equal  number  of  French  prisoners, 
"  for  whom  he  might  have  had  a  great  ransom,"  and  threw  their  mangled 
remains  into  the  Castle  ditch  §. 

The  defenceless  parts  of  France  were  invaded  during  the  ensuing- 
Summer  by  a  very  powerful  army.  Upwards  of  3000  men-at-arms  and 
10,000  archers  commenced  their  march  from  Calais  under  John  of 
Gaunt,  accompanied  by  the  Duke  of  Bretany,  and  by  a  brilliant  train 
of  English  Nobles.  The  movement  was  at  first  conducted  with  ad- 
mirable order  and  discipline ;  and  the  three  battalions  into  which  the 
host  was  divided  advanced  by  easy  marches,  not  exceeding  ten  miles  a 
day,  and  afforded  each  other  mutual  support.     Charles,  pursuing  his 

*  Froissart,  iv.  c.  44. 

fid.  iv.  c.  45.  The  cause  assigned  for  Clisson's  rancour  against  the  English  was 
the  gift  of  the  lordship  of  Gavre,  for  which  he  was  desirous,  by  the  Duke  of  Bre- 
tany to  Sir  John  Chandos.     Daru,  ii.  149. 

X  Froissart,  iv.  c.  47- 

$  Id.  iv.  c.  49. 


224  DISASTROUS  EXPEDITION  OF  JOHN  OF  GAUNT.  [CH.  X. 

former  policy,  enclosed  his  troops  in  the  walled  towns,  and  rigidly  pro  ■ 
hibited  them  from  accepting  an  engagement ;  so  that  "  the  English," 
we  are  told,  "  knew  not  where  to  seek  the  French."  While  crossing 
the  fertile  Provinces  of  the  North,  supplies  were  readily  obtained  by 
their  foragers ;  but  when  they  entered  the  barren  defiles  of  Auvergne 
and  Limousin,  famine  and  disease  were  more  certain  agents  of  destruc- 
tion than  any  which  they  could  have  encountered  on  the  field  of  battle. 
Superior  numbers,  continually  increasing,  hovered  in  their  rear,  and 
declining  all  equal  combat,  took  advantage  of  every  impediment 
which  obstructed  the  march,  to  cut  them  off  in  detail.  The  Duke  of 
Lancaster  arrived  at  Bordeaux  about  Christmas,  having  traversed  the 
heart  of  France  in  a  course  exceeding  200  leagues.  So  great  was  his 
destitution,  that  the  best-born  officers  under  him  begged  from  house  to 
house  for  food  which  they  could  not  obtain ;  so  shorn  was  he  of  the 
military  pomp  and  circumstance  with  which  he  had  quitted  Calais,  that 
out  of  30,000  horses  which  accompanied  his  outset,  not  more  than  forty 
remained  alive  when  he  reached  his  winter-quarters*.  Charles,  mean- 
time, continued  a  motionless  and  inglorious  spectator  of  the  miseries 
suffered  by  his  Peasantry,  leaving  their  defence  to  time  and  the  hour. 
The  advice  of  Clisson  was  repeated  by  Court  flatterers,  while  the  English 
proceeded  without  resistance.  "  Let  them  go  !  they  cannot  smoke  you 
from  your  Kingdom ;  they  will  be  tired  soon,  and  their  force  will  dissolve 
away.  For  as  storms  and  tempests,  after  much  threatening,  are  often 
dissipated  of  themselves  without  injury,  even  so  will  it  happen  with 
these  English t."  The  prognostication  was  true;  and  Charles  increased 
in  strength  if  not  in  reputation. 

The  ill  success  of  this  expedition  greatly  diminished  the  ardour  with 
which  the  English  had  engaged  in  War ;  and  the  Duke  of  Lancaster 
is  accused  by  the  French  writers  of  having  twice  failed  to  keep  an  ap- 
pointment (tenir  lajournee,  as  it  is  expressed  in  the  mili- 
a.  d.  1374.    tary  language  of  the  times)  which  he  had  fixed  for  battle. 
He  returned  indeed  to  England,  in  the  course  of  the  Summer 
which  followed  his  unfortunate  enterprise;    and  Edward,  hopeless  of 
obtaining  redress  by  arms,  concluded  at  Bourges  a  Truce 
a.  d.  1375.    for  one  year  (a  term  afterwards  prolonged),  during  which 
June  27.     negociations  were  to  proceed  for  a  definitive  Peace.     The 
chief  avowed  obstacle  to  final  arrangement  seems  to  have 
been  the  possession  of  Calais ;  the  value  of  which  port,  as  a  key  to  in- 
vasion, was  well  appreciated  by  both  parties,  and  the  retention  of  it  was 
therefore  as  pertinaciously  insisted  upon  by  the  English  as  it  was  con- 
tested by  the  French. 

The  attention  of  Charles,  while  freed  from  the  immediate  apprehen- 

*  The  misery  of  John  of  Gaunt's  army,  described  by  Froissart,  iv.  c.  48,  is  fully 
supported  by  Walsingham.     Ypodeigma  Newtrice,  520. 
f  Froissart,  iv.  c.  48. 


A,  D.  1377.]        WAR  RENEWED  WITH  ENGLAND.  225 

sion  of  hostilities,  and  even  during  the  latter  part  of  the  Duke  of  Lan- 
caster's expedition,  was  chiefly  engrossed  by  some  Ordinances  calcu- 
lated to  secure  a  quiet  succession  to  the  throne,  and  to  regulate  the 
hitherto  unmethodized  establishments  of  the  junior  branches  of  the 
Royal  Family.  The  Dauphin,  Charles,  was  but  six  years 
of  age,  when  an  Edict,  promulgated  by  his  Father,  declared  a.  d.  1374. 
as  a  perpetual  law  of  the  French  Monarchy,  that  the  Heir-  Aug.  — . 
apparent,  on  attaining  his  fourteenth  year*,  should  enter  on 
his  majority ;  should  be  deemed  capable  of  administering  his  own  govern- 
ment; and  accordingly  should  then  celebrate  his  Coronation,  and  receive 
the  oaths  and  homage  of  his  Prelates  and  Barons.  In  case  of  his  own 
demise  during  the  minority  of  his  son,  Charles  nominated  his  brother 
of  Anjou  Regent  t;  and  assigned  the  guardianship  of  the  Royal  Infants 
to  the  Queen  Mother  and  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  of  Bourbon,  in 
both  instances  passing  over  the  Duke  of  Berrit-  To  every  son  born,  or 
to  be  born  to  the  King,  was  assigned,  as  an  apanage,  a  capital  of  40,000 
livres,  a  further  pension  arising  from  land  of  i  0,000  livres,  and  the  title 
of  Count.  The  marriage-portion  of  the  eldest  daughter  of  France  was 
fixed  at  100,000  livres,  that  of  each  of  her  younger  sisters  at  60,000, 
exclusively  in  both  cases  of  a  suitable  trousseau. 

But  events  soon  occurred  in  England  which  materially  weakened  her 
power ;  and  Charles,  not  less  prompted  by  ambitious  hope  while  pent 
in  the  seclusion  of  his  Palace  than  if  he  had  headed  his  own  armies  in 
person,  again  perceived  advantage  in  a  renewal  of  War.   The 
death  of  the  Black  Prince  was  followed  in  little  more  than   a.  d.  1376. 
twelve  months  by  that  of  his  father  also ;  and  the  govern-      June  8. 
ment,  which  passed  to  a  child  §,  was  about  to  be  very  fiercely 
disputed  by  contending  Factions.    Even  if  the  demise  of  Ed-   a.  d.  1377- 
ward  III.  had  not  taken  place,  Charles  had  determined  upon     June  23. 
War  at  the  expiration  of  the  Truce.     That  term  occurred 
three  days  after  the  death  of  the  King  of  England ;  and  on  the  fifth  morn- 
ing |] ,  before  the  intelligence  had  reached  France,  Rye  was  burned  by  a 
combined  fleet  of  six-score  French  and  Castilian  vessels,  and  the  ravagers 
"  put  to  death  the  inhabitants  without  sparing  man  or  woman."     Hence 
they  proceeded  to  the  Isle  of  Wight  ^f,  to  Portsmouth,  Dartmouth,  Ply- 

*  Donee  decimum  quartum  annum  attigcrint ;  words  which  afterwards,  in  the  case 
of  Charles  IX.,  were  interpreted  by  the  Chancellor  De  l'Hnpital  to  mean  the  com- 
mencement, not  the  completion,  of  the  fourteenth  year.  Annus  incept  us  pro  perfecto 
habetur.     Villaret,  v.  4/0. 

f   Ordonnances  de  France,  vi.  26,  32. 

X  Id.  ibid.  45,  49. 

§  Richard  II.  was  only  eleven  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  accession. 

||  If  Froissart  could  be  relied  upon  for  dates,  he  is  very  particular  in  this  instance 
(iv.  c.  59),  "  Five  days  after  the  decease  of  King  Edward,  the  Vigil  of  St.  Peter;  " 
i.  e.  June  28  ;   but  Edward's  death  is  fixed  by  ^Yalsingham  (192)  on  June  21. 

%  The  stratagem  by  which  the  French  obtained  possession  of  the  Isle  of  Wight 
is  assigned  by  Walsing'ham  (200)  to  August  21. 

Q 


226  ATTACK  UPON  THE  KING  OF  NAVARRE.  [CH.  X. 

mouth,  and  other  towns  on  the  Western  coast.  On  their  return,  they 
found  Southampton  too  strongly  defended  to  permit  a  coup  de  main, 
but  they  routed  a  body  of  English  whom  they  encountered  on  disem- 
barkation at  Rottingdean,  where  they  took  the  Abbot  of  Lewes  prisoner; 
and  having  insulted  the  harbours  of  Dover  and  Calais,  they  anchored  in 
triumph  and  with  a  large  booty  at  their  original  station. 

These  outrages,  joined  to  a  successful  campaign  conducted  by  the 
Duke  of  Anjou  in  Guyenne,  increased  the  wish  for  accommodation  felt 
by  the  English  Regency.  But  Charles  was  not  ignorant  of  the  distrac- 
tion of  their  Councils,  and  resolving  to  profit  by  it  to  the  utmost,  when 
he  consented  to  a  renewal  of  negociation  at  Bruges,  he  by  no  means  as- 
sumed a  peaceful  attitude.  The  moment  also  appeared  favourable  for 
the  vengeance  which,  under  seeming  amity,  he  had  never  ceased  to 
meditate  against  the  King  of  Navarre ;  and  a  pretext  was  readily  af- 
forded by  the  popular  rumour  which  accused  that  odious  Prince  of  having 
procured  the  death  both  of  his  own  Consort  and  of  her  sister,  the  Queen 
of  France,  by  poison*.     A  plot  also  against  the  life  of  the  King  himself 

was  either  invented  or  detected,  for  which  Du  Tertre  the 
June  21.       Secretary,   and  Du  Rue  the   Chamberlain,  of  Charles  le 

Mauvais,  underwent  capital  punishment.  A  rapid  invasion 
of  Normandy  stripped  him  of  all  his  hereditary  possessions  in  that  Pro- 
vince, with  the  exception  of  Cherbourg;  the  promise  of  which  important 
Port  to  the  English,  by  securing  their  alliance  at  a  critical  moment,  pre- 
served him  from  entire  ruin.  Montpellier  had  been  occupied  by  a  French 
garrison,  and  Henry  of  Castile  was  easily  persuaded  to  menace  Navarre 
itself.  But  the  seasonable  appearance  of  an  English  force  at  Bordeaux, 
notwithstanding  its  inferiority,  struck  terror  into  the  Castilians ;  who, 
having  hastily  retraced  their  steps,  not  only  consented  to  a  Peace,  but 
afforded  a  loan  of  20,000  doubloons,  for  the  payment  of  those  very 
auxiliaries  before  whom  they  had  fled  ingloriously  f.  Cherbourg  was 
successfully  defended  by  the  English,  who,  however,  were  compelled  to 
abandon  an  attempt  upon  St.  Malo,  which  had  been  urged  with  great 
toil  and  expense,  in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  a  mine  almost  at 
the  moment  at  which  it  was  ready  to  be  sprung  \. 

The  oppression  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  in  the  Government  of  Languedoc 

*  The  report  was  never  proved,  and  Charles  le  Mauvais  has  far  too  much  guilt 
established  against  him  to  permit  the  reception  of  an  uncertain  accusation.  The 
date  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre's  death  is  unsettled.  M.  de  Sismondi  (xi.  231)  says 
that  some  authorities  assign  it  to  April  3,  1373,  others  to  1378 ;  3  is  very  easily 
confounded  with  8  in  transcription.  That  of  Jane  of  France  is  known  to  have  oc- 
curred on  Feb.  6,  in  the  last-named  year ;  and  Froissart  (by  whom  the  reported 
poisoning  is  not  mentioned)  says  the  Queen  of  Navarre  died  soon  afterwards. 

f  Froissart  (v.  c.  11)  says  this  money  was  borrowed  from  the  King  of  Aragon, 
not  without  the  security  of  certain  good  towns.  Mariana  (Stevens's  Translation), 
book  xviii.  c.  1.  says  it  was  lent  by  Castile. 

%  Froissart,  v.  c.  5,  where  the  account  of  the  expedition  is,  perhaps,  greatly  ex- 
aggerated. 


A.  D.  1380.]   CRUELTY  OP  THE  DUKE  OP  ANJOO  AT  MONTPELLIER.   227 

provoked  serious  resistance  in  that  aggrieved  Province.  Nismes  was  the 
first  City  which  murmured  at  his  rapacity ;  but  as  it  stood 
alone,  it  was  compelled  to  submit.  The  sedition,  however,  a.  d.  1378. 
burst  forth  far  more  violently  at  Montpellier,  where  the  May — . 
populace,  rising  in  arms,  massacred  the  Commissioners  sent 
to  levy  a  most  exorbitant  impost,  and  the  Magistrates  by  a.  d.  1379. 
whom  they  had  been  admitted.  A  thousand  lances  accom-  Oct.  — . 
panied  the  enraged  Prince  when  he  entered  the  town  which 
had  thus  ventured  to  withstand  his  despotism,  and  he  was  a.  d.  1380. 
met  by  the  inhabitants  no  longer  wearing  looks  of  defiance,  Jan.  27. 
but  oppressed  by  the  deepest  contrition.  The  entire  popu- 
lation deprecated  the  anger  of  its  oppressor;  the  Secular  Clergy,  the 
Religious  Orders  of  both  sexes,  the  Students  and  Professors  of  the  Uni- 
versity, fell  prostrate  at  his  knees;  while  the  Municipal  authorities, 
stripped  of  their  robes  of  office,  bareheaded,  ungirt,  and  with  halters 
round  their  necks,  humbly  offered  the  keys  of  their  town,  and  the  alarm- 
bell  which  had  lately  given  the  signal  for  revolt.  The  multitudes  lis- 
tened passively  while  an  arret  was  read,  depriving  their  City  of  all  its 
long-prized  immunities,  of  its  Consulate,  of  its  University,  of  its  Archives, 
of  its  Seal,  and  of  its  Corporate  jurisdiction ;  to  these  penalties  were 
annexed  confiscation  of  half  their  property,  the  payment  of  an  enormous 
fine  of  120,000  livres,  and  the  destruction  of  their  gates  and  fortifications. 
Hitherto  the  mournful  silence  had  been  unbroken,  and  the  general  cala- 
mity pressed  too  heavily  upon  all  to  permit  any  demonstration  of  indi- 
vidual grief;  but  loud  sobs  accompanied  the  continuation  of  the  cruel 
sentence  which  adjudged  200  of  the  chief  citizens  to  the  stake,  200  more 
to  the  block,  and  an  equal  number  to  the  gibbet;  and  stigmatized  the 
posterity  of  these  martyrs  with  a  brand  of  perpetual  infamy.  For  the 
honour  of  human  nature  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  this  most  barbarous 
Decree  was  intended  only  to  strike  terror,  and  that  the  Duke  of  Anjou 
never  really  designed  its  full  execution ;  yet  during  three  whole  days  he 
remained  inexorable ;  and  even  after  the  partial  remission  obtained  by 
the^mediation  of  the  Church,  much  blood  was  shed  on  the  scaffold,  and 
ruinous  sums  were  extorted  to  feed  his  avarice.  The  cry  of  his  suffering 
Provinces  aroused  the  fears  rather  than  the  compassion  of  the  King,  and 
in  order  to  prevent  the  growth  of  a  spirit  which  might  prove  dangerous, 
he  removed  the  Duke  of  Anjou  from  his  Government. 

This  dismissal  could  not  fail  to  be  popular ;  and  Charles,  no  doubt, 
was  in  great  measure  induced  to  adopt  it  from  a  dread  lest  the  excite- 
ment at  that  time  very  generally  awakened  throughout  Europe  might 
render  his  own  dominions  insecure.  The  Flemings  were  in  open  re- 
bellion, and  the  revival  of  their  ancient  White-hood  Confederation  had 
armed  the  Burgesses  of  Ghent,  Bruges,  Ypre's,  and  Courtrai  against  the 
Nobles*.     Furthermore,  an  ill-judged  attempt  to  annex  Bretany  to  the 

*  The  insurrection  conducted  by  Jean  Hyons  in  Flanders  is  related  in  detail  by 

Q.2 


223  INVASION  OF  BRETANY.  [CH.  X. 

Crown  had  weaned  that  Province  from  the  obedience  which  it  had 
hitherto  shown  to  the  Royal  authority,  and  had  rekindled  the  attach- 
ment of  its  population  to  their  expatriated  Duke.  Although  the  Bretons 
preferred  the  ascendancy  of  France  to  that  of  England,  they  were  little 
prepared  to  surrender  their  independence  to  either  Power ;  and  when 
Charles  summoned  De  Montfort  before  his  Parliament,  and,  without 
offering  him  a  safe-conduct,  declared  him  on  his  non-appearance  to  be  a 
Traitor,  whose  dominions  were  therefore  forfeited  and  incorporated  with 
France,  the  opposition  became  general  and  undissembled.  De  Montfort 
w-as  invited  to  return ;  after  four  years  of  exile  he  was  received  with 
lively  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm*,  and  many  of  the  chief  Lords, 
who  had  hitherto  followed  Charles,  now  forsook  his  banners.  Although 
a  delicate  sense  of  honour  restrained  Du  Guesclin  from  active  service 
against  a  Prince  whose  confidence  he  had  once  enjoyed,  he  threw  back 
with  scorn  some  mistrust  of  his  fidelity  expressed  by  Charles,  and  re- 
signed the  Sword  of  Constable.  A  fatal  disorder  terminated 
a.  d.  1380.  the  life  of  that  great  warrior,  while  he  was  endeavouring  to 
July  13.  gratify  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  by  rescuing  a  Castle  in  Lan- 
guedoc  f  from  a  band  of  English  and  Gascon  adventurers ; 
and  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  had  become  reconciled  to  the  Court  before 
his  decease. 

The  Duke  of  Bretany  was  slenderly  accompanied  when  he  hastened 

to  obtain  re-possession  of  his  Duchy,  but  he  had  previously  received  a 

promise  of  powerful  support  from  the  Regency  of  England.     The  Earl 

of  Buckingham,  youngest  uncle  of  Richard  II.,  was  instructed  to  lead 

4000  men-at-arms  and  3000  archers  to  his  assistance;  and  it  was  judged 

that  they  would  be  exposed  to  less  hazard  in  traversing  France  from 

Calais  than  if  they  ran  the  double  risk  of  interception  by  a  hostile  fleet 

or  by  a  storm  in  endeavouring  to  gain  the  coast  of  Bretany 

a.  d.  1380.   directly.    The  passage  of  the  Channel  was  made  deliberately, 

July  — .      and  occupied  fifteen  days,  during  which  period  no  opposition 

was  attempted  by  the  French.     Even  when  the  overland 

Froissart  and  by  Meyer ;  from  whose  joint  accounts  it  is  abridged  by  M.  de  Sismondi, 
xi.  c.  13,  with  his  usual  skill  and  perspicuity. 

*  Daru,  ii.  ICO.  The  night  of  De  Montfort's  embarkation  at  Southampton  was 
distinguished  by  a  prodigy.  The  tide  flowed  in  the  Port  of  Hennebon  thirty-three 
times  between  sunset  and  sunrise.  Villaret  admits  this  marvel  into  his  pages, 
plutot  comme  un  monument  de  la  credulity  superstitieuse  de  ce  sitcle  que  comme  un  fait 
ateste',  vi.  17.  The  words  may  imply  that  the  writer  did  not  altogether  reject  the 
belief. 

-j-  Chateauneuf  de  Randan,  about  three  leagues  from  Puy  de  Velay,  in  Auvergne. 
Froissart,  v.  32,  where  Du  Guesclin  is  named  as  still  Constable ;  but  see  M.  de  Sismondi, 
xi.  287,  and  Daru,  ii.  163.  Du  Guesclin  died  in  his  sixty-sixth  year,  and  Henault 
reports  the  following  parting  advice  as  given  by  him  to  his  comrades  in  arms  : 
"  That  in  whatever  Country  they  made  war,  they  should  remember  that  the  Clergy, 
women,  children,  and  the  poor,  were  not  to  be  reckoned  among  their  enemies."  i.380. 
How  miserable  must  have  been  the  times  in  which  the  abstinence  here  recommended 
was  deemed  uncommon ! 


A.  D.  1380.]  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  V.  229 

march  commenced,  the  invaders  advanced  unresisted  ;  and  anxiously  as 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  to  whom  Charles  had  entrusted  an  army  of  ob- 
servation, more  than  once  solicited  permission  to  lead  his  superior  forces 
to  engagement,  on  advantageous  ground,  all  battle  was  peremptorily  for- 
bidden. The  Sarthe  was  at  length  the  only  barrier  which  separated  the 
English  army  from  the  territory  of  their  allies ;  but  its  bed 
was  deep,  it  had  been  fortified  with  a  strong  palisade,  and  Sept.  16. 
its  current  was  swollen  by  rain.  Here  then  an  enemy  was 
to  be  expected,  and  the  Earl  of  Buckingham  prepared  for  a  vigorous 
attack.  But  not  a  man  was  seen  on  the  opposite  bank,  and  he  entered 
Bretany  through  Vitre  without  more  than  a  few  skirmishes. 

An  event  indeed  had  occurred  at  Beaute-sur-Marne,  near  Vincennes, 
which  had  summoned  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  from  his  Camp.  Charles 
V.  had  languished  rather  than  lived  through  forty-three  years  of  valetu- 
dinarianism. His  ill  health  was  attributed  to  a  potion  administered  in  his 
early  days  by  the  King  of  Navarre ;  a  belief  in  which  foul  attempt  has 
been  employed  to  account  for  the  unextinguishable  virulence  with  which, 
after  the  cessation  of  their  early  intimacy,  Charles  pursued  his  brother- 
in-law.  That  he  survived  at  all  was  owing  to  the  skill  of  a  German 
Physician,  who  opened  an  issue  in  his  arm,  cautioning  him  that  its  dis- 
appearance at  any  time  would  be  attended  by  death  after  the  lapse  of 
about  fifteen  days.  The  issue  healed  spontaneously ;  the  surgeons  were 
unable  to  renew  it;  and  the  King,  conscious  of  approaching  dissolution, 
called  the  Princes  of  the  Blood  to  his  sick  couch.  The  Duke  of  Anjou 
was  purposely  excluded  from  the  number,  for  he  had  been  a  stranger  to 
the  Court  circle  since  his  disgrace  in  Languedoc.  But  his  agents  con- 
veyed private  intelligence  of  the  crisis  which  was  near ;  and 
scarcely  had  the  King  breathed  his  last,  when  Louis,  Sept.  16. 
stepping  from  an  adjoining  apartment  in  which  he  had 
been  secreted,  claimed  delivery  of  the  Crown  jewels  and  treasure  to  his 
custody,  by  virtue  of  his  primogeniture  and,  probably,  of  the  unretracted 
Ordinances  which  had  appointed  him  to  the  Regency.  The  demand 
was  not  opposed ;  and  before  his  brother's  remains  had  been  conveyed 
to  their  resting-place  in  St.  Denis,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  was  enriched  by 
the  spoliation  of  the  Palace. 


230  ACCESSION  OF  CHARLES  VI.  [CH.  XI. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

From  a.d.  1380,  to  a.d.  1393. 

Accession  of  Charles  VI.— Projects  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou  upon  Naples— Miserable 
state  of  France — Insurrection  of  the  Maillotins — Punishment  of  Rouen — The 
King  enters  Paris — The  Duke  of  Anjou  quits  France  for  Italy — Troubles  in 
Flanders— Philip  von  Arteveldt — His  embassy  to  England — Passage  of  the  Lys 
— Defeat  and  Death  of  Arteveldt  at  Rosebecque — Pillage  and  burning  of  Courtrai 
— Severities  inflicted  in  Paris — Execution  of  De  Marets — Crusade  of  the  Bishop 
of  Norwich — Gallant  defence  of  Bourbourg — Truce  of  Lelinghen — Death  of  the 

.  Count  of  Flanders — Marriage  of  Charles  VI.  with  Isabella  of  Bavaria— Expe- 
dition into  Scotland — Capture  of  Damme — Peace  of  Tournai — Great  preparations 
for  the  invasion  of  England — Abandonment  of  the  enterprise — Death  of  Charles 
of  Durazzo  and  of  Charles  le  Mauvais — Fresh  projects  for  the  invasion  of  England 
— Frustrated  by  the  imprisonment  of  Clisson — War  with  the  Duke  of  Gueldres 
— Charles  assumes  the  government  and  dismisses  his  uncles — Luxury  of  the 
Court — Crusade  against  Tunis — Charles  projects  an  invasion  of  Italy — Peace  of 
Tours—  Negociation  with  England — First  notice  of  the  King's  malady — At- 
tempted assassination  of  Clisson — Charles  arms  against  the  Duke  of  Bretany — 
His  madness. 

Charles  VI.,  on  the  decease  of  his  father,  wanted  fifteen  months  of 

the  term  which  the  recent  Edict  had  fixed  for  a  King's 
a.  d.  1380.   majority;  and  the  dispute  among  his  uncles  for  the  custody 

of  his  person  and  the  administration  of  his  power  might 
have  increased  into  a  Civil  War,  if  they  had  not  very  unexpectedly  con- 
sented to  arbitration.  By  a  discreet  evasion,  the  umpires  removed  the 
contested  object.  Without  requiring  the  Duke  of  Anjou  to  account  for 
the  valuables  which  he  had  purloined,  and  without  impugning  his  claim 

to  the  title  of  Regent,  they  determined  that  by  his  special 
Nov.  4.     authority  he  should  pronounce  his  nephew  of  sufficiently  ripe 

age  to  assume  the  Crown.  The  Coronation  of  the  new  King  was 
accordingly  performed,  and  his  Government  was  regulated  by  a  Council. 
It  is  not  likely  that  the  Duke  of  Anjou  would  have  quietly  yielded  to 
an  arrangement  thus  manifestly  disadvantageous  unless  his  mind  had 
been  occupied  by  a  more  ambitious  hope  than  that  of  possessing  a  few 
months  delegated  rule  in  France.  We  need  but  slightly  touch  upon 
facts  which  belong  more  properly  to  the  History  of  Italy  than  to  that  of 
France ;  but  our  narrative  would  be  unintelligible  if  we  were  wholly 
silent  respecting  them.  Joanna  of  Naples,  although  four  times  married, 
was  childless  and  without  hope  of  children,  when  Urban  VI.,  irritated 
at  the  favour  which  she  had  manifested  towards  his  rival,  Clement  VII. 
(the  Antipope,  as  he  is  called/who  disputed  the  Tiara  during  the  Great 
Schism  which  divided  the  Western  Church  on  the  decease  of  Gre- 


A.  D.  1381.]      PROJECTS  OF  THE  D.  OF  ANJOU  UPON  NAPLES.  231 

gory  XL),  deposed  the  Queen  as  a  Heretic,  a  Blasphemer,  and  an  ex- 
communicated Traitress,  and  interdicted  those  of  her  subjects  who  per- 
sisted in  allegiance.  Still  further  to  ensure  his  object,  he  invited  her 
nephew,  Charles  of  Durazzo,  with  whom  she  had  openly  renounced  con- 
nexion, to  take  possession  of  her  forfeited  Crown  as  its  nearest  heir. 
Joanna,  at  the  suggestion  of  Clement,  applied  to  the  Duke  of  Anjou  for 
protection.  He  was  supposed  to  wield  all  the  power  of  France,  and  the 
price  offered  for  his  assistance  was  adoption  as  Joanna's  son,  and  suc- 
cession to  the  Neapolitan  Throne.  This  bright  vision  was  first  offered 
to  the  eyes  of  Louis  very  shortly  before  his  brother's  death  ;  and  his 
thoughts  were  concentrated  upon  the  accumulation  of  wealth  which 
might  assist  his  projected  enterprise  in  Italy. 

Not  content  therefore  with  the  illegal  appropriation  which  he  had 
already  made  of  the  Crown  jewels,  the  Duke  of  Anjou  extorted,  by 
threats  of  instant  death,  a  secret  which  the  Treasurer  of  the  late  King 
had  been  bound  by  oath  not  to  reveal  to  any  one  but  to  his  successor, 
and  to  him  only  after  the  attainment  of  his  majority.  A  deposit  of  the 
precious  metals  in  bars,  which  Charles  V.  had  built  into  the  walls  of 
his  Palace  at  Melun,  thus  fell  into  the  grasp  of  Louis;  who,  unmoved 
by  the  poverty  of  the  State,  reserved  the  booty  for  his  own  aggrandize- 
ment. 

By  the  just  and  general  discontent  which  this  rapacity  excited  in 
France,  and  which,  as  we  shall  perceive,  increased  to  open  Rebellion, 
England  was  unable  to  profit,  on  account  of  her  own  intestine  trou- 
bles. The  Earl  of  Buckingham,  after  his  hazardous  march,  was  left 
to  prosecute  the  siege  of  Nantes  without  reinforcements  from  home,  and 
advantageous  terms  offered  by  the  Court  of  Paris  to  De  Montfort  de- 
prived the  English  Prince  of  the  ally  in  whose  behalf  he  had  encoun- 
tered so  great  peril.  Clisson  and  the  other  chief  Breton  Lords  de- 
clared that  they  would  abandon  the  Duke,  if  ever  he  should  appear  in 
arms  together  with  the  English ;  and  the  King,  at  the  same  time,  offered 
to  recognise  his  title  on  the  simple  condition  of  homage. 
The  Treaty  was  accepted,  and  Buckingham,  after  some  a.  d.  1381. 
natural  indignation,  re-embarked  for  England  with  the  re-  April  11. 
mains  of  his  army. 

Meantime,  the  soldiery  which  the  Princes  of  the  Blood  had  assembled 
near  the  Capital  for  the  support  of  their  respective  claims,  were  left 
without  pay  ;  the  public  coffers  had  been  stripped  by  the  Duke  of  Anjou, 
and  the  adventurers,  whom  long  habits  of  military  licence  had  unfitted 
for  more  peaceful  life,  were  dispersed  among  the  peasantry,  to  support 
themselves  in  free  quarters. 

The  impatience  caused  by  the  frequent  outrages  of  these  plunderers 
was  aggravated  by  fresh  imposts  which  the  Parisians  indeed  successfully 
resisted;  and  by  the  tyranny  of  the  Duke  of  Berri,  as  Governor  of  Lan- 


232  INSURRECTION  OF  THE  MAILLOTINS.  [CH.  XI. 

guedoc,  which  equalled,"  if  not  exceeded,  that  which  the  same  luckless 
Province  had  formerly  suffered  under  Louis  of  Anjou.  The  oppressed 
inhabitants  had  recourse  to  the  Count  of  Foix,  who  armed  in  their  de- 
fence; and  during  the  Summer  of  1381,  a  Civil  War,  attended  with  the 
mutual  cruelties  which  have  usually  disgraced  those  unnatural  contests, 
raged  throughout  the  Southern  districts.  Even  when  the  Prince,  by 
overwhelming  force  and  the  severity  of  his  punishments,  had  terminated 
open  insurrection,  the  villagers,  reduced  to  desperation,  took  refuge  in 
the  woods ;  and  there,  banding  together  in  secret  confederacies,  under 
the  name  of  Tuchins,  they  waged  against  their  superiors  an  unpitying 
warfare,  which  had  not  been  surpassed  in  atrocity  even  by  their  prede- 
cessors the  Jacquerie. 

Nearer  the  Capital,  tumults  had  been  excited,  and  some  blood  had 
been  shed  at  Rouen,  in  consequence  of  an  attempt  to  esta- 
a.  d.  1382.  blish  a  market-toll  upon  all  articles  supplied  for  the  con- 
sumption of  the  inhabitants.  Anjou,  however,  undeterred 
by  opposition,  resolved  to  extend  this  grievous  exaction  even  to  Paris 
itself;  and  when  the  minor  officers  of  Government,  alarmed  at  the 
prospect  of  commotion,  declined  to  issue  the  requisite  Proclamation,  he 
adopted  a  remarkable  and  an  almost  ludicrous  expedient  to  disseminate 
his  Ordinance.  A  Trumpeter  collected  a  crowd  round  him  by  offering 
a  reward  for  a  portion  of  the  Royal  plate  which  he  averred  to  have  been 
stolen ;  and  when  the  attention  of  his  listeners  was  at  its  height,  he 
rapidly  added  that,  on  the  following  morning,  the  twelfth  penny  would  be 
demanded  on  all  eatable  commodities  exposed  for  sale ;  and  then  gal- 
loped away  at  full  speed  amid  yells  and  execrations. 

When  the  Clerks  of  the  Halles  attempted  to  levy  this  duty*,  the  fury 
of  the  populace  burst  forth  without  control.  The  wretched 
March  1.  Commits aires  were  massacred  on  the  spot;  and  the  rabble, 
having  forced  the  gates  of  the  Arsenal,  seized  a  quantity  of 
clubs  armed  with  lead,  the  only  weapons  which  had  not  been  removed 
from  it.  With  these  formidable  instruments,  the  MaiUotins  (as  on  that 
account  they  are  termed)  broke  open  the  gaols  and  released  the  pri- 
soners. Among  those  whom  they  freed  from  confinement  was  a  former 
Provost  of  the  Merchants,  Hugues  Aubryot,  an  opulent  Magistrate, 
whose  wealth  had  been  expended  in  many  eminently  useful  public  works, 
and  whose  influence  therefore  was  deservedly  considerable.  Whether 
justly  or  otherwise,  he  had  fallen  under  the  censure  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  had  been  condemned,  after  undergoing  a  public  penance,  to  finish 
his  life  in  a  dungeon.  Aubryot  might  have  proved  a  dangerous  leader; 
but  suffering  had  taught  him  how  little  was  to  be  gained,  how  much 
was  to  be  risked  by  the  hazardous  pre-eminence  which  he  was  urged 

*  The  first  recusant  was  an  old  woman  selling  water-cresses,  whose  name  has 
descended  to  us,  Feroette  la  Morelle.     Villaret,  vi.  142. 


A.  D.  1382.]  PUNISHMENT  OP  ROUEN.  233 

to  accept ;  and  during  the  first  night  of  his  unwilling  Captainship,  he 
prudently  withdrew  to  his  family  connexions  in  Burgundy*. 

The  Duke  of  Anjou  resolved  upon  severe  and  immediate  vengeance, 
and  he  commenced  with  Rouen.  The  retainers  of  the  Court  furnished 
a  military  array  sufficiently  large  to  remove  apprehension  of  peril,  and 
Louis,  having  ordered  a  portion  of  the  curtain  to  be  thrown  down,  in- 
dulged the  Boy-King  by  the  pomp  of  War  with  which  his  entrance  into 
the  second  City  of  his  Kingdom  f  was  conducted  through  the  breach. 
The  gibbet  having  then  received  its  victims,  the  Princes  moved  onward 
to  Paris,  with  the  intention  of  inflicting  similar  punishments  there  also. 
Prompt  submission  on  the  part  of  the  leading  Burgesses  obtained  their 
pardon,  and  in  order  to  suppress  the  lowest  multitude,  the  odious  prac- 
tice of  secret  noyades  was  unscrupulously  employed.  The  Sack  and  the 
Rope  |  were  delivered  to  the  executioners  till  the  Seine  was  encumbered 
by  the  burdens  nightly  committed  to  it3  waters. 

With  this  precursorship  of  death,  and  after  the  imposition  of  a  mulct 
which  placed  an  additional  100,000  livres  at  the  disposal  of 
Anjou,  the  youthful  King  returned  to  his  Capital,  not  as  a      April  — . 
Father,  but  as  a  Conqueror,  of  his  subjects.     The  presence 
of  Louis  in  Italy  had  meantime  become  indispensable,  for  his  competitor 
had  received  investiture  as  Charles  III.  from  the  Pope,  and 
had  mastered  Naples  without  a  battle.     While  the  Duke  of  a.  d.  1381. 
Anjou  still  lingered  on  his  route  at  Avignon,  Charles  of  Du-     July  — . 
razzo  sought  to  strengthen  his  Throne,  by  the  unrelenting 
murder  of  his  aunt  Joanna;  a  Princess,  who,  if  even  the   a. d.  1382. 
crimes  attributed  to  her  were  undisputed,  deserved  punish-     May  12. 
ment  from  other  hands  than  those  by  which  it  was  adminis- 
tered §.     The  Duke  of  Anjou,  therefore,  "having  amassed  so  great  a 
quantity  of  money,  that  it  was  marvellous  to  behold,"  commenced  that 
expedition  which  was  to  terminate  so  disastrously,  but  in  which  it  is  not 
requisite  that  we  should  follow  his  progress. 

Our  attention  is  engrossed  by  transactions  much  nearer  to  France  it- 
self. The  Rebellion  by  which  Flanders  had  continued  to  be  agitated 
since  1379  had  shaken  Count  Louis  from  his  power;  and  the  great 
Commercial  Cities,  leagued  together,  under  the  command  of  Philip 
von  Arteveldt  (a  son  of  that  James  whom  we  have  seen  formerly  dis- 
tinguished among  them),  had  obtained  a  signal  victory  in  a  battle  fought 
near  Bruges,  from  which  it  was  not  without  difficulty  that  the  Count 

*  Froissart,  vi.  c  3. 

f  The  privileges  enjoyed  by  Rouen  during  the  XIVth  century  seem  to  have  amply 
entitled  it  to  this  appellation.     M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  375. 

I  Villaret,  vi.  145. 

§  Giannone,  Sloria  di  Napoliy  1.  xxiii.  c.  3,  where  may  be  found  a  defence  of  Joanna, 
who  is  called  by  Angelo  of  Perugia,  u  a  famous  and  excellent  contemporary  Doctor," 
santissima,  onore  del  monde,  ed  unica  luce  iFItalia,  most  holy,  an  honour  to  the 
world,  and  the  especial  light  of  Italy. 


234  PHILIP  VON  ARTEVELDT.  [CH.  XI. 

escaped  alive.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  not  likely  to  be  an  uncon- 
cerned spectator  of  these  reverses  of  his  father  in-law,  and  on  receiving 
an  application  for  assistance,  he  replied  in  characteristic  words,  "  My 
Lord,  you  shall  be  re -possessed,  for  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  such 
scoundrels*  as  are  now  in  Flanders  should  govern  that  Country,  as  in 
that  case  all  Knighthood  and  Gentility  may  be  destroyed  and  pulled 
down,  and  consequently  all  Christianity  f."  Having  discreetly  secured 
the  coadjutorship  of  the  Duke  of  Berri,  with  whom,  since  Anjou's  de- 
parture into  Italy,  he  shared  the  control  of  his  nephew,  he  so  contrived 
that  Charles  himself  should  suggest  an  alliance  with  the  Count  of  Flan- 
ders, and  he  thus  dexterously  avoided  the  chance  of  popular  odium  which 
might  have  attended  the  War  if  it  had  proved  unsuccessful  J. 

Philip  von  Arteveldt,  after  his  victory  at  Bruges,  laid  siege  to  Oude- 
narde.  He  appears  in  many  respects  to  have  been  but  a  vulgar  Patriot, 
intoxicated  by  success,  and  not  slow  to  clothe  himself  with  the  authority 
which  he  had  stripped  from  the  Count.  He  assumed  the  title  of  Regard 
or  Regent ;  and  during  his  residence  at  Bruges,  he  maintained  the  state 
of  a  Prince ;  employing  for  his  own  use  the  spoils  of  the  Palace,  the 
costly  furniture,  the  rich  plate,  and  the  glittering  jewels  which  had  been 
pillaged  during  its  sack,  and  heightening  the  magnificence  of  his  ban- 
quets by  rare  minstrelsy  §.  His  stud  of  horses  was  sumptuously  esta- 
blished, and  in  his  dress  he  affected  robes  of  scarlet  trimmed  with  pre- 
cious fur,  similar  to  those  worn  by  the  Duke  of  Brabant  and  by  the  Count 
of  Hainault.  Of  Revenue  he  was  a  careful  purveyor ||,  and  the  sums 
lavished  on  his  pleasures  were  not  less  than  those  which  had  been  spent 
by  the  expelled  Count  ^[.  Pride  and  presumption  appear  to  have  marked 
his  unexpected  elevation ;  and  those  who  approached  him  in  his  bor- 
rowed dignity,  far  from  discovering  talents  which  qualified  him  either  for 
the  Camp  or  the  Cabinet,  were  forcibly  reminded  that  the  narrowness  of 
his  education  had  restricted  him  when  young  to  "  fishing  with  a  rod  in 
the  Rivers  Scheldt  or  Lys**." 

In  the  single  attempt  which  Arteveldt  made  at  diplomacy  he  was  emi- 
nently unsuccessful.  The  alliance  of  England  was  obviously  most  im- 
portant to  his  interests,  and  the  ancient  family  connexion  between  Ed- 
ward III.  and  his  father,  exclusively  of  the  existing  political  circumstances 
of  Flanders,  afforded  facilities  for  negociation.  Nevertheless,  when  the 
Deputies  of  Ghent  received  audience  from  the  Council  of  Regency  at 
Westminster,  they  preluded  their  request  for  aid  by  a  demand  little 
likely  to  secure  attention.     Two  hundred  thousand  old  crowns  ft  bad 

*  Telle  ribaudaille  comme  ils  sont. 
f  Froissart,  vi.  c:  22. 

J  The  thoughts  of  Charles  were  vividly  engrossed  by  this  his  first  martial  enter- 
prise. We  have  little  doubt  that  the  account  given  of  a  dream  which  induced  him 
to  chuse  a  Flying  Hart  as  his  device  is  true  in  the  main.    Id.  ibid.  c.  24. 

§  Id.  ibid.  c.  19,  20.  ||  Id.  ibid.  c.  21.  %  Id.  ibid.  c.  20. 

*  *  Id.  ibid.  c.  25.  f  f  The  old  crown,  7*.  2d. 


A.  D.  1382.]  PASSAGE  OF  THE  LYS.  235 

been  advanced  by  James  von  Arteveldt  to  forward  the  sieges  of  Tournai 
and  of  Calais.  Much  expectation  could  never  have  been  entertained  that 
this  money,  nominally  a  loan,  virtually  a  gift,  would  be  repaid;  and  the 
lapse  of  forty  years,  during  which  it  had  been  unreclaimed,  seemed  to 
have  cancelled  the  obligation.  No  period  could  be  more  inopportune  for 
settlement  than  a  minority ;  no  debtors  less  inclined  to  discharge  an  ob- 
solete bond,  than  were  the  uncles  of  Richard  II.  We  are  little  there- 
fore surprised  to  be  told  that  the  Lords  of  the  Council,  after  "  they  had 
heard  this  speech,  began  to  smile."  As  soon  as  the  Envoys  had  with- 
drawn, their  smile  increased  to  a  downright  laugh ;  and  the  Embassy 
was  dismissed  with  fair  words,  but  without  the  payment  of  money,  and 
without  the  promise  of  troops. 

The  army  which  Charles  assembled  for  the  invasion  of  Flanders  was 
most  completely  appointed,  but  the  season  was  very  far  advanced  before 
it  arrived  on  the  frontier  opposite  Comines.  The  River  Lys,  which  was 
not  any  where  fordable,  formed  the  boundary ;  and  although  the  Boors 
had  not  destroyed  the  piers  of  the  Bridge,  they  had  effectually  prevented 
all  transit  over  it  by  removing  the  planking;  while  Pierre  Dubois  occu- 
pied the  town  with  a  corps  of  7000  Flemings.  The  Constable  was  per- 
plexed, but  the  Lord  of  St.  Py  and  some  other  native  Knights,  better 
acquainted  with  the  Country,  having  procured  ropes,  and  two  or  three 
boats,  each  not  admitting  above  ten  armed  men,  employed  their  time  so 
well,  that  before  nightfall  they  had  transported  to  the  Flemish  bank 
about  400  gentlemen.  They  were  the  flower  of  the  Camp*,  for  "  not 
one  varlet  was  suffered  to  pass."  The  Flemings,  who  had  not  perceived 
this  movement,  were  astonished  when  this  gallant  band  emerged  from 
some  alder  trees,  under  cover  of  which  they  had  formed ;  but  they  fore- 
bore  from  attack  till  the  morning,  confident  in  their  own  superiority  of 
numbers  and  of  position.  Clisson,  meanwhile,  who  was  in  great  anguish 
of  heart  on  account  of  the  imminent  hazard  to  which  the  bravest  warriors 
in  his  army  had  thus  unadvisedly  exposed  themselves,  cursed  the  madness 
of  the  enterprise,  and  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  relieve  them,  by  repair- 
ing the  Bridge.  He  gave  full  leave  of  passage  to  all  who  were  able  to 
effect  it,  and  some  of  his  Knights  and  Squires  were  so  eager  to  join  their 
comrades  in  the  advanced  post  of  honour,  that  they  tried  to  form  a  road 
on  their  targets;  and  although  they  failed  in  their  main  attempt,  they 
distracted  the  attention  of  the  Flemings.  The  night  was  long,  cold,  and 
rainy ;  yet  the  Gentlemen  of  France  who,  during  its  many  dreary  hours, 
had  stood  ancle  deep  in  a  marsh,  under  heavy  armour,  and  without  any 
refreshment,  were  on  the  alert  at  day-break,  when  "  the  Barons  of  new 

*  Froissart  puts  a  lamentation  into  the  mouth  of  De  Clisson,  from  which  we  learn 
the  names  of  the  principal  leaders  of  this  most  adventurous  enterprise.  "  Ah  !  Sir 
.Louis  de  Sancerre,  I  thought  you  more  temperate  and  hetter  taught  than  I  now 
see  you  are.  .  .  .  Ah!  Rohan;  ah!  Laval;  ah!  Rieux;  ah!  Beaumanoir;  ah! 
Longueville;  ah!  Rochfort ;  ah!  Manny;  ah!  Malestroit ;  ah!  Conversant."  Ibid, 
c.  35. 


236  BATTLE  OF   ROSEBECQUE.  [CH.  XI. 

date,"  as  in  derision  they  termed  their  enemies,  marched  down  to  the 
attack.  The  Flemings,  terrified  by  the  chivalrous  war-cries,  the  firm 
attitude,  and  the  sharp  lances  of  their  opponents,  speedily  took  to  flight, 
and  firing  Comines  in  their  retreat,  attempted  to  rally  in  the  open  plain 
behind  it.  By  that  time,  however,  the  Constable  had  effected  his  pas- 
sage, and  falling  upon  the  remainder  of  the  already-defeated  Boors,  he 
put  about  6000  of  them  to  the  sword. 

This  bold  action  which,  as  Froissart  justly  observes,  must  be  held 
M  by  all  men  of  understanding,  as  a  deed  of  superior  valour  and  enter- 
prise,,,  was  followed  by  the  immediate  submission  of  Ypres  and  of 
almost  all  Maritime  Flanders.  Arteveldt,  leaving  only  a  corps  of  ob- 
servation before  Oudenarde,  took  post  with  50,000  men  between  Mont 
d'Or  and  Rosebecque,  and  there  awaited  the  advance  of  the  French.  One 
of  his  flanks  was  protected  by  a  dyke,  the  other  by  a  grove,  u  and  in 

front  was  so  good  a  hedge,  that  he  could  not  easily  be  at- 
Nov.  27.    tacked."      The  ground  chosen  speaks  more  favourably  for 

his  military  talents  than  does  the  report  of  the  Chronicler, 
who,  throughout,  blames  the  conduct  of  the  campaign.  But  the  disaster 
at  Rosebecque  seems  less  justly  attributable  to  Arte  veldt's  presumption, 
than  to  the  impatience  of  his  followers.  The  Flemings  stood  to  arms  an 
hour  before  dawn,  under  a  thick  and  frosty  mist,  till  chilled  by  inaction 
they  clamorously  demanded  to  be  led  to  the  charge,  or  at  least  to  be  al- 
lowed to  occupy  the  rising  ground  of  Mont  d'Or.  When  Clisson  was 
informed  that  they  had  spontaneously  quitted  a  post  from  which  they 
could  not  have  been  easily  dislodged,  he  anticipated  the  fortune  of  the 
day,  and  lifting  his  beaver,  and  bowing  low  from  his  horse  to  the  King, 
he  gave  signal  for  battle,  adding  at  the  same  time,  "  Sire,  rejoice,  these 
people  are  our  own."  Arteveldt,  untrained  to  the  theory  of  War,  and 
therefore  unable  to  vary  his  tactics  with  the  variation  of  circumstances, 
empirically  relied  upon  a  manoeuvre  which  had  given  him  victory  at 
Bruges;  and  ordered  its  repetition.  Placing  himself  at  the  head  of  nine 
thousand  Ghenters  (the  troops  in  whom  he  had  most  confidence)  closely 
linked  together  in  one  compact  mass,  he  ordered  his  whole  army  to  march 
straight  forward  upon  the  hostile  line.  The  assailants  were  covered  in 
their  advance  by  a  discharge  from  bombards  and  cross-bows,  and  as  they 
"  came  on  with  vigour,  and  pushed  with  shoulders  and  breasts  like  en- 
raged wild  boars,  they  were  so  strongly  interlaced  one  with  the  other, 
that  they  could  not  be  broken,  nor  their  ranks  forced."  All  quarter, 
unless  to  the  King  himself,  had  been  forbidden,  and  it  was  hoped  that 
the  entire  Aristocracy  of  France  might  thus  be  destroyed  at  a  single 
swoop*.     The  standard  was  entrusted  to  an  Amazon  of  evil  reputation,  a 

*  Je  veux  qu'on  iue  tout,  disoit  Artevelt,  si  ce  n'est  Roi  de  France,  je  le  veux  su- 
porler  par  ce  que  ce  n'est  qu'un  enfant  ;  on  lui  doit  pardonner  ;  il  ne  scait  ce  qu'il Jatt ;  il 
va  ainsiquon  le  mhie  ;  nous  le  tr.enerons  a  Gand  aprendre  a parler  Flamand,  Villaret, 
vi.  157,  from  a  MS.  Chronicle  in  the  Bibliothcque  du  JRoi,  n.  10297- 


A.  D.   1382.]         DEFEAT  AND  DEATH  OF  FHtl.IP  VON  ARTEVEJ.DT.  237 

common  follower  of  the  camp,  named  Marie  Jetrud,  who  pretended  that 
she  had  received  supernatural  assurance  of  complete  victory,  provided  she 
could  draw  the  first  French  blood*.  To  withstand  this  dense  phalanx 
was  impossible,  and  the  French  centre  was  driven  in  with  some  loss ;  but 
the  wings  closed  at  the  moment,  and  surrounded  the  unwieldy  column, 
which  presented  only  a  single  front  and  moved  but  in  one  direction.  Its 
flanks  were  utterly  defenceless,  and  the  outermost  files  pressing  towards 
the  centre,  in  order  to  escape  the  strokes  which  they  were  unable  to 
ward,  threw  their  comrades  into  irretrievable  confusion ;  so  that  far  more 
perished  by  being  trampled  under  foot,  than  were  slain  by  the  lance  or 
the  battle-axe.  "  There  was  a  large  and  high  mound  of  Flemish 
corpses,  yet  never  was  there  seen  so  little  bloodshed  while  so  great  num- 
bers were  killed  t." 

The  fate  of  the  whole  army  was  decided  by  this  one  failure ;  for  the 
rear,  upon  perceiving  the  discomfiture  of  the  van,  endeavoured  to  save  it- 
self by  flight.  The  rout  was  general  and  complete,  not  more  than  half 
an  hour  \  elapsed  from  the  commencement  to  the  close  of  the  battle,  in 
which  the  Heralds  announced  that,  exclusively  of  the  slaughter  in  pur- 
suit, 25,000  Flemings  were  counted  dead  on  the  field.  The  Ghenters 
perished  to  a  man ;  and  the  body  of  Arteveldt  himself  was  found,  in  a 
ditch  in  which  he  had  been  smothered,  without  a  wound.  The  King, 
who  had  offered  100  livres  for  its  discovery,  looked  at  it  for  some  time ; 
and  it  is  said  that  afterwards  it  was  hanged  contumeliously  on  a  tree  §. 

Fifteen  days  were  spent  in  Courtrai,  which  the  conquerors  entered 
without  resistance  on  the  morning  after  their  victory.  Charles  from  the 
first  appears  to  have  devoted  that  miserable  town  to  destruction  ;  and 
since  he  forbade  the  plunder  of  Bruges  and  spared  Tournai  which  were 

*  Villartt,  iv.  157. 

+  We  have  passed  over  in  silence  the  Armorum  sonitus  "  as  if  there  had  heen  a 
great  Tournament,"  which  disturbed  Arteveldt's  slumbers  on  the  night  preceding 
the  battle.  "  The  damsel  from  Ghent,  whom  Philippe  carried  with  him  on  this  ex- 
pedition as  his  sweetheart,"  attributed  it  to  the  French  ;  but  there  were  others, 
more  knowing  in  those  matters,  "  who  said  it  was  the  Devils  in  Hell  running  and 
dancing  about  the  place  where  the  battle  was  to  be,  for  the  abundance  of  prey  they 
expected."  Froissart,  vi.  c.  41.  The  same  writer  informs  us  that  the  sun  shone 
forth  brightly  at  the  moment  at  which  the  Oriflamme  was  unfurled,  and  that  a 
white  Dove,  after  flying  many  times  round  the  King's  battalions,  at  last  perched 
upon  one  of  his  banners.     C.  44. 

I  Froissart,  vi.  45. 

§  It  is  probably  by  an  error  of  the  Press  that  ten  francs  are  mentioned  by  M.  de 
Sismondi  as  the  sum  offered  for  the  discovery  of  Arteveldt's  body.  But  if  ever  the 
body  was  found  and  any  indignities  were  in  truth  inflicted  upon  it,  it  by  no  means 
appears  that  so  unworthy  a  revenge  was  authorised  by  a  command  from  Charles. 
Froissart  certainly  does  not  imply  this.  Meyer  leaves  it  in  doubt  whether  the  body 
was  found  ;  Cadaver  fjiis  alii  furcee  datum,  ahi  nunquam  inventum  fuisse  mcmorant. 
Annal.  Fland.  xiii.  p.  190.  Oudegherst  is  altogether  silent.  Juvenal  des  Ursins 
(p.  30)  gives  a  very  particular  account  of  the  discovery  of  the  body  by  the  aid  of  a 
Fleming  bien  navre  et  bfesse  qui  estoit  un  des  principaux  Capitaines,  and  who  having  re- 
fused any  attention  to  his  wounds,  notwithstanding  the  urgent  wish  of  the  King 
that  they  should  be  bound  up,  died  soon  afterwards.  Yet  Juvenal,  amid  these  de- 
tails, no  where  speaks  of  the  indignity. 


238  PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  PARISIANS.  [cH.  XI. 

equally  at  his  mercy,  there  probably  were  good  reasons  for  this  exercise  of 
severity,  although  the  avowed  pretext  maybe  thought  somewhat  fanciful. 
It  was  said  that  500  French  Knights  had  perished  in  a  battle  lost  under 
its  walls  by  Robert  d'Artois  fourscore  years  before  ;  and  that  their  golden 
spurs  were  still  suspended  as  trophies  in  one  of  the  Churches  of  the  City. 
A  more  probable  cause  seems  to  be  the  discovery  of  a  seditious  Corre- 
spondence between  the  Burgesses  in  Courtrai,  and  the  insurgents  at 
Paris  *.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  tov/n  was  committed  to  the  flames  on  the 
King's  departure,  and  the  pillage  was  universal.  The  Count  of  Flanders 
in  vain  supplicated  for  grace ;  the  King  sternly  refused,  and  Louis  was 
fain  to  keep  silence.  Whole  waggon-loads  of  valuables  were  transported 
to  France  ;  and,  even  in  our  own  days,  the  well-known  clock  conveyed  by 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  Dijon,  and  at  that  time  considered  a  miracle  of 
Art,  remains  there  as  a  memorial  of  the  devastation  to  which  he  con- 
tributed. 

Ghent  was  the  first  City  which  recovered  from  panic.  The  moment  for 
its  reduction  was  irrecoverably  lost  while  Charles  lingered  at  Courtrai ; 
and,  whatever  might  have  been  his  own  wish,  the  rains  and  the  arrival  of 
winter  warned  his  more  experienced  Generals  that  the  season  for  military 
operations  was  closed.  Disbanding  therefore  all  but  his  Normans,  his 
Bretons,  and  his  Picards,  the  troops  most  distinguished  for  their  ferocity, 
he  retraced  his  steps  in  order  to  chastise  his  Capital. 

The  irritation  excited  in  the  King  by  former  seditions  and  by  intelli- 
gence of  continued  secret  disaffection  which  reached  him 
a.d.  1383.    daily  in  the  course  of  his  Flemish  expedition  f,  was  mate- 
rially heightened  by  an  indiscreet  act  of  the  Parisians  on  his 
Feb.  8.     return.     Pretending  to  show  how  large  a  force  they  could 
muster  for  the  Royal  disposal,  but  meaning,  no  doubt,  in 
reality  to  strike  intimidation  by  the  display,  they  armed  upwards  of 
20,000  men,  who  were  arranged  "  in  a  handsome  battalion,  prepared  as 
for  instant  combat,"  on   the  side  of  Montmartre.     u  See,"  said   the 
Lords  whom  the  King  had  sent  in  advance,  <l  the  insolence  of  this  mob. 
If  they  had  gathered  thus  to  serve  in  Flanders,  they  would  have  done 
well."     Others  expressed  just  surprise  that  they  should  be  encountered 
by  an  army,  at  a  moment  in  which  they  had  expected  a  congratulatory 
procession.     After  some  parley  with  the  Constable,  who  was  not  back- 
ward in  expressing  disapprobation,  this  militia  withdrew. 

Not  a  moment  was  lost  in  manifesting  the  Royal  displeasure.    Charles 

with  a  sufficient  body-guard  repaired  to  his  Palace,  but  his 

Feb.  11.     main  army  was  so  disposed  as  to  surround  the  walls  of  the 

City.     The  gates  were  taken  from  their  hinges,  in  order  to 

*  It  is  plain  from  Froissart  (vi.  c.  39)  that  the  malecontents  at  Paris  were 
anxiously  looking  for  the  success  of  the  Flemings. 

f  It  had  heen  reported  that  the  insurgents  designed  to  pull  down  the  Castles  of  the 
Louvre,  of  La  Beaute  at  Vincennes,  and  all  other  fortified  houses  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Paris,   Id.  ibid. 


A.  D.  1383.]  EXECUTION  OF  DE  MARETS.  239 

afford  ready  ingress  for  cavalry ;  the  chains  and  beams  which  had  been 
prepared  to  barricade  the  streets  were  carefully  removed,  and  a  general 
surrender  of  arms  was  required.  In  these  precautions  there  is  nothing 
worthy  of  blame;  they  were  prompted  by  self-defence,  and  regard  for 
the  peace  of  a  great  Capital  sufficiently  justifies  the  m. 

But  the  abuse  of  power  followed  closely  upon  its  attainment;  and  ac- 
cording to  the  report  even  of  Froissart  himself  (a  writer  never  favourable 
to  the  popular  cause),  boundless  extortion  and  tyranny  succeeded  the 
triumph  of  the  Aristocracy.  So  panic-stricken  were  the  Citizens  that 
"  during  three  days  none  dared  to  venture  out  of  doors,  nor  to  open  a 
window  *."  The  wealthy  were  heavily  fined,  so  that  there  was  exacted 
"  to  the  profit  of  the  King,  his  uncles,  and  Ministers,  the  sum  of 
400,000  francs;  in  addition  were  levied  subsidies,  aides,  gabelles, 
fouages,  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  penny,  and  many  other  vexations  f." 
The  odious  names  of  these  imposts  condemn  them  without  any  need  of 
comment.  But  the  thirst  for  vengeance  demanded  blood  as  well  as 
plunder.  "  The  King  and  his  Council  arrested  and  threw  into  prison 
whatever  persons  they  pleased;  many  were  drowned,  many  others  were 
beheaded  J.  The  fate  of  Jean  de  Marets,  the  King's  Advocate-General, 
appears  to  have  excited  peculiar  surprise  and  compassion ;  and  it  is  said 
that  he  was  sacrificed  to  the  personal  enmity  of  the  Royal  Dukes.  At 
more  than  seventy  years  of  age,  after  a  long  and  an  unblamed  life,  spent 
in  the  public  service  and  in  the  practice  of  the  Courts,  he  was  adjudged 
to  the  scaffold  ;  and  received  the  ambiguous  distinction  of  a  higher  seat 
than  those  allotted  to  the  twelve  companions  in  suffering  who  shared  the 
same  fatal  cart.  When  the  executioner,  having  performed  his  office  on 
the  other  victims,  approached  De  Marets  and  ordered  him,  in  the 
customary  form,  to  implore  pardon  for  his  crimes  from  the  King,  the 
dying  veteran  answered  in  the  following  touching  words  :  "  I  have  served 
his  great-grandfather  King  Philip,  King  John  his  grandfather,  and 
King  Charles  his  father,  faithfully  and  loyally ;  and  never  did  those 
three  Kings  find  fault  with  me;  nor  would  this  King  have  done  so,  if  he 
had  arrived  at  the  wisdom  and  age  of  Manhood.  I  firmly  believe  that 
in  my  condemnation  he  is  not  any  ways  culpable.  I  have  not  therefore 
any  cause  to  beg  his  mercy  ;  but  from  God  alone  shall  I  beg  it,  and  that 
He  would  forgive  all  my  sins  §."  Protestations  of  innocence  uttered  on 
the  scaffold  do  not  often  merit  belief,  but  there  is  a  calmness  and  absence 
of  bravado  in  this  short  speech  which  forcibly  persuades  us  that  the  sen- 
tence of  De  Marets  was  undeserved  and  iniquitous. 

At  Rouen,  at  Chalons,  at  Marnes,  at  Rheims,  at  Sens  and  at  Orleans, 
similar  scenes  were  exhibited ;  nor  does  vengeance  appear  to  have  been 

*  Froissart,  vi.  c.  48.  f  Id.  ibid. 

X  Id.  c.  49.  An  odious  mutilation  is  mentioned  by  "Walsingham.  "  He  cut  off  the 
right  arms  of  those  who  had  opposed  him  by  force,  and  as  a  badge  of  perpetual  in- 
famy, ordered  the  amputated  limbs  to  be  hung  round  the  necks  of  the  offenders." 

§  Froissart,  vi,  c.  49. 


240  CRUSADE  OP  THE  BISHOP  OP  NORWICH.  [CH.  XI. 

glutted  till  Flanders  again  assumed  a  posture  of  defiance.  The  Ghenters 
had  nominated  Francois  Ackermann  successor  to  Arteveldt;  and  they  had 
found  him  an  active  and  a  successful  leader,  under  whose  guidance  the 
capture  of  Ardenbourg,  and  the  ravage  of  the  districts  of  Alost,  of  Dender- 
mond  and  of  Oudenarde  in  some  measure  diminished  the  bitter  remem- 
brance of  the  defeat  at  Rosebecque.  England  still  hesitated  in  forming 
a  National  alliance  ;  but  the  zeal  of  superstition  furnished  aid  from  that 
Country  which  Political  discretion  might  have  continued  to  refuse.  The 
Schism  in  the  Church  still  raged  with  undiminished  virulence,  and  France 
and  England  espoused  opposite  Pretenders  to  the  Tiara.  Urban,  whom 
his  opponents  called  in  matters  of  Faith  a  dog*,  retorted  the  foul  title 
upon  Clement ;  and  he  saw  no  surer  means  of  crushing  his  adversary, 
than  by  preaching  a  Crusade  against  him  among  the  English.  He  began 
by  bribing  the  avarice  of  the  Nobles  through  the  impost  of  a  Tenth  upon 
the  Clergy,  and  he  then  appealed  to  the  credulity  of  the  People  at  large 
by  a  lavish  promise  of  Indulgences.  So  brisk  was  the  market  for  Par- 
dons that  in  the  single  Diocese  of  London  "  a  large  Gascony  tun  full  of 
money  was  collected ;"  and  "  no  persons  of  either  sex  thought  they 
should  end  the  year  happily,  nor  have  any  chance  of  entering  Paradise 
if  they  did  not  give  handsomely  to  the  expedition  as  pure  alms."  The 
sum  in  which  the  English  thus  cheerfully  taxed  themselves,  during  the 
Winter  and  the  ensuing  Lent,  is  estimated  at  the  enormous  amount  of 
two  millions  and  a  half  of  francs. 

The  single  condition  which  Urban  stipulated  in  return  for  the  Abso- 
lution which  he  unsparingly  dispensed  was  that  he  might  nominate 
a  Churchman  to  command  the  expedition ;  :and  he  knew  that  England 
contained  a  Clerical  Paladin  well  adapted  to  the  purpose.  Not  long 
before,  Henry  le  Spencer,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  at  the  head  of  only  eight 
lances  and  of  a  very  small  body  of  archers,  had  seized  the  ringleaders  in 
a  popular  insurrection  at  Newmarket;  and  afterwards  armed  to  the  very 
teeth,  wearing  a  steel  skull-cap,  brandishing  a  double-edged  sword,  and 
spurring  his  charger  over  a  palisaded  intrenchment,  he  completely  routed 
the  followers  of  Jack  Straw,  who,  not  content  with  spreading  sedition 
through  his  Diocese,  had  ventured  to  offer  him  battle  at  North  Walshamf. 
To  this  martial  Prelate,  still  in  the  flower  of  youth  and  gifted  with  no 
ordinary  courage,  Urban  intrusted  the  guidance  of  the  Crusade. 

Six  hundred  men  at  arms  and  about  fifteen  hundred  infantry  pro- 
ceeded under  the  Bishop  to  Calais,  and  among  these  troops 
April  — .   were  numbered  some  of  the  adventurers  most  distinguished 
in  the  military  annals  of  the  times ;  Sir  Hugh  Calverley,  Sir 
Thomas  Trivet,  and  others  not  inferior  in  notoriety.     The  object  of 
Urban  was  to  overthrow  the  Clementists,  that  of  the  English  Regency, 
which  had  assisted  in  the  outfit,  to  attack  the  French  in  Picardy ;  but 

*  Froissart,  vi.  c.51.  f  Walsinghara,  283. 


A.  D.  13&3.]  ITS  FIRST  GREAT  SUCCESS.  241 

the  Bishop  had  different  views ;  he  contended  that  Picardy  was  an  ex- 
hausted field,  which  offered  no  promise  of  booty;  that  although  the 
Count  of  Flanders  and  his  followers  were  Urbanists  like  themselves, 
nevertheless  that  the  King  of  France,  who  had  waged  war  in  the  Flemish 
territory,  was  a  Clementist ;  and  therefore  that  all  the  purposes  of  the 
Crusade  would  be  fulfilled,  by  at  once  opening  a  campaign  in  that 
Country.  The  reasoning,  perhaps,  was  not  altogether  conclusive ;  but 
it  was  strengthened  by  the  plunder  of  Gravelines  upon  which  the  Cru- 
saders directed  their  march,  and  which  they  took  by  assault.  Stores 
and  provisions  were  found  abundantly  in  that  town  which  had  never 
contemplated  an  attack ;  and  so  richly  provided  were  its  stables  (which 
the  French  had  stocked  with  a  fleet  and  generous  breed),  that  a  horse 


• 


was  to  be  purchased  for  a  shillin 

Dunkirk  was  the  next  conquest;  and  under  its  walls  the  Crusaders 
obtained  a  success  which,  on  account  of  the  disparity  of 
numbers,  was  confidently  attributed  to  Divine  aidf.  Thirty  May  25. 
thousand  Maritime  Flemings,  who  adhered  to  their  Count, 
gave  battle  to  the  English  host  which  in  all  did  not  exceed  five  thousand 
men ;  and  among  them,  if  we  trust  Walsingham's  report,  many  must 
have*  been  quite  new  to  arms.  "  There,"  says  the  Monk,  evidently 
delighted  with  the  opportunity  afforded  him  of  exercising  his  lash  upon 
the  Seculars,  "  there  Rectors  and  Vicars,  who  had  been  tempted  by  the 
promise  of  Absolution,  learned  to  estimate  the  sweets  of  a  snug  home- 
stead ;  there  Canons  acknowledged  the  value  of  obedience ;  there  many 
begging  Friars  discovered  that  there  are  tasks  more  difficult  than  to 
solicit  alms  in  one's  own  native  Country  J."  Twelve  thousand  of  the 
enemy,  only  seven  of  the  Crusaders  were  slain  in  this  engagement.  Who, 
if  he  believes  this  report,  can  doubt  therefore  that  u  all  Ages  must  attri- 
bute the  victory  to  the  manifest  interposition  of  Heaven  ?M  and  that 
"  everything  concurred  to  prove  how  pleasing  in  its  sight  was  the  holy 
enterprise  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  §  !" 

The  Ghenters  readily  accepted  the  overture  of  a  General  who  had  been 
thus  successful,  and  joined  the  Bishop's  army.  Throngs  of  fresh  Pilgrims 
also  from  England  crowded  his  ranks  when  he  undertook  the  siege  of 
Ypres ;  but  the  new  comers  proved  for  the  most  part  an  encumbrance 
rather  than  an  aid.  They  were  a  motley  band,  formed  of  untrained  pea- 
sants, idle  servants,  and  runaway  apprentices  from  London,  who  allured 
by  the  exaggerated  reports  of  booty  to  be  gained  in  the  Flemish  War, 
exported  nothing  besides  the  red  crosses  on  their  caps,  and  the  red  scab- 
bards to  their  swords,  and  hoped  to  return  home  in  possession  of  un- 
counted treasure.  When  the  Bishop  perceived  that  his  substance  was 
likely  to  be  wasted  by  this  useless  train  (60,000  of  whom  had  already 
applied  for  arms  and  keep),  he  forbade  his  agents  in  England  from 

♦  Walsingham,  299.  f  Id.  300.  t  Mi  ^id.  §  W.  301. 

R 


242  GALLANT  DEFENCE  OF  BOURBOURG.         [CH.  XI. 

affording  transport  to  any  but  the  able-bodied  and  the  well-accoutred ; 
all  others  were  to  be  asked  why  they  presented  themselves  without 
equipments ;  to  be  reprimanded  for  wishing  to  consume  supplies  which 
scarcely  sufficed  for  those  who  could  contribute  military  service ;  and  to 
be  advised  for  the  future  to  sit  at  ease  over  their  flesh-pots  at  home  *. 
This  counsel  was  angrily  received  by  those  who  had  been  prompted  to 
emigrate  by  dread  of  starvation ;  and  the  Bishop  was  greatly  blamed, 
although  from  terror  of  his  power  the  murmurings  were  secret. 

The  representations  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  of  the  Count  of 
Flanders  easily  persuaded  Charles  VI.  that  he  was  pledged 

Aug.  — .  in  honour  to  complete  the  great  work  which  he  had  com- 
menced at  Rosebecque  ;  and  the  siege  of  Ypres  was  hastily 
broken  up  as  soon  as  the  allies  learned  that  sixteen  thousand  horse  and 
sixty  thousand  foot  had  arrived  at  Arras.  The  Ghenters  retired  to  their 
own  City,  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  fell  back  upon  Gravelinest,  and 
another  part  of  the  English  force  attempted  the  defence  first  of  Bergues, 
afterwards  of  Bourbourg.  The  latter  Town  was  most  gallantly  main- 
tained, and  the  Bretons  who  first  attempted  to  storm  it  were  repulsed 
with  considerable  loss.  The  reader  of  Walsingham  might  suppose  him- 
self employed  on  the  pages  of  Vegetius  or  of  Polybius,  when  he  is 
informed  of  engines  shod  with  iron  and  terminating  in  hooks,  which 
either  hoisted  the  astonished  besiegers  over  the  ramparts  to  be  slaughtered 
like  cattle,  or  precipitated  them  with  grievous  falls  into  the  miry  ditch 
below.  The  French,  who  made  a  second  effort  after  the  defeat  of  the 
Bretons,  were  met  by  different  weapons ;  heated  spits  were  thrust  down 
from  the  walls,  and  the  hands  which  grasped  them  unwittingly  were  at 
once  disabled.  The  killed  in  this  encounter  amounted  to  500,  among 
whom  was  a  Marechal,  and  Clisson  himself  was  badly  wounded.  The 
King  declared  that  they  were  Devils  and  not  men  who  had  employed 
such  inventions  against  a  Christian  army ;  and  yielding  to  the  arguments 
of  the  Duke  of  Bretany,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  dogged 
bravery  of  the  English,  he  agreed  to  a  capitulation,  by  which  the  town  (a 
third  of  it  having  been  burned  in  the  assault)  was  surrendered,  and  the 
garrison  permitted  to  withdraw  with  arms,  horses  and  baggage,  and  as 
much  property  as  they  were  able  to  convey. 

*  Walsingham,  302. 

f  There  is  a  variation  here  between  Walsingham  and  Froissart.  The  latter 
ascribes  the  defence  of  Bergues  to  Sir  Hugh  Calverley,  into  whose  mouth  he  puts 
expressions  condemnatory  of  the  Bishop,  vi.  c.  61.  Walsingham,  on  the  other 
hand,  after  noticing  a  dispute  between  the  Bishop  and  Sir  Thomas  Trivet  and  the 
other  leaders,  adds,  "  the  Bishop  retreated,  and  with  all  haste  began  his  march  to  his 
own  town  of  Graveling,  together  with  Sir  Hugh  Calverley,  who  was  an  inse- 
parable comrade  and  faithful  partner  in  all  his  straits."  303.  And  again,  after 
the  capitulation  of  Bourbourg,  he  says  that  the  French  army  marched  to  the  town 
of  Graveling,  in  which  were  stationed  the  Bishop  and  Sir  Hugh  de  Calverley,  304. 
Walsingham  is  likely  to  have  been  better  informed  than  Froissart  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  English".  The  Rel.  de  St.  Denis  never  mentions  tbe  Bishop  of  Nor- 
wich, and  attributes  the  command  of  the  expedition  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
at  that  time,  however,  did  not  bear  a  higher  title  than  Earl  of  Buckingham. 


A,  D.  1384.]  TRUCE  OF  LELINGHEN.  243 

Experience  thus  dearly  purchased  at  Bourbourg  forbade  a  similar 
attempt  upon  Gravclines;  and  the  Bishop  replied  to  a  summons  that  he 
held  the  town  as  much  for  the  Pope  as  for  the  King  of  England,  and  that 
he  had  expended  large  sums  in  repairing  its  fortifications.     The  French 
offered  15,000  marks  as  an  indemnity;   and  the  Bishop,  having  ascer- 
tained that  it  was  idle  to  hope  for  relief  from  England*,  negociated  for  the 
undisturbed  re-embarkation  of  his  troops,  razed  the  walls  as  the  terms  of 
the  Treaty  required,  but  declined  the  proffered  money  from  a  knowledge 
that  the  acceptance  of  it  would  displease  the  Council  of  Regency.     The 
French  army,  no  longer  confronted  by  an  enemy,  evacuated 
Flanders;  and  Conferences  in  which  a  Truce  was  arranged    Sept.  22. 
were  not  long  afterwards  opened  at  Lelinghen.    John  of 
Gaunt  or  Ghent,  who  represented  England,  refused  any  terms  from 
which  the  Burghers  of  his  native  City  were  to  be  excluded ;  and  some 
writers  have  affirmed  that  a  dispute  upon  this  point  arose  between  the 
Duke  of  Berri  and  the  Count  of  Flanders,  the  latter  of  whom  vehe- 
mently refused  to  accord  any  grace  to  his  rebellious  subjects.     It  has 
been  added  that  heated  words  occasioned  a  personal  conflict,  in  which 
the  Duke  of  Berri  plunged  his  dagger  to  the  Count's  heart.    That  the 
death  of  the  Count  occurred  at  this  time  is  certain ;  although  the  man- 
ner of  it  may  be  doubtful  -j- :  it  removed  the  sole  obstacle 
which  prevented  the  signature  of  the  Truce ;  which  with  full  a.  d.  1384. 
benefit  of  its  conditions  to  the  Ghenters  was  immediately    Jan.  26. 
concluded. 

J  The  King  received  the  Bishop's  application  for  assistance  while  he  was  at  sup- 
per at  Daventry,  and  pushing  aside  the  table,  he  rose  with  all  manner  of  haste  and 
fury ;  he  rode  post  all  night,  as  if  he  intended  to  kill  the  King  of  France ;  knocked 
up  the  Abbot  of  St.  Alban's,  in  order  to  borrow  a  horse,  which  he  never  returned; 
and  having  gone  to  bed  on  his  arrival  at  Westminster — slept  off  all  his  valorous  in- 
tentions. Walsingham,  305.  The  Temporals  of  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  were 
afterwards  confiscated,  under  a  pretext  that  he  had  disobeyed  a  Royal  mandate  re- 
calling him  from  Flanders.     Id.  307. 

f  M.  de  Sismondi  (xi.  432)  believes  the  story  of  this  assassination,  and  draws  an 
argument  in  favour  of  its  truth  from  the  mysterious  silence  of  contemporaries,  and 
from  the  prodigies  which  they  record.  Juvenal  des  Ursins  (40)  and  the  Rel.  de 
St.  Denis,  1.  iii.  c.  6,  p.  84,  certainly  give  an  account  of  a  violent  whirlwind  which 
occurred  at  the  moment  of  the  Count's  death,  and  the  former  adds,  dont  pluueur* 
gens  disoient  ee  que  bon  leur  sembloist.  The  similar  tempest  which  accompanied  the 
death  of  Cromwell  in  like  manner  occasioned  much  idle  talk,  but  it  never  created  a 
suspicion  that  he  was  murdered.  Villaret  (vi.  173)  draws  an  exactly  opposite  con- 
clusion from  the  silence  of  contemporaries.  Froissart  gives  a  minute  account 
of  the  funeral  ceremony,  but  merely  says  that  the  Count  was  taken  ill  and  died, 
Jan.  20,  1384. 

The  two  authorities  upon  which  belief  appears  to  be  chiefly  founded  are  Mezeray 
and  Meyer.  The  former  in  his  Grande  Histoire,  ii.  518,  has  tbe  following  passage. 
Le  genre  dc  la  mart  de  ce  Comte  nitrite  iC avoir  part  en  eette  Histoire.  Pierre  Co/inet 
dans  son  l.ivre  des  Seigneurs  (V Enguioi  dit  que  Jean  Due  de  Berri  a  I' age  de  CO  tins 
epousa  lajUle  du  Comte  de  Bretagne  qui  n'uvoit  que  douze  ans  ;  et  que  ce  Due  est  ant  a. 
Sainct  Otner  avec  son  frere  le  Due  de  Bourgogne,  enlra  en  dispute  avec  Lduis  Comte 
de  F/andres  sur  la  vutnancc  de  Boulogne,  le  Comte  pretendant  qu'c/lc  cstoit  mcuvanie 
de  son  Comte  dc  F/andres  et  le  Due  niant  se  viit  en  telle  colere  qii'il  jetta  sa  dague 
contre  le  Comic,  qui  mourut  trois  jours  apircs  de  sablessure. 

Mezeray,  however,  seems  to  have  changed  his  opinion  at  a  later  period.  In  bis 
Abrege  Chronologique,  iii.  12C,  he  attributes  the  Count's  death  entirely  to  natural 

R   2 


244  marriage  op  Charles  vi.  [cn.xr. 

The  King  returned  to  his  Capital,  and  there  soon  afterwards  learned 
the  entire  discomfiture  and  death  of  his  uncle  of  Anjou  in  Italy. 
Charles  III.  by  discreetly  abstaining  from  battle  which  his  competitor 
was  anxious  to  provoke,  had  allowed  the  invading  forces  to  waste  away 
in  inaction.  So  destitute  was  the  Duke  of  Anjou  at  the  moment  of  his 
death,  that  nothing  remained  to  him  of  the  plunder  of  Beaute-sur-Marne 
but  a  single  silver-cup ;  even  his  wardrobe  had  been  sacrificed  in  order 
to  provide  for  the  necessities  of  his  followers ;  and  that  Prince,  who  had 
ever  been  distinguished  for  the  richness  of  his  attire,  pos- 

Oct.  10.  sessed  only  one  embroidered-  surcoat*,  when  his  days  were 
terminated  by  a  fever  at  Biseglio  near  Bari.  His  two  sons 
Louis  and  Charles  were  infants  at  the  time  of  his  decease ;  and  were 
little  likely  to  obtain  aid  from  either  of  their  uncles  in  France. 

The  Duke  of  Berri  was  employed  in  filling  his  own  coffers  by  com- 
pleting the  exhaustion  of  Languedoc ;  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  securing 
the  territories  to  which  he  had  become  heir  by  the  death  of  the  Count  of 
Flanders,  his  father-in-law.  A  double  nuptial  alliance  which  be  con- 
tracted with  the  reigning  Family  of  Bavaria  t  in  order  to  strengthen  him- 
self in  the  Netherlands,  led  to  the  marriage  of  the  King  also  with  a 
Princess  of  that  House;  and  through  an  intrigue  of  the  Duchess  of  Bra- 
bant |  (a  Matron  eminently  skilful  in  matrimonial  diplomacy),  it  was 
contrived  that  Charles  should  become  deeply  enamoured  of  Isabella, 
a  daughter  of  Duke  Stephen  II.  to  whom,  in  the  division  of  terri- 
tory which  had  been  made  with  his  two  brothers,  the  share  of  Tngolstadt 
had  fallen.  Some  preliminaries,  most  repugnant  to  female  delicacy, 
which  had  hitherto  been  considered  indispensable  to  the  marriage  of  a 

causes  ;  to  une  maladie  increased  by  chagrin  at  the  devastation  of  his  Country.  He 
adds — peut-estre  estoit-il  blesse  au  cceur  de  ce  que  le  Due  de  Berry  luy  avoit  reproche 
avec  des  paroles  fort  injurieuses  que  sa  vengeance  opiniatre  estoit  la  cause  de  tous  scs 
ma/hews. 

Meyer  writes  as  follows : — Eb  discordice  coniroversia  processit,  ut  pugionem  sutim, 
Bitttricc  Ludovico  in  pectus  prqjiceret ;  accldit  id  die  festo  Epiphanies  Domini,  eoque  ex 
v.'tlnere  tertio  post  die  Ludovicus  obiit.  Addam  verba  Gallica  ex  Chronica  quo  dam 
manuscripto.  w  Le  Conte  Loijs  morut  a  Sainct  Bertin  labaye,  car  le  Due  de  Berry  luy 
iecla  sa  daggue  en  son  cueur,  pource  quil  ne  le  voulloit  laisser  possesser  la  Comte  de  Bou- 
logne) dont  il  avoit  espouse  la  Dame,  e.t  le  Conte  vouloit  quil  luy  en  faisist  hommage 
comme  appertenoil,  et  cela  ne  vouloit  point  faired  Multi  recte  habent  defunctum  die  ix. 
Januarii,  sed  et  multi  male  die  xxix.  ejusdem  mensis.  Anna/.  Fland.  L.  xiii.  200. 
Upon  the  above  narrative  the  Benedictines  remark  in  UArl  de  verifier  les  dates, 
iii.  21.  Cestainsi  que  Meir  raconte  la  mort  du  Comte  Louis,  d'apres  quelques  Chroniques 
du  XVme  Steele:  mais  Froissart,  auteur  contemporain,  ?ious  donne  cet  cvenement  comme 
leffet  d'une  maladie  naturelle.  And  they  add  in  a  Note  :  D'aut?~es  discnt  avec  aussi 
pen  de  vraisemblance  que  cefut  Jean  II.  Comte  d"" Auvergne  et  de  Boulogne,  beau-pere  du 
Due  de  Berri,  qui  ayant  pris  querelle  avec  le  Comte  de  Flandres  au  sujet  de  f  hommage 
de  Boulogne,  le  poussa  contre  la  muraille  avec  tant  de  violence,  qu'il  lui  frossa  le  corps,  ce 
quefut  cause  de  sa  mort. 

*  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  43,  and  to  the  same  purpose  the  Rel.  de  St.  Denis,  liv.  iv. 
c.  6,  p.  93. 

f  His  eldest  son  John  the  Fearless  (Sans  Peur)  Count  of  Nevers,  married  Mar- 
garet of  Bavaria,  daughter  of  Albert  Count  of  Hainault ;  and  William  Count  of 
Ostrevant,  eldest  son  of  Albert,  at  the  same  time  married  Margaret  of  Burgundy. 

%  Aunt  of  Margaret,  Duchess  of  Burgundy. 


A.  D.  1381.]        FRENCH  ACCOUNT  OF  SCOTLAND.  245 

King  of  France,  were  dexterously  evaded  by  the  management  of  the 
Duchess  of  Brabant.  Isabella  was  in  her  fourteenth  year,  and  greatly 
distinguished  for  beauty,  so  that  Charles,  after  once  seeing  her,  "  amused 
the  ladies  "  by  the  ardour  of  his  passion;  and  on  the  fourth  day  after 
their  first  interview  the  marriage  was  consummated  between  a  Bride  and 
Bridegroom  each  of  whom  was  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  language 
spoken  by  the  other  *. 

Before  the  marriage  of  the  King,  hostilities  had  been  renewed  with 
England,  and  a  considerable  force  under  Jean  de  Vienne,  the  former 
brave  defender  of  Calais,  now  Admiral  of  France,  had  been  employed  to 
assist  the  Scots  in  an  irruption  upon  their  neighbours.  The  Knights 
engaged  on  this  service  appear  to  have  been  impressed  with  a  deep  sense 
of  the  poverty  and  the  barbarism  of  their  Northern  allies,  from  whom 
indeed  they  experienced  somewhat  churlish  and  inhospitable  treatment. 
Edinburgh,  although  the  residence  of  the  King,  is  described  as  being 
inferior  to  Tournai  or  Valenciennes.  The  whole  town  did  not  contain 
4000  houses  t>  if  huts  constructed  in  a  few  days  with  half  a  dozen  poles 
covered  with  boughs  deserve  that  name  ;  and  the  French  Barons  were 
obliged  in  consequence  to  seek  "  hard  beds  and  poor  lodgings  "  in  the 
neighbouring  villages.  Manufactures  were  unknown,  neither  iron  for 
horse-shoes  nor  leather  for  harness  was  to  be  obtained  unless  imported 
from  Flanders;  the  natives,  who  in  truth  had  not  anything  to  lose, 
nevertheless  exhibited  constant  suspicion,  and  inquired  "  what  Devil  had 
brought  these  visiters  to  their  shores."  Like  Savages,  they  shunned  ac- 
quaintance unless  induced  to  it  by  a  prospect  of  gain  ;  in  their  bargains 
they  asked  sixty  or  a  hundred  florins  for  articles  not  worth  ten ;  and  the 
King  of  Scotland  himself,  in  whose  service  the  French  were  engaged,  re- 
fused to  visit  them  in  his  Capital,  until  he  had  received  payment  of  a 
large  subsidy.  After  a  short  predatory  invasion  of  Northumberland, 
Cumberland  and  Westmoreland,  during  which  Richard  II.  in  return 
sacked  Edinburgh  which  had  been  left  unprotected,  Jean  de  Vienne  and 
his  troops,  nearly  starved  by  want  of  provisions  and  of  forage,  returned, 
<c  cursing  Scotland  and  the  hour  they  had  set  their  foot  in  it,  for  never 
had  they  seen  a  people  so  wicked,  so  hypocritical,  so  traitorous,  and  so 
ignorant  J." 

The  Ghenters  under  the  command  of  Ackermann  stormed  Damme,  on 
the  very  day  of  the  King's  nuptials,  and  Charles,  irritated  by  the  intelli- 
gence, set  forward  in  a  week  afterwards  for  the  recovery  of  that  town. 
Its  reduction  cost  much  labour  and  a  considerable  number  of  men,  but 

*  The  story  of  this  marriage  is  very  amusingly  related  by  Froissart,  vii.  c.  15. 

f  Car  Handebourg;  non  obstant  que.  le  Roy  descoce  y  tiengne  son  siege,  et  que  c'est 
Paris  en  Escoce  n'est  pas  telle  ville  comme  seroit  Tournay  on  Valenciennes  car  il  ny 
a  pas  en  toute  la  ville  qttatre  mille  viaisons.  Four  hundred  is  read  instead  of  four  thou- 
sand by  M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  459. 

I  Froissart,  vii.  c.  3  — 17. 


246  PEACE  OF  TOURNAI.  [CH.  XI. 

Ackermarm,  disappointed  of  relief,  in  the  end  evacuated  his  conquest, 
and  returned  unharmed  to  Ghent.  The  French  revenged  themselves  by 
firing  the  houses  and  mercilessly  ravaging  its  neighbourhood ;  till  the 

King,  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  operations  during  winter 
Sept.  — .      and  anxious  to  rejoin  his  Bride,  disbanded  his  army  after  a 

short  but  most  expensive  campaign,  which  had  in  no 
measure  contributed  to  his  honour. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  sagaciously  perceived  that  little  hope  of  per- 
manent establishment  was  afforded  by  a  continuance  of  War.  Even  if 
he  were  ultimately  victorious,  he  must  purchase  success  by  the  ruin  of 
his  Provinces ;  and  he  resolved  therefore  to  gain  by  negociation  an 
ascendancy  hitherto  denied  to  the  sword.  It  was  not  difficult  to  sow 
dissension  among  the  popular  leaders,  and  a  Peace-faction  was  soon 

created  in  Ghent  which  finally  prevailed.    Ackermann  him- 
Dec.  18.    self  consented  to  lay  down  arms  *,  and  a  Treaty  was  signed 

at  Tournai,  in  which  the  Burghers  in  return  for  general 
amnesty  and  for  a  confirmation  of  their  ancient  privileges,  swore  fidelity 
to  the  Duke  as  their  natural  and  lawful  Lord,  and  to  the  King  of  France 
as  their  Lord  paramountf.  The  insurgents,  instead  of  maintaining  any 
lofty  tone  of  independence,  accepted  these  Articles  as  tokens  of  "  pardon, 
of  clemency  and  of  grace." 

This  Peace  disengaged  France  from  a  contest,  which  without  any 
prospect  of  National  advantage  pressed  most  heavily  upon  her  resources; 
a  season  of  repose  might  have  relieved  her  from  embarrassments,  but  the 
Court  soon  became  engrossed  by  a  project  which,  after  boundless  expen- 
diture in  preparation,  proved  most  futile  in  result.  John  of  Gaunt  was 
urging  his  claims  upon  the  throne  of  Castile  by  means  of  an  army,  the 
absence  of  which  it  was  falsely  supposed  had  left  England  almost 
defenceless]:;  and  a  conversation  with  the  Admiral  de  Vienne  on  his  re- 
turn from  the  Scottish  expedition  had  excited  both  in  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy and  in  Clisson  a  strong  desire  to  combat  upon  English  ground. 
Ct  The  Scots,"  said  de  Vienne  on  one  occasion  at  the  Royal  table  at 
which  he  was  splendidly  entertained,  "  can  never  muster  above  500 
Knights  and  Esquires  together,  and  about  30,000  other  men  ;  who 
would  be  easily  overthrown  by  the  English  archers,  or  by  1000  men  at 
arms."  u  As  God  is  my  help,"  continued  the  gallant  Knight,  smarting 
no  doubt  under  recollections  of  recent  ill  usage,  "  I  would  rather  be 
Count  of  Savoy  or  of  Artois  or  of  some  such  Country  than  King  of 

*  Ackermann  seems  to  have  been  very  well  satisfied  with  an  offer  made  by  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  to  appoint  him  Equerry  of  his  Stables  with  four  horses  at  his 
command.  Froissart,  viii.  c.  7«  He  was  assassinated,  about  eighteen  months  after 
the  conclusion  of  this  Treaty,  by  Harselle,  a  Bastard  of  the  late  Count  Louis. 
Pierre  Dubois  retired  to  England. 

•J-  The  Treaty  is  given  at  length  by  Froissart,  vii.  c.  21. 

J  There  were  at  this  time  10,000  men  at  arms  and  100,000  archers  in  England, 
although  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  had  led  so  large  a  force  to  Castile.     Id.  viii.  c..(?. 


A.D.  1384.]  GIGANTIC  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  INVASION  OF  ENGLAND.  241 

Scotland."  When  further  asked  about  the  English  army,  he  praised  it 
highly,  and  estimated  its  whole  strength,  which  he  declared  he  had 
once  seen  arrayed  on  a  march,  at  60,000  archers  and  6000  or  7000  men 
at  arms.  "  That,"  remarked  some  of  the  company,  u  is  a  great  force." 
M  Yet,  great  as  it  may  be,"  said  the  Constable,  "  I  would  rather  fight 
the  whole  of  them  in  their  own  Country,  than  half  on  this  side  the  water; 
for  that  was  the  doctrine  my  Master  taught  me  in  my  youth*."  From 
this  vaunt,  which  met  with  unanimous  applause,  and  which  pleased  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  especially,  may  be  dated  the  proposed  invasion  of 
England. 

The  scale  of  preparation  for  this  descent  was  most  gigantic.  The 
young  King  was  to  command  in  person,  supported  by  his  two  uncles 
and  by  all  the  Nobility  of  his  Realm.  England  was  not  only  to  be  con- 
quered but  to  be  rendered  desert ;  the  men  were  to  be  exterminated,  the 
women  and  children  to  be  transported  to  France  in  slaveryf.  From  the 
East  to  the  West  of  Europe,  from  the  furthermost  coasts  of  Prussia  to 
the  extremity  of  Castile,  wherever  French  gold,  or  power,  or  persuasion 
could  exert  its  influence,  vessels  were  pressed  or  hired,  till  the  numbers 
moored  between  the  ports  of  Sluys  and  Blankenbourg  exceeded  any  that 
had  been  collected  together  "  since  God  created  the  world."  Their 
decks  glittered  with  most  gaudy  colouring;  in  many  instances  their 
masts  were  covered  with  gold  or  silver  plates,  above  which  were  embla- 
zoned armorial  bearings;  silken  hangings  adorned  their  cabins,  and 
richly  embroidered  banners  floated  on  the  breeze  from  their  sterns. 
Brief  and  simple  but  fearfully  pregnant  with  meaning  is  the  concluding 
paragraph  of  the  description ;  "  The  poor  people  of  France  paid  for  all  J ." 
In  order  that  the  King  himself  might  be  securely  and  becomingly 
lodged  after  disembarkation,  the  Forests  of  Bretany  were  placed  at  the 
disposal  of  the  Constable,  and  he  constructed  a  stupendous  wooden 
frame-work  or  roofed  town  as  it  is  called,  which  formed  the  burden  of 
72  transports.  A  rampart  twenty  feet  in  height  was  strengthened  at 
intervals  of  every  twelve  paces  with  towers  ten  feet  higher,  and  each 
capable  of  holding  ten  men.  The  front  of  this  huge  bulwark  presented 
3000  paces ;  it  was  calculated  that  the  whole  army  could  find  shelter 
behind  it  from  the  English  bowmen;  and  it  could  be  taken  to  pieces  and 
replaced  at  pleasure.  §. 

The  commissariat  was  proportionate  in  extent  to  the  number  of 
troops  destined  for  the  service.  Heavier  taxes  than  had  been  known  for 
a  century  past  were  imposed  throughout  the  Country.  Of  the  rich, 
many  were  compelled  to  surrender  a  third  part  of  their  property ;  from 
the  poorer  sort  their  whole  estate  was  required.  The  whole  fore  part  of 
the  year  was  employed  in  grinding  flour  and  making  biscuits.  Wine, 
salted  meats,  oats,  hay,  onions,  verjuice,  butter,  the  yolks  of  eggs  rammed 

*  Froissart,  vii.  c.  17.     f  Id.  viii,  c.  7.      t  *<*•  vi»»  c-  8»    §  Walsingham,  323, 


248  THE  PROJECT  ABANDONED.  [CH.  XL 

into  barrels,  peas,  beans,  cheese-bowls,  barley,  wheat,  rye,  wax-candles, 
housings,  boots,  shoes,  helmets,  spurs,  knives,  hatchets,  wedges,  pick- 
axes, hooks,  wooden-pegs,  boxes  filled  with  ointments,  tow,  bandages, 
counterpanes,  horseshoe-nails,  vinegar-bottles,  iron,  crockery,  pewter  and 
wooden-pots  and  dishes,  candlesticks,  basins,  vases,  fat-pigs,  kitchen- 
furniture  and  buttery  utensils,  and  every  article  necessary  for  man  and 
beast  are  among  the  exports  confusedly  enumerated  by  Froissart ;  and 
these  were  collected  in  so  great  profusion,  that  eye-witnesses  are  said  by 
him  to  be  the  only  persons  by  wThom  it  is  likely  that  his  accounts  will  be 
credited.  The  middle  of  August  had  arrived  before  these  ostentatious 
preparations  were  sufficiently  advanced  to  allow  the  King's  departure 
from  Paris;  and  so  slow  were  the  journeys  by  which  he  traversed 
Picardy  and  Artois,  that  a  month  elapsed  before  he  fixed  his  quarters 
at  Arras.  However  rich  and  smiling  might  be  the  districts  which  he 
approached,  those  which  he  left  behind  were  reduced  to  a  wilderness. 
The  stores  were  everywhere  seized  for  food,  the  cottages  were  burned  for 
fuel ;  if  the  peasants  objected  to  the  requisitions  made  in  the  King's 
name  they  were  savagely  murdered  on  the  spot ;  if  they  surrendered 
their  little  stock  they  perished  more  slowly  by  famine.  No  hostile  inva- 
sion could  have  spread  greater  misery  over  the  face  of  the  Country  than 
did  this  nominally  peaceful  march  of  a  friendly  army  *. 

At  a  time  at  which  official  Returns  were  unknown  the  calculation  of 
numbers  must  have  depended  more  or  less  upon  conjecture.  Walsing- 
ham,  adopting  common  report,  and  therefore  no  doubt  greatly  exagge- 
rating, says  that  sixteen  Dukes,  twenty-six  Counts,  three  thousand 
Knights,  and  six  hundred  thousand  Jighting  men  were  assembled  for 
embarkation.  Froissart  is  perhaps  nearer  the  truth,  when  he  speaks  of 
20,000  Knights  and  Squires,  20,000  cross-bowmen,  part  of  whom  were 
Genoese,  and  20,000  "  stout  varlets."  It  had  been  proclaimed,  that 
none  but  approved  soldiers  would  be  permitted  to  embark,  and  that  no 
Knight  unless  of  high  rank  would  be  allowed  more  than  one  horse  and 
one  servant  f. 

Day  passed  after  day  and  still  no  orders  were  issued  for  sailing.  Wal- 
singham  assures  us  that  the  safety  of  England  was  owing  to  the  especial 
guardianship  of  Heaven ;  that  for  three  entire  months,  from  the  first  of 
August  till  the  first  of  November,  the  wrind  never  proved  favourable  for 
many  hours  together,  but  that  on  the  eve  of  All  Saints  it  changed,  and 
the  whole  armament  put  to  sea.  At  about  twenty  miles'  distance  from 
the  coast  the  fleet  encountered  a  violent  tempest,  many  of  the  vessels 
were  shipwrecked  in  endeavouring  to  regain  the  harbour,  and  the  loss 
was  so  great  that  the  enterprise  was  abandoned,  England  was  relieved 
from  fear,  and  the  King  of  France  returned  to  his  own  dominions  j. 

*  Froissart,  viii.  c.  13.  f  Id.,  ibid. 

%  "Walsingham,  325.  Froissart,  viii.  c.  15,  corroborates  this  account.  He  says 
that  when  the  King  pressed  Clisson  to  sail,  the  Constable  answered,  *  Sire,  we  can- 


A.  D.  1384.]  FIRMNESS  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  249 

Other  accounts  relate,  with  a  strange  and  inexplicable  contradiction, 
that  doling  three  months  the  wind  every  day  blew  from  the  desired 
point  *,  but  that  Clisson  retarded  the  expedition  by  the  delay  of  his 
wooden  fortress.  The  seventy-two  vessels  under  his  command  at  length 
sailed  from Treguier  with  a  contrary  wind  by  which  they  were  dispersed; 
some  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  some  were  driven  to  Zealand, 
and  scarcely  a  moiety  arrived  at  Sluys  f  •  Even  then  the 
Duke  of  Berri  was  still  wanting,  the  days  became  shorter  Nov.  30. 
and  cold,  and  the  weather  was  bad.  At  length,  after  he  had 
slowly  journeyed  from  Paris,  all  obstacles  were  supposed  to  be  at  an 
end  ;•  and  during  the  first  seven  days  of  his  abode  at  Sluys,  it  was 
always  confidently  rumoured  that  the  fleet  would  sail  on  the  morrow. 
But  War  was  little  suited  to  the  taste  of  this  cowardly  dissembler; 
and  having  protracted  the  enterprise  till  experienced  mariners  admitted 
that  it  would  now  be  hazardous,  he  at  length  ventured  openly  to  advise 
its  postponement  till  a  better  season.  The  King  most  reluctantly  con- 
sented to  the  proposal.  "  In  God's  name,"  he  exclaimed,  "  I  am 
resolved  to  go,  should  no  one  follow  me !"  But  so  little  sway  did 
Charles  at  that  time  exercise  in  his  own  Councils,  that  the  Lords,  as 
we  are  told,  only  laughed,  and  said,  u  The  King  has  a  strong  inclination 
to  embark  J". 

The  expedition  therefore  was  abandoned,  not  less  to  the  mortification 
of  many  of  the  Knights  engaged  in  it  than  of  the  King  himself.  The 
great  Lords,  who  had  expended  large  sums  in  equipment,  were  ex- 
posed to  enormous  loss  from  the  forced  sale  of  their  property.  The 
poorer  class,  who  had  long  indulged  the  hope  of  booty,  murmured  at  the 
unexpected  dissipation  of  their  golden  dreams.  The  news  was  received 
in  England  not  without  thankfulness  and  joy ;  nevertheless,  as  during 
similar  periods  in  much  later  years,  little  fear  of  the  result  of  invasion 
had  been  evinced  by  the  population  at  large ;  and  although  the  public 
burdens  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  Country  pressed  with  unusual 
weight,  they  were  supported  with  much  cheerfulness  and  alacrity,  and 
by  no  class  more  so  than  by  the  lower  Orders  §. 

not  sail  till  the  wind  be  favourable.  This  south  wind,  which  is  completely  against 
us,  has  blown  so  long,  that  the  sailors  say  they  have  never  known  it  so  constant  to 
one  point  as  it  has  been  for  these  two  months." 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  459. 

f  The  capture  of  two  of  these  vessels  is  mentioned  by  Walsingham.  They  con- 
tained a  portion  of  the  "  wooden  wall  "  which  was  erected  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Sandwich,  the  port  into  which  the  prizes  were  carried.  The  master-carpenter,  as 
we  are  inclined  to  render  magisier  totiusfabriccr,  was  among  the  prisoners  ;  he  was  an 
English  Exile.  The  master  of  the  ordnance  also,  who  had  served  under  Sir  Hugh 
Calverley  at  Calais,  was  taken.  Many  engines  and  guns  were  among  the  spoils ; 
and  the  value  of  the  powder  captured  exceeded  that  of  everything  else,  323.  The 
remainder  of  the  ville  de  bois  was  given  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  do/it  il  ft  un 
pare.     M.  de  Sismondi,  xi.  481. 

I  Froissart,  viii.  c.  10. 

§  Froissart,  viii.  c.  8,  13,  14,  16.  One  passage  is  remarkable,  and  deserves  citation 


250  SECOND  PROJECT  OF  INVASION.  [CH.  XI. 

Two  restless  enemies  of  the  French  Monarchy  terminated  their  lives 
about  this  time  within  a  few  months  of  each  other.  After  Charles  III. 
of  Durazzo  had  been  firmly  established  on  the  throne  of  Naples  by  the 

death  of  Louis  of  Anjou,  he  contested  that  of  Hungary  also, 
June  6.     and  he  was  first  stabbed  and  afterwards  poisoned  by  hired 

retainers  of  the  Queen  whom  he  had  succeeded  in  dispos- 
sessing'*.    The  fate  of  another  Charles,  leMauvais,  King  of  Navarre,  is 

variously  related.     The  official  announcement  to  his  sister, 
a.d.  1387.    the  widow  of  Philip  de  Valois,  recorded  only  his  long  ill- 
Jan.  1 .      ness  and  Christian  departure ;  but  a  more  fearful  story  was 

circulated,  attributing  his  death  to  the  inadvertence  or  to  the 
malice  of  a  servant  who  set  fire  to  some  night-clothes  steeped  in  spirits 
of  wine  which  the  jaded  and  voluptuous  Prince  was  accustomed  to  wear 
as  a  fancied  aphrodisiac  t. 

An  auxiliary  force  under  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  was  despatched  to  re- 
sist John  of  Gaunt  in  Spain,  but  it  is  rather  to  the  effects  of  climate  than 
of  War  that  the  failure  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  is  to  be  attributed.  He 
secured  an  honourable  retreat,  but  of  the  more  than  20,000  men  with 
whom  he  had  entered  Galicia  not  1200  remained  alive  when  he  evacu- 
ated Leon.  The  project  for  invading  England  was  renewed  in  the 
Spring,  but  with  far  less  pomp  of  equipment  than  had  been  previously 
displayed.  Either  the  capricious  ardour  of  the  King  had  subsided,  or 
the  Duke  of  Berri  had  inoculated  his  brother  of  Burgundy  Avith  some  of 
his  own  prudential  caution.  Two  armaments  were  ordered  to  attempt 
the  descent.  Six  thousand  men-at-arms,  an  equal  number  of  infautry 
and  about  two  thousand  cross-bowmen,  were  divided  between  Harfleur 
and  Treguier ;  one  of  those  bands  was  under  the  command  of  the  Ad- 
miral de  Vienne,  the  Comte  de  St.  Pol,  and  the  Sire  de  Coucy;  the  other 
was  led  by  the  Constable  de  Clisson.  A  remarkable  adventure  which 
befel  the  last-named  General  broke  up  this  expedition  on  the  very  eve 
of  its  departure. 

The  reconciliation  between  John  of  Montfort  and  the  King  of  France 
had  confirmed  the  former  in  the  Duchy  of  Bretany,  but  it  had  by  no 
means  extinguished  the  inveterate  hatred  which  it  obliged  Clisson  to  dis- 
'semble.  No  surer  mode  of  disturbing  the  tranquillity  of  the  Duke  pre- 
sented itself  to  the  imagination  of  the  Constable,  than  that  which  would 
be  afforded  by  a  revival  of  the  claims  of  the  House  of  Blois.  For  that 
purpose,  it  was  necessary  to  ransom  John,  the  only  remaining  scion  of  the 

on  account  of  the  sound  reasoning  which  it  commemorates.  "  The  taxes  in  England 
were  equally  heavy  with  those  in  France  ;  but  though  they  were  very  oppressive,  the 
common  people  said  they  ought  not  to  complain ;  for  they  were  raised  for  the  defence 
of  the  Country,  and  paid  to  Knights  and  Squires  to  guard  the  land,  and  they  were  the 
labourers  and  the  sheep  from  whom  they  took  the  wool,  but  if  England  should  be 
conquered  they  would  be  the  greatest  losers."  c.  13. 

•  M.  de  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Rep.  ItaLy'ii.  244. 

f  Froissart,  ix.  c.  13. 


A.  D.  1387.]       TREACHERY  OP  DE  MONTFORT  AGAINST  CLISSON.  251 

Family,  "who  had  been  allowed  to  linger  during  four  and  thirty  years  in 
an  English  prison  *.  In  order  to  connect  his  own  interests  more  surely 
with  those  of  John  of  Blois,  Clisson  found  means  to  propose  a  marriage 
with  his  daughter  as  the  condition  on  which  he  would  defray  the  cap- 
tive's ransom.  The  prisoner  had  already  refused  one  splendid  alliance. 
Much  dissatisfaction  had  naturally  been  felt  by  the  English  Court  at  the 
termination  of  the  Earl  of  Buckingham's  expedition,  and  the  Regency, 
seeking  revenge  upon  De  Montfort  for  his  too  easy  abandonment  of  alli- 
ance, proposed  after  marrying  John  of  Blois  to  a  daughter  of  the  Duke 
of  Lancaster t,  to  support  him  as  competitor  for  the  Duchy,  which  he  was 
to  accept  as  a  Fief  from  England.  The  high-spirited  Breton  preferred 
captivity  to  the  required  sacrifice  of  the  independence  of  his  Country;  but 
no  similar  obstacle  impeded  the  proffer  made  by  De  Clisson,  and  it  was 
at  once  accepted.  The  Constable  bargained  with  the  worthless  favourite 
de  Vere  (whom  Richard  II.  had  just  created  Duke  of  Ireland)  who  was 
to  obtain  the  prisoner's  liberty  as  a  free  gift  from  the  King,  and  to  re- 
ceive as  its  price  120,000  livres  for  himself  J. 

Secretly  as  this  negociation  was  conducted  it  by  no  means  escaped  the 
vigilance  of  De  Montfort;  and  he  resolved,  by  a  bold  and  unscrupulous 
act,  at  once  to  frustrate  an  attempt  which  might  endanger  his  Ducal 
Crown,  and  at  the  same  time  to  recover  the  lost  favour  of  his  English 
allies  §.  Having  summoned  an  Assembly  of  his  Barons  at  Vannes,  he 
allured  Clisson  to  the  Parliament  by  especial  solicitation.  The  Constable, 
unsuspicious  of  treachery  (for  he  was  ignorant  that  his  own  plot 
had  been  discovered),  consented  most  readily,  and  partook  in  the  festi- 
vities which  lightened  the  despatch  of  graver  business.  De  Montfort,  on 
retiring  from  a  banquet  at  which  he  had  been  entertained  by  Clisson, 
invited  the  company  to  inspect  a  mansion,  the  Castle  of  Ermines  ||, 
which  he  was  then  building.  After  he  had  courteously  shown  the  various 
apartments  to  Clisson,  to  the  Lord  de  Laval  his  brother-in-law,  and  to 
the  Sire  de  Beaumanoir  his  nearest  friend,  he  conducted  them  to  the 
foot  of  the  keep,  and  carelessly  pointing  to  its  masonry,  requested  that  the 
Constable  would  examine  its  defences  closely.  "  There  is  no  man,"  said 
he,  "  on  this  side  of  the  sea,  whose  opinion  on  these  matters  I  value  so 
highly  as  yours.  If  on  entering  the  tower  you  approve  the  workman- 
ship, it  shall  remain ;  if  otherwise,  I  will  rebuild  it." 

♦Charles  of  Blois  had  left  his  two  sons  in  England  as  hostages  in  1353.  The 
younger  died  in  1386. 

f  Philippa,  John  of  Gaunt's  eldest  daughter  by  his  first  wife,  Blanche  of  Lan- 
caster.   She  was  afterwards  married  to  John  I.  of  Portugal. 

X  Froissart,  viii.  c.  36. 

§The  Duke  of  Bretany  entertained  private  as  well  as  political  enmity  against 
Clisson,  whom,  notwithstanding  he  had  attained  fifty  years  of  age,  he  suspected  of  a 
successful  intrigue  with  his  second  Duchess,  Jane  of  Navarre. 
,    H  Three  Ermines  were  the  armorial  bearings  of  Bretany.     The  Duke,  on  his  last 
reconciliation  with  France,  instituted  an  Order  of  Knighthood  de  CHermine* 


252  CLISSON  RELEASED.  [CH.  XI. 

The  snare  was  spread  with  little  astuteness,  and  probably  on  that  ac- 
count was  successful.  De  Clisson  ascended  the  tower  without  appre- 
hension ;  but  on  gaining  the  first  story,  the  doors  were  closed  behind 
him,  he  was  seized,  overpowered,  and  heavily  fettered.  Laval,  who  re- 
mained below,  alarmed  by  the  tumult,  at  once  accused  the  Duke  of 
treachery,  and  was  told  in  reply  that  he  was  at  liberty.  A  harsher 
answer  awaited  Beaumanoir,  whom  De  Montfort  bitterly  hated.  When 
that  faithful  adherent  repeated  his  desire  to  be  in  all  things  like  the 
Constable,  the  Duke  unsheathed  his  dagger,  and  (alluding  to  a  wound 
which  had  partially  deprived  De  Clisson  of  sight  at  the  Battle  of  Aurai) 
menaced  him  with  the  loss  of  one  of  his  eyes,  and  threw  him  also  into 
close  confinement.  Laval,  who  was  still  left  free,  undeterred  by  per- 
sonal danger,  generously  refused  to  abandon  his  brother-in-law;  and,  by 
fearless  and  seasonable  representations  of  the  eternal  dishonour  with 
which  the  Duke  must  overwhelm  himself  if  he  proceeded  to  further  vio- 
lence, he  saved  the  Constable  from  death,  which  De  Montfort  had  twice 
ordered  to  be  inflicted*.  Convinced  at  length  by  the  reasoning  which 
Laval  pertinaciously  urged  ("  following  him  for  the  whole  night,  and 
never  for  one  moment  quitting  his  presence"),  he  consented  to  release 
Clisson,  on  the  surrender  of  four  strong  holds  and  the  absolute  payment 
of  100,000  livres.  Clisson,  chained  to  the  floor,  and  in  momentary  fear 
of  death,  to  preparation  for  which  indeed  he  had  been  more  than  once 
summoned,  readily  gave  assent  to  these  hard  terms,  and  Beaumanoir 
was  allowed  to  depart  on  parole,  in  order  to  collect  the  stipulated  money. 
On  its  payment,  Clisson  immediately  repaired  to  Paris,  and  throwing 
himself  at  the  King's  feet,  solicited  justice  for  the  outrage  which  he  had 
endured,  at  the  same  time  tendering  resignation  of  the  Sword  of  Con- 
stable. His  reception  by  the  Royal  Dukes  disappointed  his  hopes ;  they 
blamed  him,  in  the  first  place,  for  quitting  his  charge  of  the  expedition 
against  England,  which,  in  consequence,  had  been  finally  abandoned ; 
and  secondly,  for  the  simplicity  with  which  he  had  allowed  himself  to 
be  entrapped.  The  King  promised  enquiry,  and  sent  Envoys  to  the 
Duke  of  Bretany,  to  demand  explanation.  Clisson,  however,  upon 
finding  the  Court  thus  backward,  had  recourse  to  more  prompt  and  in- 
dependent measures ;  and  by  the  aid  of  his  Provincial  friends,  he  re- 
covered the  Castles  which  he  had  been  compelled  to  sur- 
Dec.  31.  render,  and  forced  De  Montfort  to  agree,  that  if  a  decision 
of  the  King's  Council  should  prove  unfavourable,  he  would 
A.  d.  1388.  repay  the  moneys  which  he  had  already  extorted.  John  of 
Jan.  20.  Blois,  meantime,  having  been  released,  fulfilled  his  matri- 
monial engagement,   and  assumed  the  title  of  Comte  de 

*  Another  account,  which  cannot  he  reconciled  with  that  of  Froissart,  whom  we 
are  following,  represents  the  Duke  to  have  believed  that  Sir  John  de  Bazvalen  had 
really  executed  these  orders  by  drowning  Clisson ;  and  that  he  was  deeply  stung  by 
remorse,  until  he  was  undeceived. 


A.V>.  1388.]  WAR  WITH  THE  DUKE  OF  GUfcI.DRF.3.  ^53 

Penthievre.  In  six  months  afterwards,  the  Duke  oi  Brctany  was  per- 
suaded to  perform  homage  in  Paris,  "  where  he  was  so  fairly  spoken  to," 
that  he  promised  to  reimburse  De  Clisson  by  five  yearly  payments.  Of 
the  fair  words  which  induced  him  to  disgorge  a  booty  for  the  attain- 
ment of  which  he  had  not  hesitated  to  play  so  foully,  no  specimen  is 
preserved. 

It  was  not  with  the  powerful  State  of  Bretany  only,  between  which 
and  the  Crown  of  France  a  rivalry  of  many  centuries  had  existed,  that 
Charles  was  entangled  in  dispute;  a  petty  German  Prince  ventured  to 
provoke  his  arms,  and  even  to  send  a  defiance,  couched  "  in  language 
imperious  and  coarse,"  which  astonished  all  who  read  it.  An  hereditary 
feud  between  the  Houses  of  Brabant  aud  of  Gueldres  had  involved 
William,  Duke  of  the  latter  Province,  in  a  dispute  with  the  widowed 
Duchess  of  the  former.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  naturally  espoused  the 
part  of  his  kinswoman,  and  ultimately  engaged  France  also  in  the  quar- 
rel. When  Charles  resolved  to  march  in  person  upon  Gueldres,  his 
obvious  route  lay  through  Flanders  and  Brabant ;  but  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy was  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  ruin  consequent  upon  the 
passage  of  allies  through  a  friendly  Country,  to  find  innumerable  pre- 
texts for  the  alteration  of  this  course;  and  the  Braban^ons  did  not 
scruple  to  declare  that,  so  far  from  assisting  the  proposed  enterprise,  they 
would  shut  themselves  up  in  their  fortresses,  and  harass  the  strangers  at 
every  step  of  their  progress. 

In  consequence  of  these  obstacles,  it  was  determined  that  the  invading 
force,  after  assembling  in  Champagne,  should  penetrate  the  Forest  of 
Ardennes,  and  traverse  Luxemburg  and  Juliers.  This  route,  through  a 
poor  and  difficult  Country,  excited  grievous  discontent,  and  occasioned 
much  real  suffering.  Autumn  was  far  advanced,  and  its  unhealthy  rains 
had  commenced,  while  the  French  Army  was  still  distant 
from  the  frontier  to  which  its  march  was  directed.  But  the  Oct.  — . 
Marquis  of  Juliers,  father  of  the  Duke  of  Gueldres,  although 
neutral  in  the  contest,  was  deeply  impressed  with  alarm  as  Charles  ap- 
proached his  territory.  He  hastened  to  the  King's  presence,  declared 
that  his  son  was  a  madman,  and,  after  doing  homage  for  his  own  Pro- 
vince, obtained  leave  to  attempt  negociation.  The  Duke  of  Gueldres 
proved  less  tractable  than  his  father ;  he  argued  that  the  elements  would 
be  his  allies,  and  that  before  January  arrived  his  foes  would  be  so  tired 
and  worn  down,  that  the  boldest  among  them  would  wish  to  be  at  home. 
It  cost  many  vehement  remonstrances  and  more  than  a  single  interview- 
before  he  would  abandon  this  belief,  and  would  admit  that  England, 
upon  which  he  relied  for  succour,  was  too  much  engaged  at  home  to 
afford  the  promised  assistance.  At  length,  having  consented  to  disavow 
the  offensive  language  of  his  challenge  (and  with  this  qualified  sub- 
mission the  King  expressed  himself  to  be  fully  satisfied),  he  was  received 
in  the  French  Camp  with  distinction.     When  he  supped  at  the  Royal 


254  CHARLES  DISMISSES  HIS  UNCLES.  [CH.  XI, 

table,  "  he  was  much  looked  at  for  the  plague  which  he  had  given." 
Yet  even  after  he  had  thus  placed  himself  in  the  full  power  of  his  enemy, 
and  was  surrounded  by  thousands  who  might  compel  obedience  at  the 
price  of  life,  he  refused  a  demand  made  for  surrender  of  the  French 
prisoners  in  return  for  the  Germans  whom  Charles  had  promised  to 
deliver  ransomless.  "  My  Lord,"  was  the  bold  and  honourable  reply, 
"  that  cannot  be  done.  I  am  a  poor  man,  and  when  I  heard  of  your 
march  hither,  I  strengthened  myself  as  much  as  possible  with  Knights 
from  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine  and  elsewhere,  agreeing  with  them  that 
every  thing  they  might  take  should  be  their  own  property.  It  is  not 
possible  for  me  therefore  to  deprive  them  of  what  I  have  given." 
Charles  was  not  so  situated  that  he  could  threaten  to  break  off  the 
Treaty,  and  "  perceiving  that  he  could  not  obtain  any  thing  more,  he 
bore  it  as  well  as  he  could,"  finding  a  whimsical  consolation  for  the  loss 
to  be  endured  by  his  own  subjects  by  considering  the  benefit  which  it 
afforded  to  foreigners,  "  and  comforting  himself  on  the  greatness  of  his 
power  which  could  enrich  so  many  poor  persons*." 

On  the  disbandment  of  the  army  and  the  King's  return  to  his  Capital, 
popular  discontent  commented  strongly  on  this  most  inglorious  expe- 
dition. The  surviving  Counsellors  of  the  late  King,  who  had  been  de- 
prived of  their  power  by  the  ascendancy  of  the  Princes  of  the  Blood, 
took  pains  that  these  murmurs  should  not  escape  the  Royal  notice ;  and 
Charles,  who  was  now  about  to  enter  his  one-and-twentieth  year,  re- 
solved by  a  vigorous  effort  to  emancipate  himself  from  tutelage.  In  a 
Great  Council  summoned  at  Rheims,  which  his  uncles  attended  without 
suspicion  of  its  purpose,  the  King,  having  preconcerted  his  measures, 
opened  the  Session  by  a  short  request  that  his  Nobles  would  tender  their 
advice  upon  public  affairs.  The  Cardinal  of  Laon,  who  had  been  tu- 
tored in  his  part,  after  a  preamble  in  which  he  extolled  the  personal  and 
intellectual  qualities  of  the  King,  exhorted  him  to  display  them  fully  for 
the  benefit  of  his  subjects,  by  the  assumption  of  that  unrestricted  power 
which  was  his  heritage.  He  was  followed  by  other  Counsellors  in  a 
similar  tone ;  and  the  Royal  Dukes,  penetrating  the  intrigue,  and  fore- 
seeing that  opposition  wrould  be  useless,  discreetly  took  in  good  part  the 
King's  acknowledgment  of  their  past  care,  and  forebore  from  any  sign 
of  indignation  when  he  added  that  he  would  dispense  with  it  for  the 
future.  The  Council  broke  up  in  apparent  harmony ;  but  before  the 
Court  had  quitted  Rheims,  the  Cardinal  of  Laon  exhibited  unequivocal 
symptoms  of  poison.  The  traitor  who  had  administered  it  was  dis- 
covered ;  but  the  Cardinal,  in  the  very  agonies  of  death,  solemnly  de- 
clared that  he  forgave  both  the  instrument  and  his  employers,  and  urged, 
as  his  last  request,  that  the  enquiry  might  not  be  pursued.  The  facility 
with  which  this  parting  wish  was  fulfilled  did  not  tend  to  diminish  the 

*  Froissart,  ix.  c.  15. 


A.  D.  1390.]  EXPEDITION  AGAINST  TUNIS.  255 

suspicion  that  the  perpetrators  of  the  crime  were  too  lofty  for  punish- 
ment. As  soon  as  the  Cardinal  had  closed  his  eyes,  the  Royal  party 
dispersed;  the  King  proceeding  to  Paris,  the  Duke  of  Berri  to  his 
Government  in  Languedoc,  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  Dijon. 

A  Truce  for  eight  and  thirty  months,  embracing  England  and  all  her 
allies,  -was  the  first  fruit  of  the  wisdom  of  the  new  Govern- 
ment, and  hopes  were  strongly  excited  for  a  while  that  such  a.  d.  1389. 
an  interval  of  Peace,  together  with  careful  domestic  economy,  June  18. 
might  remove  the  inordinate  pressure  of  financial  burdens. 
But  luxurious  habits  and  a  passion  for  expensive  parade  soon  evinced 
themselves  in  the  Court,  and  sums  equal  to  those  hitherto  lavished  upon 
unsuccessful  War  were  now  diverted  to  the  barren  pageantry  of  Fetes 
and  Spectacles.  Invention  was  racked  to  furnish  occasions  for  the  dis- 
play of  idle  and  costly  magnificence,  and  the  Knighthood  of  the  Boy- 
Princes  of  Anjou,  a  Funeral  Service  in  commemoration  of  Du  Guesclin, 
who  had  died  in  the  preceding  reign,  the  public  Entry  of  the  Queen  to 
her  Capital*,  the  Nuptials  of  the  King's  brother,  the  Duke  of  Touraine, 
with  Valentina,  daughter  of  Giovanni  Galeazzo  Visconte  of  Milan,  and  a 
Progress  which  Charles  made  through  the  Southern  Provinces,  followed 
each  other  in  rapid  succession,  each  of  them  demanding  the  imposition 
of  fresh  burdens  which  might  defray  its  requisite  expenditure. 

The  Duke  of  Touraine  wished  to  undertake  the  conduct  of  an  expe- 
dition for  the  conquest  of  Tunis  from  the  Corsairs  of  Bar- 
bary,  in  which  the  hot-blooded  youth  of  France  engaged  at   a.  d.  1390. 
the  prompting  of  Adorno,  Doge  of  Genoa.     He  was  not 
easily  persuaded  to  relinquish  the  perilous  honour  to  the  Duke  of  Bour- 
bon ;   that  one  of  the  Royal  uncles  whose  chief  merit  appears  to  consist 
in  not  having  attained  equal  notoriety  with  the  others  f.   At 
fifty-four  years  of  age,  Bourbon  embarked  with  a  brilliant  train       June  — , 
of  followers  to  struggle  more  with  the  unhealthy  climate  than 
with  the  warriors  of  Africa ;  and  after  losing  some  Captains  in  the  field, 
and  many  more  by  disease,  he  returned  from  an  inconclusive  enterprise, 
not  to  diminish  but  to  increase  the  ardent  wish  which  Charles  had  ex  - 
pressed  for  warfare  against  the  Infidels  J,    The  Clementists,  however, 
persuaded  him,  that  if  he  meant  to  win  Tunis,  he  must  begin  with  Rome; 
and  that  the  termination  of  the  Schism,  by  the  overthrow  of  the  Anti- 
pope,  was  a  requisite  preliminary  to  a  Crusade.     Charles  listened  with 
avidity  to  this  suggestion,  and  summoned  his  chief  vassals  to  provide 

*  Froissart,  ix.  c.  35,  says  positively  "  who  had  never  as  yet  visited  that  City.'* 
This  statement  is  not  admitted  by  M.  de  Sismondi,  who,  after  mentioning  that 
Isabella  had  been  married  four  years  before,  adds  et  dts-lors  elle  uvoit  vecu  le  phis 
souvent  dans  la  Capila/e.  xi.  558. 

f  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  was  mafernat  uncle  to  the  King 

I  The  expedition  against  Tunis  is  related  by  Froissart,  x.  c.  12. 


256  Italy.  [ch.  xt. 

their  contingents  in  the  ensuing  Spring,  in  order  that  he  might  person- 
ally lead  them  into  Italy*. 

But  the  excitement  of  Charles  endured  only  for  a  short  season,  and 
when  he  had  either  forgotten  or  had  abandoned  his  project  f, 
a.  d.  1391.    Italy  was   destined  to  receive   other   French  combatants. 
Louis  II.  of  Anjou  had  now  attained  a  sufficient  age  to 
adopt  his  late  father's  claims,  and  to  dispute  the  Crown  of  Naples ;  and 
having  received  investiture  from  Clement,  he  embarked  to  renew  the 
pretensions  of  his  House  in  opposition  to  those  of  the  Family  of  Du- 
razzo.     Another  band  of  French  adventurers,  chiefly  composed  of  the 
remnant  of  the  Free  Companies,  who  still  ravaged  the  South,  crossed  the 
Alps  under  the  Count  d'Armagnac,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Dukes  of 
Burgundy  and  of  Berri,  who  supplied  funds  for  the  purpose  j.     The 
object  was  twofold ;   both  to  clear  their  own  apanages  from  the  outrage 
of  brigands,  and  yet  more  to  weaken  the  power  of  the  Duke  of  Touraine. 
That  young  Prince  and  De  Clisson  were  the  heads  of  the  Party  (the 
Marmousets)  to  whom  the  Royal  Dukes  attributed  their  own  exclusion ; 
and  whose  influence,  backed  by  the  representations  which  the  King  had 
received  from  the  inhabitants  of  Languedoc  during  his  late  progress 
through   that  Country,  had  occasioned  the  Duke  of  Berrrs  -dismissal 
from  his  Government.     Charles  had  marked  his  joy  at  the 
May  26.     birth  of  a  son   to  his  brother   by  creating  him  Duke  of 
Orleans;    and   it  was    against   the   territory  of  Yisconte, 
father-in-law  to  this  now  most  powerful  Prince,  that  Armagnac  was  pre- 
paring to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  Florentines  §.     The  superior  mili- 
tary skill  of  Giacopo  del  Verme  obtained  a  complete  victory 
July  25.    over  the  French,  who  rashly  hazarded  a  separate  attack 
upon  Alessandria;  Armagnac  died  from  an  apoplectic  seizure 
on  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  he  had  been  taken  prisoner ;  and 
those  of  his  followers  who  escaped  from  the  Battle  and  attempted  to 
retreat  upon  France  were  for  the  most  part  waylaid  and  massacred  by 
the  Peasants  of  Lombardy  in  retaliation  for  former  cruelties  ||. 

In  Bretany,  notwithstanding  the  late  adjustment,  hostilities  were 
renewed  between  the  Duke  and  De  Clisson ;  but  the  Royal  uncles  still 
retained  sufficient  influence  to  divert  the  King's  anger  from  the  former, 
and  to  prevail  upon  him  to  undertake  mediation.     For  that  purpose  he 

*  Froissart,  x.  c.  23. 

f  The  Duke  of  Bretany,  upon  receiving  a  summons  from  Charles,  had  saga- 
ciously foretold  that  the  project  would   M  end  in  words.''    Id.  ibid. 

X  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  on  this  occasion  acquired  the  County  of  Charolois, 
which  he  purchased  from  Armagnac  for  60,000  francs. 

§  The  eldest  son  of  Bernaho  Visconte  (the  uncle  whom  Giovanni  Galeazzo  had 
deprived  both  of  his  crown  and  life)  was  married  to  a  daughter  of  the  Count 
d'Armagnac,  whose  hostility  was  accordingly  excited  by  the  murder  and  usurpation. 

||  Froissart,  x.  c.  24. 


A.  D.  1392.]  PEACE  OF  TOUR8.  251 

repaired  to  Tours,  and  DeMontfort,  having  been  persuaded,  after  much 
reluctance,  to  trust  himself  to  the  faith  of  his  enemies,  as- 
sented to  a  Treaty,  which,  if  it  had  been  observed,  appeared   a.  d.  1392. 
to  promise  future  Peace.     A  daughter,  born  to  Charles  VI.      Jan.  2(5. 
in  the  preceding  year,  was  betrothed  to  the  Duke's  eldest 
son*;  certain  rights  of  Seigneurie  were  submitted  to  enquiry;  the  Count 
of  Penthievre  engaged  to  strike  the  arms  of  Brctany  out  of  his  Escut- 
cheon t,  and  to  pay  homage  to  De  Montfort.     The  Duke,  in  return,  pro- 
mised sincere  reconciliation  both  with  the  Constable  and  with  his  son- 
in-law;  and  such  portions  of  the  Treaty  as  could  receive  immediate 
accomplishment  were  executed  on  the  spot  J. 

In  the  month  after  the  Pacification  of  Tours,  the  King  proceeded  to 
Amiens,  to  hold  a  Conference  with  Envoys  from  England.  The  dis- 
cussions were  stormy,  and  terminated  in  no  further  arrangement  than 
the  prolongation  of  the  existing  Truce  during  the  twelve  following 
months.  The  English  somewhat  unreasonably  insisted  that  the  Treaty 
of  Bretigny,  the  restoration  of  all  conquests  made  by  Edward  III.,  and 
the  payment  of  the  arrears  of  John's  ransom,  should  form  the  basis  of 
negociation.  The  French  anxiously  pressed  that  Calais  should  be 
dismantled,  so  as  to  be  no  longer  habitable,  and  John  of  Gaunt  re- 
plied, that  he  durst  not  return  home  if  he  assented  to  any  such  propo- 
sition, for  that  the  Commons  of  England  loved  Calais  better  than  any 
town  in  the  World.  The  Ambassadors  were  entertained  during  thirteen 
days  with  great  magnificence,  wholly  at  the  expense  of  France ;  and 
many  Ordinances  were  issued  enjoining  minute  particulars  from  which 
it  was  thought  that  the  strangers  might  derive  honour.  The  barbarism 
of  native  manners  may  be  estimated  from  one  of  these  Proclamations, 
which  "  commanded,  under  heavy  penalties,  that  no  Innkeepers  or 
others  steal  or  put  aside  through  avarice  any  of  the  bows  or  arrows  of 
the  English;  but  if,  out  of  courtesy,  the  English  thought  proper  to  give 
any  to  them,  they  might  accept  such  presents  §."  A  People  whom  it 
was  necessary  to  restrain  from  downright  thieving  by  such  a  prohibition 
could  be  little  advanced  either  in  morality  or  in  civilization,  (whatever 
might  be  the  splendour  of  the  Court,)  beyond  the  present  inhabitants  of 
the  Islands  in  the  Pacific  when  their  cupidity  is  first  excited,  above  the 
power  of  resistance,  by  the  temptation  of  an  iron  hoop. 

The  earliest  notice  transmitted  to  us  of  a  terrible  malady  which 
afflicted  Charles  during  the  remainder  of  his  melancholy  reign  occurs 

*  Isabella,  afterwards  married  to  Richard  II.  of  England,  was  first  betrothed  to 
the  son  of  I)e  Montfort  ;  hut  upon  conclusion  of  the  more  advantageous  match  in 
1395,  the  Breton  Prince  was  obliged  to  content  himself  with  a  younger  sister, 
Jane. 

f  The  Duke  of  Bretany  had  complained  grievously  that  the  Count  of  Penthievre 
signed  himself  Jean  de  Bretagne,  as  if  he  were  heir  to  the  Duchv.  The  Count 
had  greatly  weakened  his  Provincial  influence  by  selling  his  heritage  of  Blois  to  the 
Duke  of  Touraine. 

t  Froissart,  x.  c.  30,  32.  §  Id.  x.  34. 


258  PIERRE    DE    CRAON  [CH.  XI. 

at  the  close  of  these  Conferences ;  but  the  account  which  Froissart 
gives  of  the  attack  is  concise  and  unsatisfactory.  "  The  King,"  he 
says,  "  unfortunately,  and  through  his  own  imprudence,  was  seized  with 
a  burning  fever*,  for  which  he  was  advised  to  change  the  air.  He  was 
put  into  a  litter,  and  carried  to  Beauvais,  where  he  remained  in  the 
Bishop's  Palace  until  cured.  His  brother  the  Duke  of  Touraine,  and 
his  uncles  of  Berri  and  of  Bourbon,  attended  him  constantly,  and  there 
kept  their  Easter.'' 

This  language  is  guarded ;  and  were  it  not  for  the  subsequent  no- 
torious derangement  of  the  King,  he  might  be  supposed  in  this  instance 
to  have  suffered  only  under  a  temporary  access  of  fever.  Without  too 
subtle  enquiry  into  the  proximate  causes  of  his  failure  in  intellect,  or 
without  considering  it  as  the  necessary  result  of  uncontrolled  despotism, 
it  may,  we  think,  be  naturally  assigned  to  some  constitutional  predispo- 
sition, increased  by  the  physical  weakness  arising  from  excess.  Charles, 
from  a  precocious  age,  indulged  in  varied  licentiousness ;  he  was  left 
without  salutary  guardianship  to  check  or  even  to  guide  his  passions ; 
he  was  permitted  to  remain  uneducated;  and  amusement  became  his 
sole  occupation.  What  soil,  it  may  be  asked,  was  ever  more  fitted  to 
receive  and  to  foster  the  seeds  of  mental  disease? 

Froissart  speaks  of  the  King  as  "perfectly  recovered t"  before  he 
again  fixed  his  residence  in  Paris.  The  recovery,  however,  was  but 
partial ;  and,  unhappily,  a  sufficient  cause  of  excitement  soon  renewed 
the  malady.  Pierre  de  Craon,  a  near  kinsman  of  De  Montfort,  and 
Lord  of  extensive  possessions  both  in  Bretany  and  in  Anjou,  had  been 
much  engaged  in  the  service  of  the  Royal  Dukes,  and  always  with  some 
tarnish  on  his  reputation.  Current  report  attributed  the  poverty  under 
which  the  Duke  of  Anjou  had  been  overwhelmed  in  Italy  to  the  em- 
bezzlement of  large  sums  with  which  Craon  had  been  intrusted  by  the 
Duchess  for  the  relief  of  her  husband,  and  which,  instead  of  being  de- 
livered to  their  rightful  owner,  were  spent  in  debaucheries  at  Venice  J. 
This  treacherous  agent,  nevertheless,  afterwards  ingratiated  himself  into 
the  confidence  of  the  King  and  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans ;  and  his  base 
pandering  and  his  (if  possible)  yet  more  base  infidelity  to  the  latter  are 
too  minutely  related  to  admit  of  doubt  §.  On  the  discovery  of  his  double- 
dealing,  he  was  banished  from  Court  hastily  and  without  explanation ; 
and  although  the  key  to  his  disgrace  might  readily  have  been  furnished 
by  his  own  conscience,  he  allowed  the  Duke  of  Bretany  to  persuade 
him  that  his  fall  was  owing  to  the  secret  influence  of  De  Clisson.     De 

*  Froissart,  x.  36.  The  original  words  are  escheuz  par  incidence  et  par  /i/i  mal 
garder  enjievre  et  en  chaude  maladie.  f   Ibid. 

\  After  the  reconciliation  between  Clisson  and  the  Duke  of  Bretany  in  1395, 
Craon  received  pardon  for  his  attempt  upon  the  former,  in  order  that  he  might 
appear  in  Paris  to  answer  the  plea  of  the  Duchess  of  Anjou  (Queen  of  Sicily).  The 
Parliament  condemned  him  to  pay  100,000  francs  and  to  be  imprisoned  in  the 
Louvre  till  the  debt  should  be  discharged.    Id.  xi.  c.  32.  §  Id.  x.  25. 


A.  D.   1392.]  ATTEMPTS    TO    ASSASSINATE    DE    CLISSON.  259 

Montfort,  indeed,  always  continued  to  regard  his  lenity  towards  the 
Constable  as  an  egregious  political  blunder.  More  than  once  he  ex- 
pressed to  Craon  his  deep  regret  that  he  had  not  put  his  enemy  to  death 
while  ho  was  his  prisoner  at  the  Castle  of  Ermines;  and  he  declared 
that  he  would  willingly  give  100,000  francs,  in  order  to  get  him  once 
more  into  his  possession. 

Craon,  brooding  over  his  own  fancied  wrongs,  and  keenly  excited  by 
these  conversations  with  De  Montfort,  plotted  a  deep  revenge.  He  still 
retained  a  large  mansion  in  Paris*,  in  which  he  secretly  collected  stores 
for  the  maintenance  of  forty  men,  bold  and  resolute  Angevins,  whom  he 
despatched  from  time  to  time  to  the  care  of  his  Steward.  A  few  of  these 
Bravoes  were  acquainted  with  the  service  upon  which  they  were  to  be 
employed,  the  rest  were  ordered  to  remain  concealed,  and  were  informed 
that  one  day  they  should  receive  high  wrages.  After  having  arranged 
these  preliminaries,  Craon  betook  himself  privately  to  the 
Capital  f,  and  there  ascertaining  that  Clisson  was  to  return  June  13. 
on  a  particular  night  from  a  Court  entertainment  at  a  late 
hour  and  slenderly  attended,  he  beset  him  with  his  whole  troop  of 
rufrlans,  mounted  and  well  armed,  at  the  corner  of  the  Rue  de  Ste.  Ca- 
therine. The  first  act  of  the  assassins  was  to  strike  out  the  torches 
borne  by  the  Constable's  four  valets  ;  and  Clisson,  thinking  that  this 
was  only  a  manvaise  plaisanterie  in  which  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  in- 
dulging, calmly  remonstrated  upon  the  unseasonable  jest.  "  My  Lord," 
he  said,  "  by  my  faith  this  is  very  ill  done ;  but  I  excuse  it,  for  you  are 
so  young  that  you  make  a  joke  of  every  thing."  He  was  quickly,  how- 
ever, undeceived,  when  Craon,  riding  furiously  up,  announced  his  name 
and  bloody  purpose.  Clisson  was  soon  struck  from  his  horse,  but  falling 
against  the  hatch  of  a  baker's  door  which  happened  to  be  unfastened,  he 
rolled  within  the  shop,  so  that  (on  account  of  the  lowness  and  narrow- 
ness of  the  entrance)  the  murderers  were  unable  to  follow  him.  Fully 
believing,  however,  that  their  victim  must  die  from  the  wounds  which  he 
had  already  received,  they  rode  at  full  speed  through  the  open  gates  J  of 
the  City,  and,  before  alarm  was  given,  had  secured  their  retreat. 

The  King  received  intelligence  of  this  murderous  attempt  at  the 
moment  at  which  he  was  preparing  for  repose,  but  hastily  throwing  on 
a  cloak,  he  repaired  to  the  baker's  shop.     The  report  of  the  surgeons 

*  In  the  street  />*  Mai/vais  Garqons,  which  obtained  its  evil  name  from  this 
transaction.  The  house  was  razed  by  the  King's  order,  and  its  site  was  given  as  a 
Burial  Ground  to  the  Church  of  St.  Jean.     Sauval,  Jntiquitcs  de  Paris. 

f  His  first  step  on  arriving  in  Paris  is  naively  told  by  Froissart.  Having  ordered 
his  Porter  to  keep  the  doors  closely  fastened,  he  locked  all  the  women  and  children 
in  the  house  into  their  rooms.  M  He  was  in  the  right  to  do  this  ;  had  these  women 
and  children  gone  into  the  street,  his  arrival  would  have  been  known,  for  young 
children  and  women  naturally  tell  all  they  see,  and  what  is  intended  to  be  con- 
cealed."   x.  c.  37- 

X  It  was  remarked  that  the  gates  had  been  removed  at  the  suggestion  of  Clisson 
himself,  when  the  King  punished  the  insurgent  City  after  the  Battle  of  Rosebecque. 

s2 


260  THE    KING    MARCHES    TO  PUNISH    CRAON.  [cH.  XI. 

was  favourable,  and  they  promised  that  in  a  fortnight  their  patient  should 
be  well  enough  to  sit  again  on  horseback.  "  God  be  praised!"  replied 
Charles,  "  no  crime  shall  be  more  rigorously  punished  than  that  of  these 
traitors;  they  shall  pay  for  it  as  if  it  had  been  done  to  myself*."  He 
ordered  the  immediate  pursuit  of  Craon,  confiscated  all  his  property,  and 
razed  his  Hotel  to  the  ground.  But  the  great  Criminal  had  gained  too 
many  hours  in  advance  to  be  overtaken,  and  hastening  to  De  Montfort 
at  Fusinat,  he  recounted  his  story,  and  claimed  protection.  "  Bungler, 
who  cannot  kill  a  man  when  he  is  in  your  power  t ! "  were  the  words  in 
which  the  boon  was  granted ;  and  Craon  persisted  that  all  Hell  must 
be  leagued  in  defence  of  their  common  enemy,  for  that  at  least  three- 
score stabs  and  cuts  were  made  at  his  body. 

The  Duke  of  Bretany,  when  summoned  to  deliver  up  the  assassin, 
pretended  ignorance  of  his  abode;  and  Charles,  determined  upon  ven- 
geance, gathered  his  troops  to  punish  this  contumacy.  His  uncles  were 
ordered  to  prepare  their  contingents  for  this  service ;  and  much  as  they 
disapproved  the  expedition,  they  were  compelled  to  obey.  It  is  not 
possible  to  acquit  the  Duke  of  Berri  of  at  least  a  negligent  apathy  in 
regard  to  the  attempted  murder.  On  the  morning  before  it  was  perpe- 
trated, he  had  been  informed  by  Craon's  own  Secretary  that  his  master 
was  secreted  in  Paris,  and  that  he  meditated  some  ill  against  the  Con- 
stable ;  yet,  when  the  Duke  was  pressed  to  convey  this  intelligence  with- 
out loss  of  time  to  the  King,  he  excused  himself  by  pleading  that  the 
King's,  attention  was  then  engrossed  by  preparations  for  the  night's  fes- 
tivity. So  far  as  vehement  suspicion  of  Craon's  design,  amounting 
almost  to  privity,  renders  either  of  them  a  sharer  in  his  guilt,  the  Duke 
of  Berri  is  involved  in  that  guilt  jointly  with  De  Montfort. 

On  one  of  the  hottest  days  in  August,  the  King  took  the  route  from 
Mans  to  Angers,  at  the  head  of  his  troops.     For  some  time 

Aug.  5.  back,  his  personal  attendants  had  remarked  that  his  words 
and  gestures  were  "  unbecoming  of  majesty  J,"  but  no  one 
appears  to  have  demurred  in  rendering  the  ordinary  submission  to  his 
authority.  His  dress  was  ill  adapted  to  the  "season,  but  we  know  not 
whether  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  caprice  of  fashion  or  of  the  indi- 
vidual, that  he  wore  a  red  hat  and  a  tight  vest  of  black  velvet.  It  is 
equally  doubtful  whether  an  occurrence  which  happened  early  in  his 
march  was  accidental,  or,  as  seems  to  have  been  suspected,  preconcerted 
by  his  uncles,  who  hoped  to  terrify  him  into  an  abandonment  of  his 
enterprise ;  but,  as  he  passed  through  a  forest,  a  seeming  madman,  fan- 
tastically dressed,  jumping  from  behind  a  tree,  warned  him  not  to 
advance  farther,  for  that  he  was  betrayed.      The  knave  or  the  idiot 

*  Froissart,  x.  c.  38. 

f  Id.  ibid.  "  Fous  eles  un  chelif,  quand  vous  riavez  su  occire  tin  homme  duqutl 
vous  etiez  ou  dessus." 

X  ReL  de  St.  Denys,  1.  xii.  c.  3.  p.  219.     Juvenal  des  Vrsins,  91. 


A.  D.   1392.]  OUTBREAK    OF    THE    KING'S    MADNESS.  261 

escaped  either  by  his  agility  or  by  connivance,  and  his  words  appeared 
deeply  to  impress  the  King's  imagination.  He  rode  on  in  gloomy 
silence  till  he  had  emerged  from  the  wood,  when,  in  order  to  escape 
each  other's  dust  in  crossing  a  wide  champaign,  the  attendant  Nobles 
split  into  detached  parties.  One  of  two  Pages  who  immediately  followed 
the  King  accidentally  let  the  point  of  his  lance  fall  against  the  helmet 
of  his  comrade;  and  Charles,  as  if  awakened  from  a  reverie  by  the 
sudden  clash,  and  connecting  it  with  the  warning  which  lie  had  just 
received,  clapped  spurs  to  his  horse,  galloped  upon  the  attendants  nearest 
him  with  his  sword  drawn,  and  loudly  shouted  "  Forward,  Forward !  on 
these  traitors."  Not  till  four  lives  had  been  sacrificed  to  his  fury*,  and 
he  was  in  full  pursuit  of  his  brother  of  Orleans,  did  the  truth  flash 
across  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  "  Haro  !  what  a  calamity,"  he  ex- 
claimed, "  Monseigneur  has  lost  his  reason  ! "  After  having  been  per- 
mitted to  exhaust  both  himself  and  his  horse,  the  King  was  secured,  and 
conveyed  back  to  Mans  in  a  state  bordering  upon  insensibility. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

From  a.d.  1392,  to  a.  d.  1412. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  seizes  the  Government — Accident  at  the  Masquerade — 
Reconciliation  of  Clisson  and  De  Montfort — Marriage  of  Richard  II.  of  England 
with  Isabelle  of  France — The  King's  Physicians — Battle  of  Nicopolis — Genoa 
places  itself  under  the  protection  of  France — Deposition  of  Richard  II.  and  Acces- 
sion of  Henry  IV.  in  England — Death  of  Philip  of  Burgundy — Rivalry  between 
Louis  Duke  of  Orleans  and  Jean  Sans  Peur  of  Burgundy — Assassination  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans— The  Duke  of  Burgundy  occupies  Paris — The  Council  resume 
their  ascendancy  in  his  absence' — Battle  of  Hasbain  —  Peace  of  Chartres  — 
Expulsion  of  the  French  from  Genoa — Burgundy  again  in  power — Fall  of  Jean  de 
Montaigu — Treaty  of  Gien— of  the  Bicetre — Renewal  of  Civil  War — St.  Pol  em- 
bodies the  Butchers  of  Paris — Burgundy  marches  on  Paris — Retreat  of  the 
Flemings — Negotiation  with  England — Armagnac  enters  Paris — Retreat  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans — Peace  of  Bourges. 

With  the  forms  under  which  the  usurpation  of  power  was  veiled  when 
the  King's  disorder  manifested  chronic  symptoms,  we  are 
not  acquainted;  but  it  may  be  readily  perceived  that  many   a.  d.  1392. 
reasons  conspired  to  vest  the  chief  authority  in  the  hands  of 

*  Froissart  does  not  mention  any  loss  of  life.  Monstrelet,  who  wrote  the  first 
Chapter  of  his  Chronicle  from  hearsay,  reports  two  killed  and  two  wounded.  The 
number  adopted  in  the  text  rests  on  the  authority  of  the  Reiigieux  de  Si.  Denys  and 
of  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  to  neither  of  which  do  we  by  any  means  attach  implicit 
credit.  Among  the  moderns,  Villaret  is  most  anxious  to  remove  all  suspicion  of 
homicide  from  the  King,  and  he  contends  that  the  agility  with  which  the  attendants 
threw  themselves  on  the  ground  when  struck  at  M  prevented  the  monarch  from 
staining  his  sacred  hands  with  the  blood  of  his  subjects."   vi.  290. 


262  DUKE    OF    BURGUNDY    SEIZES    THE    GOVERNMENT.        [cH.  XII. 

the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Of  all  the  members  of  the  Royal  House,  he 
was,  perhaps,  however  the  last  who  had  a  rightful  claim  to  superiority. 
The  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  King's  brother,  was  nearer  in  blood,  yet  he 
was  pronounced  too  young  for  the  support  of  State  burdens,  although  he 
had  completed  his  one  and  twentieth  year,  and  the  Majority  of  a  King- 
was  fixed  at  thirteen.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  had  been  named  Regent 
by  the  Will  of  the  late  King,  but  his  temper  was  unambitious,  and  he 
was  little  inclined  to  involve  himself  in  a  dispute  for  power.  Avarice 
and  sensuality,  a  narrow  capacity  and  a  dislike  of  business  rendered  the 
Duke  of  Berri,  who  might  have  asserted  primogeniture,  as  unwilling  as 
he  was  unfit  for  administration ;  and  the  Queen  Isabelle,  to  whom 
the  custody  of  her  husband's  person  would  be  naturally  consigned,  was 
too  indolent  and  too  careless  to  resist  the  order  which,  upon  the  plea  of 
regard  for  the  succession,  placed  her  during  her  pregnancy  under  the 
care  of  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy*.  Philip  therefore,  although  not  ex- 
pressly declared  Regent,  was  virtually  recognized  as  Head  of  the  Pro- 
visional Government. 

The  fall  of  the  Marmousets,  the  "  bad  advisers  "  by  whom  it  was 
affirmed  that  the  King  u  was  poisoned  and  bewitched,"  was,  as  may  be 
expected,  the  first  produce  of  this  change.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
chased  Clisson  from  the  Palace,  with  opprobrious  reproaches  for  his 
great  wealth  ;  and  with  a  threat  that  if  it  were  not  inconsistent  with  his 
honour,  he  would  deprive  him  of  his  remaining  eye.  The  Parliament 
lent  itself  to  the  Duke's  vengeance  ;  and  when  the  Constable  had  with- 
drawn to  his  estates  in  Bretany,  it  pronounced  an  Edict  declaring  him 
guilty  of  extortion,  degrading  him  from  his  office,  sentencing  him  to 
banishment  as  a  false  and  wicked  traitor,  and  imposing  on  him  a  fine  of 
100,000  marks  of  silver  f.  His  sword,  refused  by  the  Lord  de  Coucy, 
was  given  to  Philip  of  Artois,  Count  of  Eu,  who  in  consequence  became 
of  sufficient  dignity  to  obtain  the  hand  of  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Berri  J. 

Even  when  a  return  of  consciousness  in  the  unhappy  Charles 
afforded  some  hope  to  his  ancient  servants  that  he  might  restore  them 
to  power,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  sufficient  address  to  persuade  him 
that  abstinence  from  all  serious  occupation  was  essential  if  he  wished 
to  avoid  a  relapse.  The  Hotel  de  St.  Pol,  in  which  he  resided,  became 
therefore  more  than  ever  devoted  to  pleasure;  and  no  sounds  were 

heard  within  its  walls  but  those  of  music  and  revelry.     At 
Jan.  29.    a  Fete  given  in  honour  of  the  re-marriage  of  a  Widow  (one 

of  the  Queen's  attendants),  the  unbecoming  license  which 
the  gross  taste  of  the  times  permitted  on  these  occasions  was  largely 

*  Froissart,  xi.  c.  4—7.  t  Id-,  ibid.  c.  10. 

J  "Id.,  ibid.  c.  15.     He  married  Mary,  Widow  of  Louis'of  Blois. 


A.  D.  1392.J  ACCIDENT    AT    THE    MASQUERADE.  263 

indulged  ;  and  the  King  himself  formed  one  of  a  groupe  of  six  Satyrs, 
or  "  Salvage  men,"  who  entered  the  Bali-room  in  a  not  very  decorous 
masquerade  *.  They  were  disguised  in  linen  vests  closely  sewn  round 
the  body  from  head  to  foot,  on  which  tow  had  been  artfully  fastened  by 
pitch  in  order  to  represent  hair.  These  mummers  were  linked  together 
by  a  chain  ;  but  the  King,  fortunately  for  himself,  soon  quitted  his  com- 
panions, and  was  converging  with  the  Duchess  of  Berrif  (one  of  the 
youngest  and  most  beautiful  women  of  his  Court)  at  the  moment  when 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  entered  the  Gallery.  The  young  Prince,  in  a  silly 
frolic,  "  in  order  to  frighten  the  Ladies  J,"  set  fire  to  one  of  the  mas- 
queraders'  dresses,  although  care  had  been  taken  beforehand  to  prevent 
the  torch-bearers  from  approaching  too  closely.  The  miserable  revellers, 
unable  to  separate  themselves  from  their  chain,  were  immediately  in  a 
blaze ;  two  were  burned  to  death  upon  the  spot ;  two  died  soon  afterwards 
in  consequence  of  the  injury  which  they  had  received ;  and  one  only,  by 
at  last  breaking  loose,  and  throwing  himself  into  a  water-butt  which  he 
happened  to  observe  in  an  ante-chamber,  escaped  with  life.  The  King, 
on  the  first  alarm,  named  himself  to  the  Duchess  of  Berri,  who  wrapping 
the  train  of  her  robe  round  his  dress,  preserved  him  from  danger  till  he 
could  be  removed ;  but  the  terror  consequent  upon  the  shock  which  he 
had  received  greatly  tended  to  renew  and  to  confirm  his  mental  alien- 
ation. 

There  was  not  indeed  any  season  at  which  Charles  felt  equal  to 
attempt  a  struggle  for  the  re-establishment  of  his  ejected  ministers.  He 
expressed  surprise  at  their  absence,  and  he  insisted  upon  their  relief 
from  legal  penalties  ;  but  Clisson  was  the  only  one  whom  he  endeavoured 
to  recall.  The  Ex-Constable,  however,  was  far  too  wise  to  compromise 
his  safety  by  accepting  the  summons  of  a  King  manifestly  powerless  to 
afford  him  defence,  and  he  evaded  the  Royal  messengers  by  perpetually 
shifting  his  abode.  Bretany  meanwhile  presented  a  frightful  scene  of 
bloodshed  wherever  his  partizans  encountered  those  of  De  Montfort  § ; 
till  the  latter,  in  his  65th  year  and  in  declining  health,  feeling  a  natural 
wish  to  leave  his  infant  children  unembarrassed  by  War,  at  length  pro- 

*  The  Masquers,  according  to  Froissart,  whose  account  is  very  particular,  and  who, 
in  such  a  matter,  is  likely  to  be  correct,  besides  the  King,  were  the  Count  de  Jouy 
(Joigny),  Sir  Charles  of  Poitiers  (son  of  the  Countde  Valentinois),  Sir  Evan  de  Foix 
(a  favourite  Bastard  of  Gaston)-  J«M>  de  Nantouillet,  who  alone  was  saved,  and  a 
sixth  whose  name  is  supplied  by  Villaret,  Sir  Hugues  de  Guissai. 

f  Jane  Countess  of  Boulogne.  The  Duke,  at  the  time  of  his  marriage  in  1387, 
was  fifty  years  of  age,  the  bride  but  twelve.  A  bon  mot  of  Charles  VI.  on  this  dis- 
proportionate union  is  preserved  by  Villaret  (vi.  231),  but  we  forbear  from  tran- 
scribing it.  The  Duke  had  been  previously  jilted  by  one  of  John  of  Gaunt's 
daughters. 

%  This  is  clearly  admitted  by  Serissy,  in  his  Reply  to  Jean  Petit.  Monstrelet, 
i.  c.  44,  p.  308. 

§  Froissart,  xi.  c.  15,  16. 


264  MARRIAGE  OF  RICHARD  II.  TO  ISABELLE  OF  FRANCE.    [CH.  XII. 

posed  to   his   antagonist   a  personal   interview.     Notwithstanding  the 

warnings  given  by  previous  treachery,  Clisson  generously 

a.d.  1395.    embraced  the  invitation.     Their  conference  was  long  and 

Oct.  19.      secret,  but  it  terminated  amicably,  and  a  Treaty  ratified  at 

Aucfer  near  Redon,  to  which  the  Count  of  Penthie'vre  also 
became  a  party,  brought  their  protracted  differences  to  a  close  *. 

Before  this  pacification  was  concluded  in  Bretany,  the  Truce  with 

England  had  been  prolonged,  at  first  for  twelve  months, 

A.  d.  1394.    afterwards  for  four  years.   The  death  of  Anne  of  Bohemia  f, 

May  27.     the  first  Queen  of  Richard  II.,  soon  enabled  him  to  convert 

this  abstinence  from  War  into  a  relation  of  closer  amity ; 
and  eager  to  cement  an  alliance  by  which  he  hoped  to  obtain  the  means 
of  repressing  the  unruliness  of  his  People  and  to  fix  himself  in  despotism, 
he  solicited  the  hand  of  Charles's  eldest  daughter.  The  suitor  had 
attained  his  thirtieth  year,  the  child  Isabelle,  already  betrothed  to  the 
Count  de  Montfort,  was  only  in  her  seventh  ;  nevertheless  so  determined 
was  Richard  upon  the  marriage,  that  his  Ambassadors  were  instructed 
gradually  to  reduce  their  original  demand  for  portion  from  two  million 
francs  to  eight  hundred  thousand ;  which  sum  Richard  would  be  content 
to  accept,  provided  the  King  of  France  and  his  uncles  would  at  the  same 
time  engage  to  aid  and  sustain  him  with  all  their  power  against  any  of 
his  subjects  whatsoever  J. 

The  Ambassadors,  with  a  train  of  600  horse,  were  magnificently  enter- 
tained at  Paris,  during  a  residence  of  three  months;  in  which  period, 
although  they  succeeded  in  their  mission,  either  so  ill  was  diplomacy 
understood,  or  so  obstinately  were  mere  words  contested,  that,  notwith- 
standing the  family  link  by  which  the  Monarchies  were  to  be  united,  the 
Truce  was  not  converted  into  a  Peace.  The  distinction  indeed  appears 
to  have  been  merely  nominal ;  for  History  records  few  instances  in  which 
a  Peace  between  two  Countries  so  frequently  exposed  to  collision  as 
were  England  and  France,  has  attained  the  term  of  eight  and  twenty 
years,  which  was  that  named  for  the  prolongation  of  the  Truce. 

The  marriage  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp,   during  a    personal 

interview  of  the  two  Kings,  on   their  respective  frontiers, 

a.d.  1396.    between  Ardres  and  Calais.     "  It  was  pleasant  to  see,"  as 

Oct.  27.      Froissart  tells  us,  "  that  the  Princess  Isabelle,  young  as  she 

was,  knew  how  to  act  the  Queen  §."  On  the  Vigil  of  St. 
Simon  and  St.  Jude,  Charles  and  Richard  left  their  quarters  at  the  same 
moment,  and  advanced  between  400  French  and  an  equal  number  of 
English  Knights,  brilliantly  armed,  with  swords  in  their  hands,  who, 

*  Froissart,  xi.  c.  28. 

•j-  Anne  of  Bohemia,  daughter  of  the  Emperor  Charles  IV.  and  sister  of  Wences- 
laus,  died  June  7, 1394. 

X  Rymer,  vii.  p.  81 1.  §  Froissart,  xi.  c.  33. 


A.D.  1396.]  THE    KING'S    rilYSICIANS.  265 

when  the  Kings  were  on  the  point  of  meeting,  fell  on  their  knees  and 
wept  for  joy.  Both  Princes  were  bareheaded,  and  after  they  had  saluted, 
and  taken  each  other  by  the  hand,  Charles  led  his  son-in-law  to  a  richly 
adorned  tent.  Each  of  them  was  there  served  with  wine  and  spices  by 
the  Royal  Dukes  his  uncles  ;  and  having  freely  conversed  awhile,  they 
separated  with  tokens  of  mutual  good  will.  On  the  morrow,  Richard 
waa  banqueted  by  the  King  of  France,  and  was  greatly  amused  by  the 
"  drollery  "  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon.  The  general  coarseness  of  the 
jests  permitted  on  similar  occasions  diminishes  our  regret  that  Froissart 
has  not  dilated  on  this  portion  of  his  subject;  and  that  the  only  words  of 
the  Duke  of  Bourbon  which  he  has  recorded  are  not  distinguished  by 
any  especial  pungency  *.  When  the  dinner,  which  lasted  not  long,  was 
over,  the  Bride  was  delivered  to  her  future  husband,  who  immediately 
took  his  leave.  Twelve  litters  conveyed  the  Queen  and  her  Ladies  to 
Calais  -j-,  where  the  nuptials  were  solemnized  by  the  Archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury in  the  Church  of  St.  Nicolas,  on  the  following  first  of  November. 
Some  estimate  may  be  formed  of  the  sumptuousness  of  the  entertainment 
from  the  narrative  of  Walsingham;  besides  100,000  marks  which 
Richard  distributed  in  presents,  more  than  300,000  were  required  to 
defray  his  expenditure.  On  the  homeward  passage  his  tents  and  the 
greater  paTt  of  his  baggage  were  lost  in  a  storm. 

Charles,  as  we  thus  perceive,  was  still  qualified  at  particular  seasons 
to  support  the  outward  show  of  Royalty.  There  were  more  gloomy 
periods,  however,  during  which  it  was  necessary  to  preclude  him  alto- 
gether from  public  view.  He  appears  to  have  been  fortunate  in  the  skill 
and  the  honesty  of  his  Physicians ;  and  both  "  Master  William  de 
Harseley  "  and  Renaud  Freron  receive  loud  commendations  for  their 
modes  of  treatment,  which,  although  widely  different,  were  equally  suc- 
cessful. The  former  pronounced  as  an  aphorism  that  "  the  disorder  of 
the  King  proceeded  from  the  alarm  in  the  forest,  and  from  inheriting 
too  much  of  his  mother's  weak  nerves  I ;"  he  prescribed  change  of  air 
and  amusement,  and  having  restored  his  patient  from  the  first  severe 
attack,  he  wisely  claimed  his  fee  and  retired  §  from  Court.  The  latter 
appears  to  have  advised  a  stricter  discipline  and  more  serious  occupation 
than  suited  the  tastes  of  the  King ;  and  although  he  procured  for  him  an 

*  Froissart,  xi.  c.  40. 

j  Walsingham,  p.  353,  says,  that  all  the  dinners  were  given  by  Richard.  Isabelle 
•was  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Duchesses  of  Lancaster  and  of  Gloucester,  the 
Countesses  of  Huntingdon  and  of  Stafford. 

I  If  this  he  the  correct  rendering  of  il  tenoit  trop  de  la  moisteur  de  sa  mere. 

§  1000  crowns  of  gold  and  an  order  for  four  horses  whenever  he  should  please  to 
come  to  Court.  Froissart,  xi.  c.  11.  The  Chronicler  by  no  means  disparages  his 
skill,  but  he  characterizes  him  as  being  the  most  niggardly  man  of  his  time. 
Et  fut  en  son  temps  le  plus  eschars  cnlre  autres  que  on  sceust :  et  estoit  toute  ta  pfai~ 
sancc  Unit  quit  vesquit  que  (Camasser  grant  fuison  de  florins.  Et  en  sa  maison  il  ne 
despendoit  tons  les  juurs  que  deux  solz  parisis;  muis  alloit  boire  et  manger  a  favantage 
oil  ilpouoit.     Le  lelz  verges  sont  batus  tous  Medecins. 


266  CRUSADE  AGAINST  BAJAZET.  [CH.  XII. 

unusually  long  cessation  from  disease,  he  was  in  the  end  compelled  to 
relinquish  his  charge ;  and  was  considered  to  be  greatly  indebted  to  the 
magnanimity  of  those  in  power,  because  they  allowed  him  to  withdraw 
without  confiscation  of  his  painfully  earned  wealth*. 

The  disastrous  enterprise  in  which  the  chief  warriors  of  France 
leagued  with  those  of  Hungary  belongs  more  strictly  to  German  or  to 
Oriental  History  than  to  that  of  France ;  nevertheless  the  episode  is  too 
important  to  be  passed  over  in  silence.  The  conquests  of  Amurath  I. 
had  already  established  the  Ottoman  ascendency  among  the  Sclavonians 
of  the  Danube ;  and  his  son  and  successor,  Bajazet,  having  assumed  the 
title  of  Sultan,  and  meditating  yet  further  triumphs,  turned  his  arms 
against  Sigismund  King  of  Hungary,  with  the  menace  that,  after  having 
traversed  Germany,  he  would  penetrate  to  Rome.  The  Eternal  City, 
according  to  this  vaunt,  was  to  become  the  seat  of  his  Government;  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople  and  the  principal  Barons  of  Greece  were  to 
attend  him  as  vassals  ;  and  the  Altar  of  St.  Peter  was  to  be  desecrated 
by  conversion  into  a  manger  from  which  the  horse  of  the  barbarian  con- 
queror was  to  eat  his  oats.  The  defence  of  the  King  of  Hungary 
appeared  to  involve  the  general  cause  of  Christendom  ;  Philip  of 
Artois  the  Constable  had  already  made  one  campaign  in  his  service,  and 
the  noblest  youth  in  France  lent  a  willing  ear  to  the  urgent  prayer  which 
invited  further  succours.  But  it  was  by  illustrious  rank,  not  by  force  of 
numbers,  that  the  Infidel  Power  was  in  this  instance  to  be  combated ; 
and  when  the  Constable  for  a  second  time,  Philippe  de  Vienne  the 
Admiral  of  France,  the  Lord  de  Coucy,  Jean  de  Meingre  (or,  as  he  is 
more  commonly  known,  Boucicaut)  afterwards  created  Marechal,  and 
many  others  of  the  loftiest  station,  undertook  to  serve  under  the  command 
of  John  Count  of  Nevers,  eldest  son  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  they 
were  most  fastidious  in  their  choice  of  followers.  Few  indeed  were  per- 
mitted to  accompany  them  who  were  not  sufficiently  wealthy 
a.d.  1396.  to  perform  the  distant  journey  "  with  credit  to  themselves," 
March  — .  and  at  their  own  costs  and  charges.  Never  therefore  did  a 
more  resplendent  band  issue  from  France  than  that  which, 
composed  of  about  1000  Knights  and  as  many  Esquires  t5  repaired  to 
Buda  in  the  Spring  of  1396.  The  resources  of  Burgundy  were  exhausted 
by  the  pride  of  its  Duke,  to  provide  a  fitting  outfit  for  his  son ;  and  in 
plate,  horses,  armour,  dresses  and  emblazonments  which  were  to  over- 
whelm their  German  allies  with  envy  and  astonishment,  sums  were 
lavished  which  might  have  been  far  more  usefully  expended  in  the 
equipmeut  of  a  considerable  army. 

With  the  Enemy  whom  they  were  preparing  to  encounter  the  rash 
youths  of  whom  this  host  was  principally  composed  were  wholly  unac- 

*  Rel.  de  St.  Denys,  1.  xv.  c.  14,  p.  324. 

f  Villaret,  vi.  347,  adds  to  these  10,000  men  at  arms  ;  but  he  does  not  give  any 
authority,  and  he  certainly  is  not  countenanced  by  Froissart. 


A.  D.    1396.]  HATTLK    OF    NICOPOLIS.  267 

quaintcd;  and  as  they  advanced  they  made  but  light  of  the  Turkish 
power.  After  the  first  victory  over  Bajazet  (a  contingency  which  seems 
never  to  have  been  doubted)  Syria  and  the  Holy  I, and  were  to  be  sub- 
dual, Jerusalem  was  to  be  delivered,  and  with  the  succours  which  they 
would  then  receive  from  the  Kings  of  France  and  of  England  the  con- 
quest of  the  whole  East  was  pronounced  to  be  a  task  unaccompanied 
with  difliculty.  Sigismund  received  his  allies  with  cordiality  and  joy ; 
and  having  been  strengthened  beyond  his  hope,  and  perhaps  being 
inoculated  by  their  presumption,  he  resolved  to  anticipate  the  design  of 
Bajazet.  At  the  head  of  60,000  horse,  therefore,  he  crossed  the 
Danube ;  and,  after  some  previous  successful  operations,  laid  siege  to 
Nicopolis,  a  strongly  fortified  Town  on  the  banks  of  that  river,  which 
there  separates  Wallachia  from  Servia. 

Bajazet,  who  was  engaged  at  Cairo  when  he  received  intelligence  of 
the  invasion,  collected  his  troops  leisurely,  and  moved  down  upon 
Bulgaria.  Many  Saracen  Kings  accompanied  him  from  Persia,  Media, 
and  Tartary,  and  from  the  Kingdom  of  Lecto  (wherever  that  undis- 
covered region  may  be)  in  the  North  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Prussia. 
Froissart  would  persuade  us  that  the  Sultan  had  received  advice  before- 
hand from  the  Duke  of  Milan;  and  that  he  had  permitted  this  inroad  of 
Christians  in  order  to  enrich  himself  by  their  ransom  *.  But  the  hatred 
with  which  the  French  regarded  Giovanni  Galeazzo  Visconte  made  them 
forward  to  accuse  him  of  perfidy  on  evidence  which  is  far  from  being 
conclusive  ;  and  unhappily  the  record  of  his  undisputed  crimes  is  far 
too  fully  blazoned  to  need  the  addition  of  any  charge  which  may  be  con- 
sidered ambiguous.  So  ably  were  the  Sultan's  movements  conducted, 
that  the  Christians  were  ignorant  not  only  of  his  numbers  but  even  of  his 
approach  ;  he  was  close  to  Nicopolis  before  they  knew  that 
he  had  commenced  his  march  ;  and  the  French  Nobles  were  Sept.  28. 
engaged  at  dinner  when  a  scout  warned  them  to  beware  of 
surprise.  The  Knights  hastily  buckled  on  their  armour,  and  took  their 
station  in  the  field,  "  although  somewhat  heated  with  wine."  Banners 
and  pennons  were  displayed,  under  which  every  one  ranged  himself  in 
his  proper  place,  and  the  Standard  of  the  Virgin,  we  are  told,  was  espe- 
cially intrusted  to  the  valiant  Admiral. 

Sigismund,  far  better  acquainted  than  his  allies  with  the  system  of 
Ottoman  tactics,  observed  with  some  apprehension  the  forward  position 
occupied  by  the  French  Barons;  and  he  despatched  a  Knight  who, 
halting  before  the  Banner  of  our  Lady,  recommended  caution  until  the 
actual  numbers  of  the  Turkish  army  could  be  ascertained.  He  suspected 
(and  his  suspicion  was  correct)  that  Bajazet  had  advanced  only  his  van, 
with  the  hope  that  the  Christians  mistaking  it  for  his  whole  force,  would 
unadvisedly   give  battle.      Enguerrand  de   Coucy,  a   veteran   soldier, 

*  Froissart,  xi.  c.  34,  35. 


268  GREAT    SLAUGHTER    OF    THE    CHRISTIANS.  [CH.  XII. 

approved  this  counsel ;  but  an  unhappy  jealousy  with  which  he  was  re- 
garded by  the  Constable  prevented  its  adoption.  "  The  King  of  Hun- 
gary," said  that  impetuous  Knight,  "wishes  to  gain  all  the  honour  of  the 
day;"  and  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  de  Vienne  who  united  with  de 
Coucy,  he  persisted  in  maintaining  the  ground  already  taken,  till  further 
discussion  was  useless.  The  Infidel  van  was  repulsed  or  designedly  gave 
way  before  the  French ;  but  the  little  band  of  pursuers,  flushed  with 
this  early  success,  was  soon  hemmed  in  between  the  wings  of  Bajazet's 
main  army.  The  conflict  between  100  men  and  120,000  was  not  of  long 
continuance;  and,  in  spite  of  feats  of  valour  the  most  undaunted,  all  the 
Christians  were  slain  or  made  prisoners.  So  great,  adds  Froissart,  was 
their  loss,  that  since  the  defeat  at  Roncesvalles,  in  which  the  Twelve 
Peers  fell  together,  France  had  never  endured  an  equally  grievous  blow. 

The  overthrow  of  the  French  involved  that  of  the  Hungarians  also, 
who  fled  panic-stricken  and  in  confusion  from  the  field.  Sigismund 
himself,  perceiving  the  day  to  be  irrecoverably  lost,  through  the  pre- 
sumption of  his  confederates,  galloped  to  the  Danube,  where,  gaining  a 
boat,  he  fortunately  eluded  the  murderous  pursuit  which  overwhelmed  the 
greater  part  of  his  army.  "  Happy  was  he  who  could  escape  from  such 
danger  by  any  means."  The  richness  of  their  armour  (for  they  were 
arrayed  like  Kings)  preserved  the  lives  of  many  French  Knights  on  the 
field ;  and  the  Turks,  believing  them  from  their  appearance  to  be  greater 
Lords  than  they  really  were,  accepted  their  surrender  in  the  hope  of 
inordinate  ransom. 

The  Sultan  on  inspecting  the  field  of  battle  was  infuriated  by  his  loss, 
for  if  we  believe  the  Chronicler  it  exceeded  that  of  the  Christians  thirty 
fold*.  He  vowed  to  avenge  this  slaughter  upon  his  prisoners,  and  to 
reserve  only  a  few  of  the  noblest  Lords  from  whom  he  might  expect 
large  payment  of  ransom  f-  Having  ascertained  these  on  the  morrow, 
through  the  agency  of  Sir  Jacques  de  Helly  (who  was  recognized  by  the 
Turks  as  speaking  their  language,  and  as  having  once  served  under 
Amurath),  he  led  out  the  remainder,  upwards  of  three  hundred  gentle- 
men of  different  nations,  one  by  one,  and  pitilessly  cut  them  to  pieces,  in 

*  This  is  Froissart's  calculation.  Villaret,  vi.  329,  is  far  more  moderate  ;  he 
reduces  the  disproportion  to  dix  fois  plus.  Another  more  justifiable  reason  for 
Bajazet's  anger,  although  omitted  by  Froissart,  is  furnished  by  Juvenal  des  Ursins, 
and  by  the  Rel.  de  St.  Dengs,  1.  xvi.  c.  11,  p.  352;  namely,  that  the  French  themselves 
had  previously  massacred  their  Turkish  prisoners. 

f  There  is  a  great  confusion  regarding  the  number  of  prisoners  who  were  set 
aside.  Froissart,  xi.  c.  42,  limits  them  to  eight ;  the  Count  of  Nevers,  the  Constable, 
the  Count  de  la  Marche,  the  Lord  de  Coucy,  Lord  Henri  de  Bar,  Sir  Guy  de 
Tremouille  and  two  others.  Mezeray,  Abrtge  Chronohgique,  iii.  151,  says  there  was 
fifteen  saved.  M.  de  Sismondi,  xii.  89,  makes  them  amount  to  twenty-eight :  his  re- 
ferences, besides  to  Froissart,  are  to  Juvenal  des  Ursins  and  the  ReL  de  St.  Dengs  ; 
but  it  does  not  appear  to  us  that  either  of  those  writers  distinctly  mentions  the 
number,  and  they  certainly  differ  from  each  other.  Froissart,  c.  49,  speaks  of  twenty- 
five  who  were  carried  to  Bursa,  and  at  that  time  the  Constable  and  the  Lord  de 
Coucy  were  dead.  Henri  de  Bar  also  died  in  the  Levant  (M.  de  Sismondi,  xii.  9G), 
and  those  three  Knights  make  up  the  twenty-eight. 


A.  D.  1396.]  CONSTERNATION    IN    FRANCE.  2G9 

the  presence  of  their  comrades  in  arms.  The  Admiral  had  perished  in 
defence  of  his  banner;  the  Count  of  NeVers  *  and  the  Constable  were 
among  those  selected  for  preservation  ;  but,  by  some  accident,  Boucjcaut 
had  been  overlooked,  and  was  included  in  the  mass  devoted  to  slaughter. 
When  he  appeared,  stripped  and  prepared  for  death,  the  others  were 
motionless  with  surprise;  but  Nevers,  generously  throwing  himself  at  the 
Sultan's  feet,  intimated  by  signs,  as  paying  from  one  hand  to  the  other, 
that  a  large  ransom  would  be  forthcoming  for  his  friend,  whose  life  he 
thus  obtained.  When  the  massacre  was  ended  f,  Bajazet  released  Sir 
Jacques  de  Helly  on  parole,  to  notify  in  France  the  great  disasters  of 
which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness,  and  to  solicit  deliverance  for  the 
prisoners. 

Humours  of  the  defeat  at  Nicopolis  had  been  conveyed  to  France, 
before  Helly's  arrival,  by  some  stragglers  engaged  in  a  foraging  party  on 
the  morning  of  the  Battle.  The  Parisians  obstinately  refused  belief;  the 
King  was  indignant  at  an  announcement  so  contrary  to  his  expectations 
and  to  his  wishes ;  and  the  wretched  fugitives,  who  in  traversing  the 
inhospitable  districts  of  Wallachia  and  of  Hungary  had  already  suffered 
great  misery,  were  arrested,  thrown  into  the  Chatelet,  and  threatened  with 
drowning,  as  malicious  circulators  of  false  intelligence.  It  was  impossible 
however  to  deny  credence  to  the  melancholy  tale  of  Helly,  who  supported 
his  narrative  by  the  indisputable  evidence,  of  Bajazet's  safe-conduct  and 
of  letters  from  the  Count  of  Nevers.  There  was  scarcely  a  family  of 
name  in  France  which  did  not  mourn  some  one  of  its  members  among 
the  prisoners  or  the  slain  ;  and  the  loss  of  a  husband,  a  brother,  a  father, 
or  a  child  was  confirmed  by  almost  every  answer  which  Helly  returned  to 
enquiry.  He  was  commissioned  to  bear  back  to  the  Sultan  such  presents 
as  he  thought  most  adapted  to  the  Barbarian's  taste ;  and  he  selected 
Flemish  tapestry  representing  the  conquests  of  Alexander,  fine  linen  from 
Rheims,  scarlet  cloths,  and  some  casts  of  high-bred  Gerfalcons.  When 
he  presented  himself  at  Bursa  he  was  highly  complimented  by  Bajazet 
for  fidelity,  and  was  declared  free,  as  his  reward.  He  found  the  prisoners 
for  the  most  part  in  good  health  * ;  and  the  complaints  made  to  him  suffi- 
ciently evince  that  their  treatment  had  not  by  any  means  been  severe. 
The  catalogue  of  grievances  enumerated  lack  of  wine  ;  the  absence  of  their 
own  Cooks,  in  consequence  of  which  they  were  fed  on  coarse  meat  badly 
and  not  thoroughly  dressed;  and  it  was  added,  that  although  they  had 
plenty  of  spices  they  were  reduced  to  eat  millet  bread,  "  which  is  dis- 

*  Juvenal  des  Ursins  says,  that  a  Necromancer  foretold  to  Bajazet  of  the  Count 
of  Nevers  that,  if  he  were  allowed  to  survive,  he  would  /aire  mourir  pfus  de  Chretiens 
que  le  Barsae  ny  tons  ceux  de  leur  loy  ne  scauroient  /aire,  Pontus  Henteius,  Her. 
BurgiuuL,  lib.  iii.  p   72,  cited  by  Bayle,  i.  627,  ad  r.  Iiourr/orjnc. 

f  There  is  a  great  variation  between  Juvenal  des  Ursins  and  the  lie/,  de  St. 
Deny*  as  to  the  number  of  prisoners  massacred.  The  former  says  300,  the  latter 
3000. 

\  The  Constable  and  De  Coucy,  however,  were  dead. 


270  TREATMENT    OF    THE    KING'S   MALADY.  [CH.  XII. 

agreeable  to  a  French  palate*."     Bajazet  had  visited  them  more  than 
once,  had  conversed  with  them  graciously,  and  had  expressed  anxiety 

that  they  should  be  furnished  with  amusements.  The  sum 
a.  d.  1397.    which  he  demanded  for  ransom  was   adjusted  at  200,000 

ducats,  out  of  which  he  deducted  20,000  as  a  present  to  two 
of  the  negociators ;  and  after  the  remainder  had  been  guaranteed  by  a 
wealthy  merchant  of  Scio,  the  Count  of  Nevers  and  his  companions  were 
permitted  to  depart.  Some  demonstrations  were  previously  exhibited  to 
them  of  the  splendour  of  the  Sultan's  establishments  and  the  summari- 
ness  of  his  authority.  On  one  occasion  a  hawk  displeased  him  in  its 
flight  at  an  eagle,  and  he  was  on  the  point  of  beheading  nearly  a  third 
of  his  7000  falconers,  "  scolding  them  exceedingly  for  their  want  of 
diligence."  At  another  time  he  ripped  up  one  of  his  attendants  accused 
of  having  drunk  some  goat's  milk  belonging  to  a  poor  woman,  in  order 
to  obtain  conclusive  evidence  of  the  charge,  being  utterly  careless  of  his 
inability  to  offer  reparation  if  the  culprit  had  proved  innocent,  and  of  the 
manifest  disproportion  of  the  punishment  to  the  offence  even  if  he  were 
guilty.  His  parting  words  to  the  Count  of  Nevers  were  marked  with 
boldness  and  dignity.  "  I  know  you,"  he  said,  "  to  be  a  great  Prince 
in  your  own  Country,  to  be  young  also  and  high  spirited.  If  you  are 
taunted  with  want  of  success  in  this  your  first  enterprise  in  arms,  you 
may  be  anxious  to  redeem  your  honour.  If  I  feared  you,  I  might  exact 
an  oath  that  you  would  never  again  enter  this  Country  in  warlike  guise. 
But  come  when  you  will,  you  will  always  find  me  prepared  and  ready  to 
meet  you  in  battle  f." 

The  health  of  the  King,  meantime,  was  subject  to  much  fluctuation ; 
and,  during  his  periods  of  insanity,  recourse  was  often  had  to  modes  of 
healing  unsanctioned  by  regular  Art.  Not  only  was  he  led  on  successive 
pilgrimages  to  all  the  shrines  most  venerated  in  his  dominions,  whenever 
his  bodily  strength  permitted  the  fatigue  of  travelling  •  but  when  the 
mediation  of  the  Saints  proved  unavailing,  that  of  darker  Powers  was 
invoked;  and  we  hear  of  two  Augustin  Hermits  summoned  from  Lan- 
guedoc,  who  undertook  to  work  his  cure  by  spells  and  magic  J,  In  order 
to  depress  their  great  political  antagonist,  the  Royal  uncles  had  encou- 
raged a  popular  belief  that  Charles  was  under  the  influence  of  witchcraft, 
and  that  Valentina,  Duchess  of  Orleans,  had  enchanted  him  by  some 
diabolical  charm  or  by  some  pernicious  herb.  In  his  first  access  of  in- 
sanity, while  resisting  all  other  authority,  he  had  listened  obediently  to 
every  suggestion  made  by  Valentina,  whom  he  recognised  with  affection; 
and  the  reputed  skill  of  the  Italians  in  secret  poisoning  and  in  Judicial 
Astrology  tended  to  increase  this  senseless  clamour  against  her.     It  was 

*  Froissart,  xi.  c.  44,  f  Id.  xii.  c.  I. 

{  On  a  relapse  under  which  the  King  suffered  in  1398,  they  were  beheaded  and 
quartered  in  Paris. 


A.  D.  1400.]    GENOA  CLAIMS  PROTECTION  FROM  FRANCE.         271 

at  length  asserted  that  the  King  neither  would  nor  could  recover  his 
health  while  the  Sorceress  remained  in  his  neighbourhood ;  and  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  deeply  grieved  at  the  false  and  foolish  accusation,  was 
compelled  to  assent  to  her  removal  from  Court. 

With  a  similar  view  of  depressing  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  accepted  an  offer  by  which  the  Republic  of  Genoa  threw  itself 
on  the  protection  of  France.     The  Sovereignty  of  Milan  had  been  con- 
ferred on  Giovanni  Gnleazzo  Visconte,   the  father  of  Valentina,  by  a 
Patent  from   Wenceslaus  * ;  and  the  new   Lombard  Prince   anxiously 
watched  and  covertly  fomented  the  Civil  dissensions  by  which  Genoa 
had  been  long  distracted,  in  the  hope  of  one  day  subjecting 
that  opulent  but  factious  and  most  unstable  Republic  to  his    a.  d.  1396. 
own  Government.     The  Doge,  Adorao,  thought  to  counter-      Oct.  25. 
balance  these  intrigues  by  resorting  to  France,  and  a  Treaty 
was  signed  by  which  he  surrendered  his  authority  to  a  Vicar  Royal  to 
be  appointed  by  Charles,  who  engaged  to  respect  all  the  ancient  privi- 
leges of  his  Transalpine  subjects.     At  the  same  time  Charles  openly 
declared  his  intention  of  invading  Milan,  and  received  a  promise  of  sup- 
port from  England. 

This  enterprise  was  interrupted  by  the  defeat  at  Nicopolis,  which 
demanded  for  the  redemption  of  the  prisoners  all  the  treasure  which  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  might  otherwise  have  been  inclined  to 
expend  on  an  Italian  War.  The  King's  lunacy,  which  in-  a.  d.  1399. 
creased  in  virulence  and  occurred  with  scantier  intervals  of 
health,  gives  a  character  of  monotonous  gloom  to  the  internal  History  of 
France  at  this  period,  which  is  relieved  by  few  events  of  material  interest ; 
and  we  may  pass  rapidly  over  many  petty  struggles  for  superiority  be- 
tween the  Dukes  of  Orleans  and  of  Burgundy,  which  occupied  the  atten- 
tion and  filled  the  pages  of  contemporary  Writers.  The  domestic  cala- 
mities inflicted  upon  France  by  the  avarice  or  the  profusion,  the  care- 
lessness or  the  imbecility  of  her  Rulers,  by  famine,  by  inundations,  and 
bv  pestilence,  afford  a  frightful  aggregate  of  moral  and  of  natural  evil. 
Yet  her  People,  as  if  benumbed  by  misery  and  palsied  by  suffering, 
remained  motionless  amid  the  numerous  political  convulsions  which 
agitated  other  parts  of  Europe. 

We  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  touch  upon  the  continuance  of 
the  disgraceful  Schism  which  still  distracted  the  Pontificate,  and  upon 
the  measures  to  which  the  French  in  consequence  resorted.  In  Ger- 
many, the  sottishness  of  the  reigning  Emperor,  and  the  necessity  of 
providing  some  barrier  against  the  formidable  advance  of  the  Ottomans 
and  of  Timur-beg  (at  that  time  supposed  to  be  in  union 
with  the  Sultan  whom  he  afterwards  overthrew),  had  aroused  a.  d.  1400. 
the  Diets  to  the  bold  step  of  deposing  Wenceslaus.  Frederic  Aug.  20. 
of  Brunswick,  whom  they  named  as  his  successor,  was 

*  May  1,  1393. 


272  TREATMENT  OF  THE  BANISHED  HENRY  OF  LANCASTER.  [CH.  XII. 

snatched  by  assassination  from  his  scarcely -tasted  dignity  after  only  two 
days  enjoyment  of  it;  but  Rupert,  the  Elector  Palatine,  obtained  more 
permanent  establishment;  and,  in  spite  of  the  reclamations  of  Wences- 
laus,  in  whose  behalf  the  Duke  of  Orleans  took  arms,  the  influence  of 
the  House  of  Bavaria  prevailed,  and  the  Government  of  France  declared 
in  favour  of  the  new  King  of  the  Romans. 

England  also  had  witnessed  a  deposition.    Richard  II.,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  feud  between  the  Dukes  of  Hereford  and  of 
a.  d.  1398.    Norfolk,  had  banished  both  those  powerful  Nobles,  and  the 
Jan  — .       former  was  received  at  Paris  with  distinguished  consider- 
ation.     The  King  assigned  him  500  crowns  of  gold  as  a 
Oct. — .      weekly  pension*;  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  of  Berri 
welcomed  him  with  pompous  entertainments;  and  the  Duke 
of  Orleans  associated  him  in  his  pleasures,  and  even  signed  a  personal 
engagement,  by  which  the  contracting  parties  mutually  pledged  them- 
selves against  each  other's  enemies  f.     This  union  of  opposite  factions 
in  behalf  of  the  exiled  Prince  was  perhaps  occasioned  by  a  false  belief  in 
his  speedy  restoration  to  the  honours  of  which  he  had  been  deprived, 
and  an  impression  (confirmed  by  the  reduction  of  the  term  of  his  ban- 
ishment from  ten  years  to  six)   that  the  sentence  was  compulsory,  and 
had  been  passed  only  to  shield  the  sufferer  from  the  dangers  of  a  mortal 
combat.      No  sooner,  however,  had  Richard  undeceived  the  French 
Princes,  than  a  marked  change  took  place.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
ventured  to  stigmatize  his  "  cousin  of  Derby  "  as  a  traitor,  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Council,  where  he  was  checked  by  a  dignified  reproach  and 
defiance;  the  Duke  of  Berri  refused  the  hand  of  a  daughter  I  to  a  suitor 
whom  he  had  hitherto  encouraged ;  and  even  Charles,  who  was  as  much 
attached  to  him  as  the  weakness  of  his  intellect  permitted,  represented 
that  before  he  thought  of  marriage,  it  wrould  be  advisable  to  recover  the 
possessions  of  Lancaster  as  a  dower  for  his  Bride  §. 

So  variable,  however,  is  political  friendship,  according  as  sunshine  or 

cloud  predominates,  that  before  Henry  of  Lancaster  embarked  on  that 

expedition  which  placed  the  Crown  of  England  on  his  brows,  the  Duke 

of  Burgundy  had  sufficient  sagacity  to  foresee  his  rising 

A.  d.  1399.   fortunes,  and  to  procure  a  reconciliation.     When  he  landed 

July  4.        at  Ravenspur  he  was  accompanied  by  Pierre  de  Craon,  the 

bitterest  enemy  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  (the  only  one  of  the 

Royal  Family  by  whom  he  had  not  been  neglected),  and  that  Prince  in 

his  turn,  irritated  no  doubt  by  the  accommodation  which  had  been  too 

easily  made  with  his  Rivals,  became  Henry's  foe.     Whatever  may  be 

thought  of  the  unadvisedness  of  a  Cartel  which  Louis  of  Orleans  sent  to 

the  King  of  England,  and  however  it  might  be  really  founded  on  private 

*  Froissart,  xii.  c.  12.  f  Monstrelet,  i.  c  0. 

J  Mary,  a  second  time  widowed,  at  twenty-three  years  of  age,  by  the  death  of 
the  Constable,  Philip  of  Artois.  §  Froissart,  xii.  c.  15. 


A.D.  1402.]  HIS  REFLY  TO  A  CHALLENGE  FROM  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS.  213 

pique,  there  was  some  generosity  in  reserving  his  defiance  of  one  whom 
he  had  befriended  in  adversity  until  a  successful  usurpation 
had  raised  him  to  a  Throne.  In  order  to  preserve  both  a.  d.  1402. 
Henry  and  himself  from  "  idleness,  the  banc  of  Lords  of  Aug.  7. 
high  birth,"  the  Duke  proposed  a  combat  at  some  appointed 
place  to  which  they  should  repair,  accompanied  on  either  side  <c  by  one 
hundred  Knights  and  Esquires  of  name  and  arms,  without 
reproach."  Henry  excused  himself  from  this  meeting  on  Dec.  5. 
reasons  which  he  was  well  entitled  to  plead.  First.  On  the 
existing  Treaty  between  the  two  Kingdoms.  Secondly.  On  the  private 
alliance  to  which  the  Duke  had  sworn,  an  alliance  which  the  King  in 
consequence  of  the  challenge  threw  aside  and  annulled.  Thirdly.  On 
the  disproportion  of  their  rank.  To  the  taunt  which  insinuated  that  he 
was  idle,  the  King  of  England  replied,  that,  although  perhaps  he  was 
less  employed  in  arms  than  some  of  his  predecessors,  he  had  never  been 
so  idle  as  not  to  know  how  to  defend  his  honour ;  and  finally,  that, 
although  he  declined  the  limit  of  100  Knights  and  Esquires  as  unsuit- 
able to  Kingly  dignity,  whenever  he  thought  the  time  convenient,  he 
would  visit  his  own  possessions  beyond  the  Sea,  with  such  number  of 
men  as  he  deemed  fitting,  and  that  the  Duke  might  then  have  full  oppor- 
tunity of  gratifying  his  desire  of  personal  combat.  "  Should  you  wish," 
were  the  concluding  words  of  this  answer,  which  has  always  appeared 
to  us  a  masterpiece,  "  that  those  of  your  party  be  without  reproach,  be 
more  cautious  in  future  of  your  letters,  your  promises,  and  your  seal, 
than  you  hitherto  have  been."  Both  a  retort  from  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
and  a  final  rejoinder  from  Henry  which  conclude  this  remarkable  corre- 
spondence, are  couched  in  much  less  temperate  language  than  the  pre- 
ceding documents,  and  they  evince  a  failure  in  power  of  composition 
proportionate  to  the  increased  irritability  of  the  writers*. 

It  may  here  be  mentioned  that  the  little  Isabelle,  on  the  dethronement 
of  her  nominal  husband,  was  transferred  from  Leeds  Castle  to  Havering 
at  Bower.  The  Lady  de  Coucy,  who  had  hitherto  superintended  her 
establishment,  was  removed  and  hurried  back  to  France,  and  a  new 
household  was  formed  u  of  ladies,  damsels,  officers,  and  varlets,  who 
were  strictly  enjoined  never  to  mention  the  name  of  Richard  in  their 
conversation."  On  the  arrival  of  a  special  embassy  from  France  to 
enquire  into  her  situation,  Henry  entertained  the  envoys  courteously  and 
liberally,  expressing  a  grateful  remembrance  of  the  kindness  which  he 
had  received  in  their  Country  during  his  exile.  They  obtained  per- 
mission to  converse  with  the  young  Queen,  under  a  promise  (and  they 
were  threatened  with  peril  of  life  if  they  should  transgress  it)  that  they 
would  not  speak  to  her  "  on  what  had  lately  passed  in  England,  nor 
about  Richard  of  Bordeaux ; "  and  they  were  dismissed  with  an  assur- 
ance that  she  should  never  suffer  the  smallest  harm,  but  should  keep  up 
*  Monstrelet,  i.  c.  0. 

■ 


274    FEUD  BETWEEN  THE  DUKES  OF  BURGUNDY  AND  ORLEANS.   [CH.  XII. 

a  state  and  dignity  becoming  her  birth  and  rank,  "  for  young  as  she  is, 
she  ought  not  as  yet  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  changes  in  the 
world."  She  was  at  length  reconducted  to  France  with  fitting  pomp, 
but  without  the  payment  of  dower,  which  the  necessities  or  the  avarice 
of  Henry  prompted  him  to  retain.  The  Duke  of  Orleans,  in  his  second 
Letter,  alludes  to  this  "  spoliation.' '  He  is  referred  by  Henry,  in  his 
answer,  to  the  Articles  of  marriage*;  and  he  is  further  told  that,  in 
regard  to  jewels  and  money,  Isabelle  carried  with  her  out  of  the  King- 
dom a  far  greater  sum  than  she  brought  thither  t.  She  remarried  in 
1408  with  her  cousin  Charles  d'Angouleme,  afterwards  Duke  of  Orleans, 
and  died  in  childbirth  J. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  profited  by  his  reconciliation  to  advance  a 

marriage  between  Henry  IV.  and  the  Duchess  of  Bretany  §, 

a.  d.  1402.   recently  widowed  by  the  death  of  Jean  de  Montfort.     On 

April  3,      the  departure  of  that  Princess  to  England,  the  guardianship 

of  the  minor  Duke,  her  son,  and  the  administration  of  his 
dominions,  devolved  on  Philip  as  his  nearest  relative.  But  the  final 
ascendancy  over  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  obtained  in  consequence  of  an 
attempt  which  that  Prince  made  to  raise  a  general  impost,  by  means 
which,  if  even  mildly  characterised,  must  be  deemed  illegal.  In  the 
absence  of  his  uncles,  Louis  affixed  their  signatures,  jointly  with  his 
own,  to  an  Edict  with  which  they  were  wholly  unacquainted.  The 
Duke  of  Berri  unhesitatingly  pronounced  the  act  to  be  a  forgery ;  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  declared  that  he  had  refused  200,000  crowns  offered 
to  bribe  him  into  compliance.     The  Burgesses  of  Paris  extolled  Philip 

as  their  deliverer  from  extortion ;  and  Charles  was  persuaded 
June  24.     to  appoint  him  President  of  the  Council  of  Finance  and 

supreme  head  of  the  Government  during  his  own  periods 
of  incapacity. 

The  prodigality,  however,  which  Philip  of  Burgundy  displayed  in 
all  his  actions  was  ill  calculated  to  render  him  a  popular  Governor 
during  a  season  of  National  distress;  and  his  triumph  accordingly  was 
brief.  An  odious  inquisition  into  transfers  of  private  property,  which 
he  established  with  the  hope  of  increasing  his  revenue  by  fines  upon 
informal  contracts,  produced  a  general  outcry ;  and  Charles,  who  in 
moments  of  sanity  always  mistook  the  bustle  of  petty  change  for  weighty 

administration,  was  easily  persuaded  to  divest  his  uncle  of 

a.  d.  1403.    the  power  which  he  had  recently  bestowed.     Orleans  had 

April  26.     also  engaged  a  new  ally  in  his  behalf,  and  through  the 

Queen  ||,  who  had  hitherto  declined  all  interference  in  State 

*  These  Articles,  which  may  be  found  in  Rymer,  plainly  enjoin  restitution, 
f  Froissart,  xii.,  c.  24,  29.     Monstrelet,  i.  c.  4.  |  Id.  ii.  c.  11. 

§  Jeanne  de  Navarre,  daughter  of  Charles  le  Mauvais.  Jean  IV.  de  Montfort 
died  November  1,  1399. 

||  M,  de  Sigmondi  (xii.  218)  clears  Isabelle  of  Bavaria  from  much  of  the  evil  re- 


A.  D.   M04.]  DEATH  OF  PHILIP  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY.  275 

ailitirs,  lie  procured  an  Ordonnance,  appointing  I  Council  of  Regency, 
whenever  the  King  should  be  absent,  or  ot/tmcist'  occupied,  the  veil 
Under  which  Court-language  delicately  shrouded  liis  infirmity.  The 
Princes  of  the  Blood  and  some  of  the  great  Oilicers  of  State  were  named 
perpetual  Members  of  this  Council,  of  which  the  Queen  was  President; 
and  they  had  the  power  of  adding  to  their  number  without  limit  and  at 
pleasure.  It  is  evident  that,  in  a  body  so  constituted,  the  ascendant 
faction  must  always  command  a  majority  of  voices. 

But  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  approached  that  term  which  was  to  end 
all  contentions  for  power,     hi  the  Spring  of  1404  he  undertook  a  short 
journey  to  the  Netherlands,  in  order  to  establish  his  second  son,  An- 
thoine,  in  the  Duchy  of  Brabant.      Fetes  and  spectacles  marked  his 
progress ;  and  in  his  distribution  of  largesses  to  the  brilliant  train  which 
swelled  his  pomp,  he  was  unsparing  and  undiscriminating.     An  epi- 
demic, heightened  by  the  unhealthy  climate,  attacked  him 
at  Brussels.     He  was  conveyed  in  a  litter  to  his  Castle  at   a.  d.  1404. 
Halle  in  Brabant,  where,  after  a  few  days'  illness,  he  ex-     April  27. 
pired  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  age.     So  profuse  had 
been  his  extravagance,  that  it  became  necessary  to  raise  money  for  his 
burial  by  pawning  the  Ducal  plate ;  and  his  Relict,  Margaret,  Countess 
of  Flanders,  underwent  a  humiliating  legal  form,  in  order  to  escape  the 
payment  of  her  deceased  husband's  debts  \ 

While  Jean  Sans  Peur,  Duke  of  Burgundy  (formerly  Count  of 
Nevers),  was  occupied  in  the  manifold  cares  of  securing  his  inheritance, 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  freed  from  the  check  of  his  late  powerful  Rival, 
:-eized  undisputed  power.  Pillage  seems  to  have  been  his  chief  object; 
and  he  not  only  increased  the  revenues  of  his  own  apanage  by  curtail- 
ments from  the  domain  of  the  Crown,  but  he  also  obtained  possession 
of  a  treasure,  amounting  to  1,700,000  francs,  deposited  in  the  Royal 
coders f.  His  foreign  policy  was  not  less  destructive  to  the  interests  of 
the  Kingdom  than  were  these  acts  of  domestic  brigandage ;  and  if  the 
convulsed  state  of  England  had  permitted  Henry  IV.  to  adopt  vigorous 
measures  abroad,:;War  must  have  inevitably  resulted  from  the  aggressions 
which  the  Duke  of  Orleans  authorised.  Even  before  the  chief  sway 
had  passed  into  his  single  hands,  the  Truce  had  been  violated  by  many 
acts  of  ferocious  piratical  hostility.  Some  Bretons,  stimulated  by 
Clisson,  who,  in  old  age,  retained  his  former  hatred  of  the  English 

pute  by  which  modern  -writers  have  deformed  her  memory.  He  shows  that  contem- 
poraries do  not  accuse  her  of  illicit  commerce  with  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  that 
IS  represented  by  them  chiefly  :is  an  indolent,  unambitious  woman,  much  ad- 
dicted to  her  National  tastes  for  good  cheer  and  the  rigid  preservation  of  Court 
ceremony. 

*  A  similar  renunciation  of  the  deceased  husband's  movables  was  made  by  the 
Countess  de  St.  1Y>1,  alter  the  death  of  her  husband  YYaleran  in  1415.  Monstrelet. 
iv.  c.  22.  The  Ceremonial  enjoined  the  widow  to  place  her  girdle,  keys,  and  purse 
on  the  coffin,  and  to  demand  a  registry  of  this  act  by  a  Public  Isotary. 

f  Monstrelet,  i.e.  12. 

t2 


276  RAPACITY  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS.  [CH.  XIl. 

name*,  had  attacked  a  Fleet  equipped  for  the  protection  of  the  Channel, 

and,  after  an  obstinate  engagement,  had  taken  forty  vessels. 

a.d.  1403.    Of  the  2000  prisoners  whom  they  captured,   the  greater 

July  — .      number  were  savagely  thrown  overboard  f.    The  conquerors 

then  made  a  descent  upon  Plymouth,  which  they  burned ; 
but  in  a  subsequent  attempt  upon  the  Isle  of  Wight,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  abandon  their  booty,  and  to  retreat  to  their  ^ships  after  con- 
siderable loss. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans,  wishing  to  convert  these  buccaneering  enter- 
prises into  a  National  War,  negociated  with  Castile  for  a  Fleet  which 

might  assist  in  the  reduction  of  Calais ;  signed  an  alliance 

a.d/ 1404.    with  Owen  Glendower},  by  wdiom  an  insurrection  had  been 

July  — .      organized   in   Wales  ;    and   attacked   and   carried  several 

English  Castles  in  Limousin.  Henry,  although  assailed 
by  these  numerous  provocations,  and  by  frequent  petty  insults  and 
ravages  on  his  own  coast,  contented  himself  with  reprisals  whenever 
opportunity  allowed,  and  abstained  from  any  open  declaration  of  War ; 
until,  vehement  as  wras  the  aversion  with  which  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
regarded  England,  his  love  of  pleasure  proved  still  stronger,  and  the 
sums  which  he  had  extorted  under  the  pretext  of  military  equipment 
were  dissipated  in  luxurious  frivolity. 

With  the  single  exception  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  no  member  of 
the  Council  was  at  all  likely  to  oppose  the  will  of  Orleans.  Advancing 
years  had  increased  the  avarice  of  the  Duke  of  Berri  and  the  timidity  of 
the  Duke  of  Bourbon.  Louis  of  Anjou,  the  titular  King  of  Sicily,  had 
shown  little  activity  since  the  failure  of  his  attempt  in  Italy.  Charles 
the  Noble,  King  of  Navarre,  was  occupied  with  pleasures  not  to  be  en- 
joyed in  his  own  semi-barbarous  mountains,  and  with  the  care  of  enrich- 
ing himself  during  his  short  residence  in  France.  The  rest  were  of 
inferior  note  and  importance ;  and  the  sole  advocate  of  the  popular  cause 
was  Jean  Sans  Peur ;  not  indeed  from  any  more  sincere  love  of  Freedom 
than  was  entertained  by  his  opponent,  but  because  he  found  his  main 
support  among  the  People,  who  accepted  him  as  his  father's  represent- 
ative, and  acknowledged  him  as  their  hereditary  protector. 

The  sudden  death  of  his  mother,  the  Countess  of  Flanders,  summoned 

Burgundy  to  the  Netherlands  soon  after  he  had  taken  his 
a.  d.  1405.  seat  in  the  Council;  and  in  his  absence  the  rapacity  of  the 
March  16.    Queen  and  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  exceeded  its  former 

licence.  The  coinage  was  adulterated,  fraudulent  changes 
were  made  in  the  weights;  the  abuse  of  prise  (the  title  under  which 
provisions  were  taken  up  for  the  Royal  household),  although  abolished 
by  frequent  Edicts,  was  revived  to  an  extent  previously  unknown ;  and 
not  only  articles  of  consumption,  but  plate,  linen,  and  furniture,  were 

*  De  Clisson  died  April  23,  1407-  t  Walsingham,  3G9. 

\  Yvain  Graindos,  according  to  his  amusing  misnomer  by  Monstrelet. 


A.  D.  1405.]  JOHN  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  OCCUPIES  TARIS.  277 

'1  without  payment.  In  spite  of  these  extortions,  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  was  overwhelmed  with  debts;  and  when  on  one  occasion,  in  ■ 
lit  of  superstitious  terror,  he  had  vowed  to  discharge  these  claims,  and  had 
invited  his  creditors  to  account,  more  than  800  persons  presented  them- 
selves for  settlement.  The  love  of  money  predominated  over  the  fear  of 
judgment,  and  the  thronging  expectants  were  hastily  dismissed  with 
threats  of  personal  violence  if  they  should  persist  in  their  demands*. 

Among  the  most  active  enemies  of  England  was  Waleran  of  Luxem- 
burg, Count  of  Ligny  and  St.  Polf.  He  had  made  known  to  Henry  IV. 
by  a  Cartel  his  intention  "to  annoy  him  by  every  possible  means ;" 
and  although  the  King  of  England  "  held  his  menaces  cheap,"  St.  Pul 
had  never  omitted  any  opportuuity  of  fulfilling  them.  In  an  attempt  of 
partizan  warfare,  which  he  made  from  his  Government  of  Picardy  upon 
the  Castle  of  Mercy,  about  a  league  from  Calais,  he  was  signally  dis- 
comfited J  ;  but  the  inroad  provoked  retaliation;  and  as  Flanders  pro- 
mised more  spoil  than  the  neighbouring  Provinces,  the  English  directed 
their  revenge  upon  Sluys.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  indignant  at  this 
outrage  upon  an  unoffending  Town  in  his  own  dominions,  made  pre- 
parations for  an  active  campaign,  and  demanded  from  his  kinsman  in 
Paris  succours  of  both  men  and  money,  which  he  undertook  to  devote 
to  the  reduction  of  Calais.  Orleans,  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  mortify 
his  Rival,  peremptorily  refused  co-operation  ;  and  Burgundy,  finding 
himself  at  the  head  of  about  S00  men-at-arms,  and  expecting  further 
support  from  his  brother-in-law,  the  Bishop  Elect  of  Liege  §, 
marched  not  upon  Calais,  but  to  Paris.  The  Queen  and  Aug.  14. 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  apprised  of  this  movement,  and  fearing 
the  insurrectionary  temper  of  the  Capital,  retired  to  Melun ;  but  in  their 
haste  they  had  been  unable  to  remove  either  the  King,  at  that  time 
suffering  under  his  disorder,  or  Louis,  Duke  of  Guyenne,  the  Dauphin 
(a  title  which  now  began  to  be  very  generally  received),  a  child  of  only 
nine  years  of  age.  These  important  prizes  were  secured  at  once  by 
Burgundy ;  who,  with  the  Citizens  in  his  favour,  and  the  persons  of  the 
King  and  of  the  Heir-apparent  at  his  disposal,  supported  moreover  by 
the  arrival  of  6000  fighting  men  under  John  of  Liege,  presented  a  very 
formidable  aspect. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans,  for  a  time,  declined  all  mediation,  and  stig- 
matised as  treason  the  detention  of  the  King's  person.  Both  parties 
continued  to  strengthen  themselves  by  gathering  their  adherents ;  and 

*    fie/,  de  St.  Dtnyt,  1.  xxv.  c  7,  518. 

f  The  Count  of  St.  Pol  was  appointed  Constable  during  the  predominance  of  the 
Burgundiani  in  1411,  and  his  death  is  briefly  noticed  l>y  IWonstrelet,  iv.  c.  22. 
w-  On  the  9th  of  April  (1415)  died  Waleran  de  St.  1V<1,  calling  /timse/f  Constable  of 
France."  X  Monstrelet,  i.  c.  24. 

6  John  the  Pitiless  (Sans  Pit  ie),  second  son  of  Albert  Count  of  Hainault;  his 
sister  was  married  to  John  the  Fearless  {Satis  Peur). 


278   HOLLOW  RECONCILIATION  OF  ORLEANS  AND  BURGUNDY.   [CH.  XII. 

it  appeared  as  if  a  Civil  War  was  inevitable.  But  a  conviction  of  in- 
feriority at  length  prevailed  over  the  wounded  pride  of  Orleans ;  he 
admitted  overtures  from  the  Council,  and  he  agreed  to  a 

Oct.  12.  Conference  proposed  at  Vincennes.  On  the  details  of  the 
hollow  reconciliation  which  ensued,  it  is  quite  unnecessary 
that  we  should  expend  a  single  paragraph ;  and  we  shall  content  our- 
selves by  employing  the  words  of  Monstrelet.  {c  The  Dukes  made  up 
their  quarrel,  and  apparently  showed  in  public  that  they  were  good 
friends.  But  He  who  knows  the  inward  secrets  of  the  heart,  saw  what 
little  dependence  was  to  be  placed  on  such  outward  appearances*." 

Amid  these  dissensions  in  the  Council,  the  state  of  the  unhappy  maniac 
King  was  most  deplorable.  He  was  utterly  neglected  by  the  domestics 
placed  around  him,  and  either  from  reluctance  or  from  inability  to  per- 
form for  himself  the  common  offices  of  personal  cleanliness,  he  had 
become  disgustingly  filthy,  and  was  beginning  to  suffer  in  health.  Some 
management,  however,  was  necessary  in  affording  him  relief;  for,  during 
intervals  of  sanity,  he  always  remembered,  and  bitterly  resented,  even 
by  the  infliction  of  capital  punishment,  any  violence  which  had  been 
used  by  his  keepers.  A  number  of  masqued  persons,  therefore,  -vvere 
employed  by  night  to  convey  him  to  the  bath,  and  to  make  those  changes 
in  his  dress  which,  with  a  perverseness  not  uncommon  to  the  deranged, 
he  had  obstinately  neglected. 

In  spite  of  the  pacific  wishes  which  Henry  IV.  continued  to  express, 
the  Council,  on  the  re-union  of  the  Dukes,  were  more  than 
a.  d.  1406.  ever  bent  on  War;  and  in  the  Autumn  of  1406,  both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  Provinces  witnessed  active  military 
preparations.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  Captain  General  of  Picardy 
and  of  West  Flanders,  concentrated  a  large  force  in  the 
Sept.  — .  neighbourhood  of  St.  Omer,  with  the  intention  of  besieging 
Calais.  Huge  engines  and  a  train  of  artillery  far  exceeding- 
ordinary  dimensions,  two  movable  forts  {bastilles)  constructed  in  the 
Forest  of  Beaulot,  6000  men-at-arms,  3000  archers,  and  1500  cross- 
bows, all  of  them  picked  men,  were  already  assembled  under  his  com- 
mand, at  a  lavish  cost,  and  with  the  full  approbation  of  the  King,  when 
peremptory  orders  arrived  from  Court  forbidding  the  departure  of  the 
expedition.  The  Duke  and  his  chief  officers  were  most  indignant,  at  this 
sudden  change  ;  they  pronounced  the  disbanding  of  so  noble  an  army  to 
be  dishonourable;  and  they  returned  to  Paris  inflamed  with  resentment 
against  Orleans  and  his  Faction,  by  whose  jealous  interference  they  not 
untruly  suspected  that  their  enterprise  had  been  frustrated. 

Orleans,  indeed,  had  diverted  to  his  own  single  use  in  Guyenne  all 
the  funds  writh  which  it  had  been  originally  intended  that  the  expense 

[*  Monstre!et,i.  c.  23. 


A.  D.  1407.]  ASSASSINATION  OP  THE  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS.  279 

of  two  armaments  should  be  defrayed.  He  had  delayed  his  own  advance 
to  so  late  a  season,  that  the  siege  of  Bourg  on  the  Gironde  was  not 
opened  till  Midsummer,  that  of  Blaye  on  the  same  river,  at  the  con- 
fluence of  the  Garonne  with  the  Dordogne,  not  till  October.  The  neces- 
sities of  a  force  engaged  in  so  arduous  a  service  demanded  the  whole 
resources  which  France  was  able  to  provide ;  and  the  wants  of  the 
Southern  Army  could  not  be  otherwise  supplied  than  by  abandoning 
the  projects  which  had  been  contemplated  in  other  districts.  Yet  the 
result  was  most  inglorious.  After  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  disconcerted 
the  enterprise  against  Calais,  and  had  produced  grievous  murmurs  by 
the  oppressive  taxes  demanded  for  his  own  support,  he  was  convinced, 
by  the  vigorous  defence  of  the  besieged  English,  and  by  the  mortality 
which  raged  among  his  own  troops,  that  further  efforts  must  be  unsuc- 
cessful ;  and  having  displayed  great  military  incapacity,  increased  his 
former  general  unpopularity,  and  swelled  the  opposition  of 
Burgundy  to  rancour  the  most  deadly,  this  frivolous  and  a.  d.  1407. 
unadvised  Prince  commenced  a  retreat,  and  hurried  to  a  Jan.  — . 
renewal  of  his  amusements  in  the  Capital. 

Several  months  elapsed  before  the  vengeance  which  Burgundy  medi- 
tated received  full  opportunity  for  completion ;  and  the  good  offices  of 
the  Duke  of  Berri  had  in  the  meantime  produced  an  apparent  cordiality 
of  intercourse  between  the  rival  Princes.  After  the  recovery  of  Orleans 
from  an  illness,  Jean  Sans  Peur  visited  him  in  congratulation,  heard 
Mass  in  his  company,  and  communicated  at  the  same  Altar.  At  a 
Banquet,  which  the  Duke  of  Berri  gave  in  honour  of  this  reconciliation, 
the  former  enemies  embraced,  and  exchanged  mutual  promises  of  friend- 
ship ;  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  accepted  an  invitation  proposed  by 
Orleans  for  the  day  se'nnight  following.  Will  it  be  believed  that,  at  the 
very  moment  in  which  he  gave  this  perfidious  assent,  his  plans  were  so 
arranged  that,  in  the  course  of  four-and-twenty  hours,  the  host  to  whom 
he  thus  pledged  himself  had  ceased  to  exist ! 

Few  transactions,  equally  dark  in  their  nature  and  remote  in  their 
date,  have  received  so  copious  an  illustration  as  the  murder  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans.  The  original  depositions  taken  before  the  Council  are  pre- 
served, and  among  them  are  statements  by  two  accidental  eye-witnesses 
of  the  assassination,  who  possessed  neither  motives  nor  ingenuity  to 
invent  facts  which  they  had  not  positively  seen.  We  retain  also  the 
whole  criminatory  evidence,  embodied  in  a  regular  narrative  by  the  zeal 
of  the  Family  of  the  murdered  Prince,  desirous  to  avenge  his  death ;  and 
we  have  also  that  same  narrative  rigidly  examined,  more  than  three  cen- 
turies afterwards,  by  the  piercing  judgment  of  an  able  and  impartial 
antiquary*. 

It  appears  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  spent  the  whole  afternoon 

*  M.  de  Bonamy  in  the  Mcmoires  de  rAcadtmie  des  Inscriptions)  xxL  which  Paper 
fully  illustrates  the  assassination. 


280  ASSASSINATION  OF  [CH.  XII. 

of  the  23d  of  November  at  the  Hotel  Montaigu,  in  company  with  the 
Queen,  who  was  recovering  from  a  confinement* ;  and  that 
Nov.  23.  he  had  supped  there  at  six  o'clock,  an  hour  well  adapted 
to  the  habits  of  those  for  whom  dinner  was  served  so  early 
as  eleven.  At  about  eight  in  the  evening,  he  received  a  pretended 
summons,  as  from  the  King,  commanding  his  immediate  presence  at  the 
Hotel  de  St.  Pol,  on  business  of  deep  import  to  both  of  them.  The  faith- 
less message  was  conveyed  by  a  Member  of  the  Royal  Household,  who 
had  been  gained  as  an  accomplice  to  the  conspiracy,  and  it  was  obeyed 
instantly  and  unsuspiciously.  A  mule  was  in  waiting  for  the  Duke  at 
the  gate ;  and  his  retinue  consisted  only  of  two  Esquires  mounted  on 
the  same  horse,  who  preceded  him,  and  four  or  five  Pages  on  foot,  some 
of  whom  carried  torches,  as  the  night  was  darkf.  He  had  not  advanced 
above  200  yards  from  the  Queen's  Palace,  in  a  gay  and  careless  mood, 
playing  with  his  glove  and  singing  j,  when  he  was  beset  by  a  band  of 
ambushed  ruffians  from  each  side  of  the  street,  shouting,  "  a  mart,  a 
mort"  and  surrounding  their  victim.  The  horse  with  the  two  Escpiires 
took  fright  and  galloped  off;  the  Duke  having  asked  what  the  tumult 
meant,  and  having  declared  his  name  and  quality,  was  answered  that  he 
was  the  person  sought  for,  and  was  instantly  felled  upon  the  pavement. 
One  of  his  attendants,  who  attempted  resistance,  was  killed  upon  the 
spot ;  another  was  severely  wounded,  but  took  refuge  in  a  neighbouring 
shop.  The  rest  fled  and  gave  an  alarm ;  but  the  assassins  had  dispersed 
before  they  could  be  intercepted,  having  first,  in  order  that  they  might 
escape  during  the  confusion,  set  fire  to  the  adjoining  house,  which 
they  had  occupied  for  some  days  before  §,  and  thrown  caltrops  behind 
them  to  hinder  pursuit.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Provost,  the  body  of  the 
Duke  was  found  lifeless,  bleeding,  and  horribly  mangled ;  two  gashes 
on  the  forehead  penetrated  to  the  brain,  the  left  hand  was  severed  at  the 
wrist,  and  the  right  arm  was  broken.  The  Magistrate,  having  noted 
these  appearances  in  a  Proces  verbal,  hastened  to  make  his  report  to 

*  She  had  been  delivered,  November  10,  of  a  son,  Philip,  who  died  soon  after 
las  birth. 

f  This  is  Monstrelet's  account  of  the  attendants.  The  Ecgisters  of  the  Parlia- 
ment say  that  he  was  accompanied  by  three  horsemen,  two  footmen,  and  one  or  two 
torchbearers.  One  of  the  eye-witnesses  deposes  that  there  were  five  or  .six  horse- 
men, three  or  four  footmen,  and  two  or  three  torchbearers ;  but  M.  Bonamy  justly 
remarks  that  so  large  a  train,  even  if  not  able  to  make  effectual  defence,  would  at 
least  have  raised  an  earlier  alarm. 

%  S'tbattoit  d'un  gand  ou  dhme  moiifle,  el  chan/oit. 

§  The  house  in  which  the  Bravoes,  eighteen  in  number,  lodged  was  known  as 
Im.  Maison  de  Vintage  Notre  Dame,  near  the  Porte  Barbette.  It  had  been  hired  only 
six  days  before  the  assassination,  but  inquiries  had  been  made  for  some  house  in 
the  neighbourhood  so  far  back  as  the  preceding  Midsummer.  When  M.  Bonamy 
wrote,  in  ]  747»  the  Image  of  the  Virgin  and  Bambino,  from  which  the  house  derived 
its  name,  still  existed  in  a  niche  above  the  door  of  a  Baker's  shop  in  the  Vieille  Rue 
du  Temple.  The  assassins  were  headed  by  Raoul  d'Anquetonville,  a  Norman  whom 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  dismissed  from  the  Commission  of  Taxes,  for  malversation. 


A."d.  1407.]  LOUIS  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS.  281 

the  Council,  and  received  orders  to  close  the  City  gates,  to  patrol  the 
streets,  and  to  make  diligent  search  for  the  authors  of  the  crime. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  Princes  visited  the  corpse,  which  had 
been  carried  to  the  Church  of  the  Blancs-manteaux.  To  our  surprise, 
it  is  not  any  where  recorded,  in  agreement  with  a  prevailing  superstition, 
that  it  bled  afresh  on  the  appearance  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who 
protested  with  seeming  indignation  that  so  foul  and  traitorous  a  murder 
had  never  before  been  perpetrated  in  the  Kingdom.  He  attended  the 
Funeral,  at  which  he  officiated  as  one  of  the  Pall-bearers,  "  uttering 
groans  and  shedding  tears."  Conjecture,  at  first,  unjustly  implicated 
Albert  de  Flamenc  of  Cani,  and  there  were  rational  grounds  for  believing 
that  he  regarded  the  late  Duke  with  enmity.  His  wife  Marie  d'Enghien 
had  fallen  a  prey  to  the  licentiousness  of  Orleans,  while  Albert  was  his 
Chamberlain,  and  the  issue  of  that  intrigue  afterwards  attained  great  and 
merited  celebrity  as  the  Bastard  Count  of  Dunois.  But  it  was  soon 
ascertained  that  more  than  a  year  had  elapsed  since  Albert  had  visited 
Paris  ;  and  the  Provost  was  not  long  without  receiving  informations 
which  appear  to  have  directed  his  suspicions  into  the  right  channel. 
When  asked  by  the  Council  whether  he  had  yet  traced  the  assassins,  he 
replied  in  the  negative,  at  the  same  time  expressing  confidence  of  success 
if  he  were  permitted  to  examine  the  Hotels  of  the  Great  Lords.  No 
demur  was  made;  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  then  alarmed  at  the  pro- 
bability of  detection,  took  aside  the  Duke  of  Berri  and  the  King  of  Sicily, 
and  acknowledged  that, "  at  the  instigation  of  the  Devil,  he  had  commis- 
sioned the  murderers."  Great  as  was  the  sorrow  and  astonishment  which 
they  expressed,  Burgundy  still  remained  unawakened  to  either  the  atro- 
city or  the  danger  of  his  guilt ;  and  it  was  not  until  he  found  the  doors  of 
the  Council-chamber  closed  against  him  on  the  following  morning,  and 
was  warned  by  his  uncle  of  Berri  "  that  his  presence  would  be  dis- 
pleasing to  all  the  Members,"  that  he  thought  it  necessary  to  secure 
himself  by  a  hasty  flight;  when,  springing  on  horseback,  he 
hurried  first  to  his  strong  Castle  of  Bapaume,  and  afterwards  Nov.  26. 
to  a  more  distant  asylum  in  Lille. 

We  are  assured  by  contemporaries  that  Louis  of  Orleans  possessed 
many  qualities  which  are  frequently  passports  to  the  favour  of  the  mul- 
titude. He  was  distinguished  by  a  handsome  person,  and  by  skill  in 
Knightly  exercises ;  his  manners  were  courteous,  his  speech  fluent,  and 
he  was  not  untinctured  with  such  knowledge  as  his  times  afforded,  and 
as  might  be  acquired  by  quick  parts  without  much  labour  of  study.  Yet 
withal  he  was  especially  unpopular.  The  disordered  state  of  the  finances 
was  principally  attributed  to  his  extravagance,  his  hand  had  been  in 
every  man's  pocket,  and  he  was  regarded  as  the  leader  of  a  tyrannical 
Aristocracy,  whose  main  object  was  to  depress  the  People.  Notwith- 
standing, therefore,  the  many  circumstances  of  perfidy  which  heightened 


282        THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  AVOWS  THE  MURDER     [CH.  XII. 

the  guilt  of  his  assassination,  the  Parisians  considered  his  death,  and  the 
being  freed  from  his  Government,  as  a  peculiar  mark  of  God's  Grace*; 
and  referring  to  the  devices  (a  knotted  stick  and  a  plane)  which  the  two 
Princes  had  respectively  borne  in  some  late  public  Festivity,  they 
observed,  with  that  readiness  of  allusion  which  has  always  been  one  of 
their  distinguishing  characteristics,  that  "  the  ragged  staff  was  at  length 
planed  f." 

But  the  Duchess  Valentina,  who  was  tenderly  attached  to  her  late 
husband  in  spite  of  his  open  infidelities  J,  throwing  herself 

Dec.  10.  at  the  King's  feet  in  a  mourning  garb  and  with  abundance 
of  tears  implored  justice  upon  the  murderer  of  his  brother. 
Her  second  son,  and  Isabelle  the  Queen  Dowager  of  England,  now  mar- 
ried to  her  eldest  (whom  she  had  not  ventured  to  bring  to  Paris),  knelt 
together  with  her  in  supplication,  till  Charles  raised  them  up  and,  kissing 
them,  promised  strict  enquiry,  and  named  a  day  for  its  enforcement. 

Burgundy,  meantime,  by  artful  representations  of  his  quarrel,  had 
obtained  assurances  of  support  from  all  his  States ;  and  after 
A.  d.  1408.  complying  with  an  invitation  from  the  Princes  to  confer 
with  them  at  Amiens,  he  announced  his  intention  of  return- 
ing to  the  Capital,  not  to  plead  for  acquittal  from  a  foul  murder,  but  to 
claim  merit  for  an  act  of  Patriotism.  When  at  the  head  of  his  troops  he 
entered  Paris,  he  was  received  with  acclamations  by  the  populace ; 
"  and  even  the  little  children  sang  carols  in  all  the  Squares  §."  He 
went  about  well  armed  j  he  slept  in  a  strong  tower  of  masonry  con- 
structed in  his  Hotel,  and  his  chamber  was  watchfully  sentinelled. 
Jean  Petit,  one  of  the  most  learned  Divines  of  the  Sorbonne||,  was  era- 

*  Monstrelet,  i.  c.  38. 

f  Le  Baton  noueux  est  en/in  rabote.     Id.  ibid.  c.  36. 

\  M.  Bonamy  declares  that  History  has  not  recorded  any  mistress  of  Louis  Duke 
of  Orleans,  excepting  Marie  d'Enghien ;  and  he  struggles  hard  in  defence  of  the 
Prince's  moral  character,  chiefly  on  the  testimony  of  his  Will.  But  it  is  very  easy 
for  a  confirmed  libertine  to  appear  devout  in  a  posthumous  document.  Without 
attaching  much  credit  to  the  anecdote  which  Brantome  has  recorded  as  the  ground- 
work of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy's  personal  jealousy,  and  which  is  cited,  perhaps 
with  too  much  reliance,  by  Bayle  (i.  627,  Rem.  B  ad  v.  Bourgogne),  enough  is 
authentically  recorded  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  justify  a  belief  that  his  life  was 
most  dissolute.  Villaret,  a  writer  by  no  means  deficient  in  respect  for  Royalty, 
says  that  Orleans  was  regarded  "as  a  Prince  without  morals,  and  who  was  never 
stopped  by  any  scruple  when  he  had  a  desire  or  a  fancy  to  be  gratified."  On  a 
well-known  anecdote  respecting  Marie  d'Enghien,  which  we  need  not  recount,  but 
Avhich  the  classical  reader  will  perceive  exceeds  in  depravity  even  the  story  of 
Gyges,  the  same  Historian  breaks  out  into  the  following  deserved  apostrophe. 
Scene  odieuse  et  bizarre,  qui  car acterise  moins  les  transports  avcugles  a' une  passion  exces- 
sive, quele  caprice  monstrueux  d'un  caeur  insolent,  cruel,  et  corrompu.     VI.  406. 

§  The  cry  was  Noel,  originally  a  Christmas  Carol;  but  a  word,  as  Monstrelet 
says,  heretofore  employed  only  in  hailing  the  King.  Its  use  to  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy  therefore  occasioned  great  offence,  i.  c.  39.  Pasquier  in  his  Rcchcnhes  tier  la 
France,  liv.  iv.  c.  16,  p.  383,  treats  IPtine  coustume  ancienne  qui  estoit  en  France  de 
crier  Nouel  pour  signification  de  joie  publique. 

||  Petit  is  usually  termed  a  Cordelier  ;  but  Bayle,  referring  to  Spondanus  {ad  ann. 
1408,  num.  i.  p.  763)  denies  the  assertion,  and  adds  that  he  was  a  Secular  Priest. 


A.  D.   1408.]  AND  OBTAINS  THE  KING'S  PARDON.  283 

ployed  to  preach  a  Sermon  before  the  Court,  In  which  he  argued,  at  inter- 
minable length  and   according  to   the  scholastic  mode  of 
division,  in  flavour  of  Tyrannic  t  to    March  8. 

establish  upon  the  precepts  of  Philosophy,  of  the  Church,  of 
the  Canon  Law,  and  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Tyrants,  as  he  explained 
his  meaning,  were  not  only  those  who  usurped  sovereign  power,  but 
those  whose  rank  or  influence  placed  them  beyond  the  reach  of  ordinary 
punishments,  and  to  put  such  persons  to  death,  even  by  treachery,  was 
eminently  meritorious*.  The  application  involved  numerous  charges 
against  the  murdered  Duke,  and  openly  taxed  him  with  Sorcery, 
poisoning,  compassing  the  King's  death  at  the  Masquerade,  and  traitor- 
ous communication  with  England.  Those,  whose  patience  and  curiosity 
may  so  far  triumph  over  fatigue  as  to  lead  them  to  encounter  the 
length  and  dullness  of  the  whole  of  this  Discourse,  will  find  it  given  ver- 
batim by  Monstreletf;  those  who  are  contented  with  a  summary  may 
turn  to  the  masterly  compression  and  review  contained  in  the  pages  of 
M.  de  Sismondi  J. 

It  is  not  probable  that  the  Oration  of  Petit  produced  much  conviction 
among  its  auditors ;  each  Faction,  as  we  are  told,  persisted  in  its  former 
opinions.  But  the  power  which  Burgundy  displayed  was  far  too  great 
to  permit  resistance.  The  Queen,  "  apprehensive  of  consequences," 
and  taking  with  her  the  Dauphin  and  her  other  children,  withdrew  to 
Melun,  whither  she  was  soon  followed  by  the  Princes  of  the  Blood.  In 
their  absence,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  obtained  not  only  reconciliation, 
but  Letters  sealed  with  the  King's  seal  and  signed  with  his  own  band, 
by  which  he  was  pardoned  for  "  what  had  lately  happened  to  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  to  the  astonishment  of  many  Great  Lords  and  Wise 
Men;  but  at  this  moment,"  adds  the  Chronicler  significantly,  "it  could 
not  be  otherwise  §." 

The  ascendancy  which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  thus  extorted 
might  have  been  long  preserved,  if  he  could  have  continued  to  reside  in 
Paris,  and  to  hold  the  custody  of  the  King's  person.  But  a  "War  pro- 
voked by  the  cruelties  and  the  perjury  of  his  brother-in-law  John, 
Bishop  Elect  of  Liege,  hastily  summoned  him  to  the  protection  of  his 
own  dominions  in  the  Netherlands.    John  had  accepted  the  title  of  Epis- 

*  This  "  enormous  doctrine,''  attributed  very  justly  byBayle  to  "  a  spirit  altogether 
venal    and    sold    to   inicmity."'    was  solemnly  condemned  by  the  Bishop  of  Paris  in 
I  1 14,  who  ordered  Petit's  Sermon  to  be  publicly  burned  bsfote  N&tM  Dame.    R*t>  de 
1.  xxxiii.  c.  2&     Monstrelet  adds  that  it  was  proposed  to  disinter  and  burn 
the  Preacher's  bones,  iv.  c.  1.     This  Decree  of  the  Sorbonne  '  I  when  the 

Burguudian  Faction  regained  power  la  1418. 

f  i.e.  39.  {  xii 

§  Monstrelet,  i.  c.  39,  u  fin.      M.  de  Sismondi  (xii.  291)  states  that  the  Letters  of 
Pardon  were  granted  three  days  before  the  delivery  of  Petit's  Sermon,  and  he  cites 
their  strong  expressions,  in  which  Charles  is  made  to  declare  that  he  is  resoiv, 
conserve}'  aucune  d '/>'<;  I  ttoir Jmt*  trclhc  koft  u<  frvre 

pour  le  bien  et  utilitc  du  Royaume.      The  reference  given  is  Notes  a  Monstrelet, 
torn.  i.  p.  32ft. 


284  THE  QUEEN  RE-OCCUPIES  PARIS.  [CH.  XII. 

copacy  without  renouncing  any  of  the  secular  habits  of  the  Camp ;  and 
when  his  Citizens,  deprived  of  spiritual  superintendence,  urged  him  to 
proceed  to  consecration,  he  manifested  by  his  delays  that  he  was  content 
with  Sovereignty.  A  new  Bishop  was  accordingly  elected  by  the 
Liegeois,  and  confirmed  by  Benedict  XIII.  and  by  Wenceslaus  ;  a  Pope 
to  whom  the  Church  had  refused  obedience,  an  Emperor  whom  the 
Diets  of  Germany  had  deposed.   But  the  Liegeois  were  rich  and  warlike; 

and  the  general  spirit  of  insurgency  which  they  aroused,  and 
July  — .     the    ferocious     ravages   to   which   much  of    Flanders    in 

consequence  became  exposed,  appeared  to  endanger  all 
Princely  authority. 

No  sooner  had  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  quitted  France,  than  the  Queen 

and  the  Princes,  taking  advantage  of  his  absence,  collected 
Aug.  26.     troops  at  Melun,  and  found  themselves  sufficiently  strong  to 

re-enter  Paris.     At  the  head  of  3000  men  at  arms,  accom- 
panied by  the  Dauphin,  a  child  delighted  by  his  first  essay  on  horse- 
back, Isabelle  took  possession  of  the  Louvre,  occupied  the 
Sept.  3.     gates  and  fortresses  of  the  Capital,  and  was  re-invested  with 

the  Presidency  of  the  Council.  The  Duchess  of  Orleans 
renewed  her  demand  for  an  inquisition  into  the   murder  of  her  Lord ; 

and  the  Court  listened  to  another  Sermon,  in  rejoinder  to 
Sept.  11.    that  of  Petit,  in  which  his  opponent,  Serissy,  the  Abbe  of 

St.  Fiacre,  undertook  to  remove  the  aspersions  cast  upon  the 
Prince's  memory,  and  required  the  infliction  of  a  severe,  although  not  of 
a  capital  punishment  upon  his  assassins.  The  Reply  is  by  no  means 
unworthy  of  the  accusation  against  which  it  is  directed,  and  it  is  reported 
and  estimated  by  the  same  authorities  to  which  we  have  already  referred*. 
At  its  conclusion,  the  Chancellor  declared  that  the  Dauphin,  as  the 
King's  Lieutenant  and  Representative,  and  the  assembled  Princes  of  the 
Blood  held  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans  to  be  perfectly  exculpated;  and 
that  "  in  regard  to  the  request  of  the  Duchess,  speedy  and  good  justice 
should  be  done  her,  so  that  she  should  be  reasonably  contented  there- 
with f." 

Even  if  the  Council,  under  any  circumstances,  would  have  been  bold 

enough  to  follow  up  this  vague  declaration  by  more  decisive 
Sept.  23.     actions,  their  intention  was  frustrated  by  the  great  victory 

which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  obtained  over  the  Liegeois  at 
Hasbain.  On  that  bloody  field  it  is  said  that  26,000  Flemings  were 
killed  by  the  merciless  vengeance  of  their  pursuers ;  and  the  Bishop,  by 
the  unsparing  punishments  which  he  afterwards  exacted,  acquired  the 
detestable  appendage  to  his  name  by  which  he  is  known,  Sans  Pitie.    The 

Duke,  no  longer  apprehensive  of  peril  in  Flanders,  led  back 
Nov.  24.     his  triumphant  army  to  Paris,  where  he  was  again  received 

with  enthusiasm.     The  Queen  and  the  Princes,  however, 
*  Monstrelet,  i.  c  44.    M.  de  Sisraondi,  xii.  300.       t  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  1,  a  fin. 


A.  D.   1409.]  FORMAT.  UK  CONCILIATION  AY  CHART RIS.  285 

advised  of  his  approach,  had  sufficient  time  for  the  arrangement  of  their 
plans,  and  having  full  means  of  access  to  the  King,  they  carried  him  off 
in  secret  to  Tours,  before  the  Citizens  could  prevent  their  retreat. 

So  Btrong  in  Prance  was  the  feeling  of  personal  loyalty  to  the  Sove- 
reign,  that  the  Party  which  obtained  the  guardianship  of  this  unhappy 
Lunatic,  always  found  his  name  B  passport  to  power.  Burgundy,  having 
missed  its  possession,  lost  all  his  former  appearance  of  legitimate  autho- 
rity, and  became  liable  to  the  penalties  of  Rebellion  *.  If  this  failure, 
and  the  dread  of  a  change  in  public  opinion,  were  strong  reasons  to 
induce  him  to  reconciliation,  on  the  other  hand  his  present  numerical 
superiority,  and  the  occupation  of  the  Capital,  were  not  less  weighty 
arguments  to  awaken  a  similar  desire  in  his  opponents  ; 
grief  and  disappointment  had  broken  the  heart  of  Valen-  Dec.  4. 
tiiia,  who,  despairing  of  success  in  the  prosecution  of  her 
suit,  after  the  Victory  at  Hasbain,  terminated  her  days  at  Blois ;  and 
her  sons  were  at  present  too  young  to  possess  the  influence  which  their 
rank  might  otherwise  have  bestowed.  After  a  display  of  much  ill- 
humour  on  each  side  to  the  diplomatists  employed  by  the  other  (a  line 
of  conduct  which  perhaps  rather  accelerated  than  retarded  the  Treaty) 
the  Count  of  Hainault  succeeded  in  arranging  the  performance  of  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  mummeries  which  History  has  exhibited. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  as  the  first  act  of  nominal  submission,  evacuated 
Paris,  and  repaired  to  his  own  town  of  Lille.    From  that  City 
he  proceeded  to  Chartres,  where  the  Count  of  Hainault  gua-  a.  d.  1409. 
ranteed  the  safety  of  the  Congress,  and  nicely  regulated  the 
number  of  armed  retainers  by  which  each  of  the  most  distinguished  per- 
sonages who  attended    it  was  to  be  accompanied.     On  a 
scaffold  erected  before  the  entrance  of  the  Choir   of  the     March  9. 
Cathedral  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  knelt  at  the  King's  feet ; 
and,  in  conformity  with  that  etiquette  which  made  it  degrading  in   a 
Prince  to  speak  for  himself,  addressed  Charles  by  his  Advocate,  the  Sieur 
de  Lohaing,  in  words  which  had  been  pre-arranged.    "  Sire,  behold  here 
my  Lord  of  Burgundy,  your  subject  and  cousin,  who  is  thus  come  before 
you,  because  he  has  heard  you  are  angry  with  him  for  the  action  he  has 
committed  against  the  person  of  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans,  your  brother, 
for  the  sake  of  yourself  and  your  Kingdom ;  the  truth  of  which  he  is 
ready  to  declare  whenever  you  shall  please.     My  Lord  therefore  entreats 
of  you,  in  the  most  humble  manner  possible,  that  you  would  be  pleased 
to  withdraw  from  him  your  anger,  and  restore  him  to  your  good  graces." 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy  added  from  his  own  lips,  "  Sire,  I  in  treat  this  of 
you." 

;r%  Charles,  hesitating  either  from  lapse  of  memory  in  the  part  which  he 
had  been  tutored  to  perform,  or  having  been  instructed  to  pause  in  order 
to  enhance  his  apparent  majesty,  did  not  immediately  reply  ;  and  the 
*  M.de  Sisraondi,"xii.  437. 


286  TREATY  OF  CHARTRES.  [CH.  XII. 

Duke  of  Berri  requesting  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  withdraw  a  few  paces, 
knelt  with  the  Dauphin  and  the  other  Princes  of  the  Blood,  in  suppli- 
cation, until  they  obtained  a  favourable  answer.  "  We  will  that  it  be  so, 
and  we  grant  it  in  love  to  you."  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  then  sum- 
moned to  return,  and  the  King  said  to  him,  Ct  Fair  cousin,  we  grant  your 
request,  and  pardon  you  fully  for  what  you  have  done." 

The  most  painful  and  the  most  insincere  part  of  this  disgusting 
mockery  still  remained  to  be  completed.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  ap- 
proaching the  children  of  Orleans,  "  who  were  behind  the  King  weep- 
ing much,"  addressed  them  thus  through  the  Lord  of  Lohaing.  "  My 
Lords,  behold  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  intreatsyou  to  withdraw  from 
your  hearts  whatever  hatred  or  revenge  you  may  harbour  within  them  for 
the  act  perpetrated  against  the  person  of  my  Lord  of  Orleans,  your  father, 
and  that  henceforward  you  may  remain  good  friends."  The  Duke  of 
Burgundy  then  added,  "  And  I  beg  this  of  you."  No  answer  being 
made  (the  children  of  Orleans  hesitated  only  from  the  promptings  of 
Nature),  the  King  commanded  them  to  accede  to  the  request  of  his  fair 
cousin  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Upon  which  they  replied,  "  Sire,  since 
you  are  pleased  to  command  us,  we  grant  him  his  request,  and  shall  ex- 
tinguish all  the  hatred  we  bore  him  ;  for  we  should  be  sorry  to  disobey 
you  in  anything  that  may  give  you  pleasure." 

The  orphan  children  and  the  murderer  of  their  father  then  touched  an 
open  Bible  with  their  hands,  and  swore  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  to  pre- 
serve a  firm  mutual  peace  and  friendship.  This  oath  was  pledged  a 
second  time  after  a  short  address  from  the  King,  in  which  he  remitted 
punishment  to  all  but  the  actual  perpetrators  of  the  assassination,  who 
were  sentenced  to  perpetual  banishment.  The  assembly  then  dispersed, 
with  little  guarantee  for  future  harmony.  Some  indeed  "  rejoiced  that 
matters  had  gone  off  so  well;"  but  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  his  brother 
returned  to  Blois  "  not  well  satisfied,"  and  "  others  were  displeased  and 
murmured,  saying  that  henceforward  it  would  be  no  great  offence  to  mur- 
der a  Prince  of  the  Blood,  since  those  who  had  done  so  were  so  easily 
acquitted,  without  making  any  reparation,  or  even  begging  pardon."  The 
licensed  Jester  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  described  the  Treaty  in  appro- 
priate terms  when  he  called  it  "  line  Paix  fourree*." 

Towards  the  close  of  the  following  summer,  the  short-lived  power 

which  the  French  had  attained  thirteen  years  before,  by  the  voluntary 

submission  of  the  Genoese,  and  which  they  had  most  unscru- 

Sept.  6.     pulously  abused  by  a  violation  of  almost  all  the  conditions 

of  the  original  Treaty,  was  terminated  by  an  insurrection  of 

the  oppressed  People.    The  Marechal  Boucicaut,  who  held  the  post  of 

Vicar-Royal,  and  who  awed  the  Republic  by  his  high  military  reputation, 

unadvisedly  took  part  in  some  of  the  dissensions  which  agitated  Milan 

*  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  5. 


A.  D.  1409.]  REVOLT  OF  GKNOA.  237 

after  the  death  of  Giovanni  Galcazzo.  No  greater  monster  than  Gio- 
vanni Marin,  whose  cause  the  French  Government  espoused,  deforms 
the  annals  of  mankind  ;  and  Bouejcaut,  as  he  deserved,  paid  most  dearly 
for  his  interested  and  unnecessary  interference.  In  the  absence  of  the 
force  which  had  held  them  in  control,  the  Genoese  invited  to  their  aid 
the  Marquis  of  Montfcrrat  and  Faeino  Cane,  a  parti/.an  Chief,  who  bad 
been  much  distinguished  in  the  service  of  the  Visconti.  The  Citizens, 
encouraged  by  this  support,  rose  in  arms,  and  massacred  the  French 
residents;  and  when  Boucjcaut  hastened  back  from  Milan  at  the  alarm- 
ing intelligence,  he  found  the  whole  Country  in  rebellion.  Faeino  Cane 
was  so  strongly  posted  on  the  Ligurian  mountains,  that  the  Marechal 
hesitated  to  attack  him  until  he  had  applied  for  reinforcements.  But 
the  King  and  Council,  u  considering  the  fickleness  of  the  Genoese, 
determined  to  proceed  cautiously  against  them;"  and  the  troubles  which 
speedily  ensued  in  France  itself  forbade  any  attempt  for  the  recovery  of 
their  lost  power  in  Italy. 

The  supremacy  which  Burgundy  enjoyed  in  the  Conncil  was  soon  mani- 
fested by  heavy  visitations  upon  some  of  those  who  had  opposed  his 
ambition.  The  fall  of  Jean  de  Montaigu,  the  Minister  of  Finance  and 
Grand  Master  of  the  Royal  Household,  excited  peculiar  attention ;  and 
his  sentence  appears  to  have  been  most  unjust  and  cruel.  Of  mean  birth, 
the  son  of  a  Parisian  Notavy,  Montaigu  had  attained  rapid  elevation  by 
talents  and  qualities  which  seem  to  have  made  him  generally  popular. 
After  having  been  ennobled  by  John,  he  had  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  his 
successor,  in  whose  reign  he  amassed  great  wealth  without  suspicion  of 
malversation  ;  and  he  had  continued  in  office  under  Charles  VI.,  who 
regarded  him  with  especial  favour.  The  friendship  which  the  other 
Princes  of  the  Blood  had  invariably  shown  to  Montaigu,  the  great  influ- 
ence which  he  had  hitherto  maintained,  and  the  vast  treasure  which 
must  accrue  from  the  confiscation  of  his  property,  powerfully  stimulated 
Burgundy  to  the  destruction  of  one  whom  he  had  always  treated  as  an 
enemy.  Montaigu,  when  deputed  to  arrange  the  preliminaries  of  the 
late  Treaty,  had  been  received  by  the  Duke  with  marks  of  personal  dis- 
like and  suspicion,  and  had  been  dismissed  with  reproaches  occasioned 
by  a  belief  that  it  was  chiefly  owing  to  his  advice  that  the 
King  had  been  withdrawn  from  Paris.  After  an  unex-  Oct.  7. 
pected  arrest,  he  was  examined  before  a  packed  Commission, 
the  Members  of  which  had  been  selected  by  Pierre  des  Essarts,  one  of 
Burgundy's  most  notorious  tools,  promoted  to  the  office  of  Criminal 
Provost.  The  question,  to  the  agonies  of  which  the  prisoner  was 
frequently  subjected,  in  order  to  procure  an  avowal  that  in  conjunction 
with  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans  he  had  employed  Sorcery  in  order  to 
occasion  the  King's  disease,  was  at  first  firmly  resisted;  but  Montaigu, 
in  the  end,  perceiving  that  denial  tended  only  to  increase  his  torments 


268  UNJUST  EXECUTION  OF  JEAN  DE  MONTAIGU.  [CH.  XII. 

without  hope  of  acquittal,  permitted  the  Secretaries  to  register  what" 

ever  answers  they  wished  to  extort.     His  head  was  fixed  on 
Oct.  1 7.      a  pike,  and  his  body  ignominiously  exposed  on  the  gibbet  of 

Montfauc^on.  He  renewed  his  declaration  of  innocence  on 
the  scaffold ;  and  we  have  little  hesitation  in  arriving  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  Celestin  of  Marcoussi  when  exhibiting  the  Tomb  of  his  founder, 
Montaigu,  to  Francis  I.  The  King  expressed  regret  that  so  great  a  man 
should  have  been  put  to  death  by  Justice.  "  With  submission,  Sire," 
was  the  Monk's  reply,  "  not  by  Justice,  but  by  a  Commission*." 

The  unravelment  of  political  intrigues  is  always  a  task  of  doubt  and 
difficulty.  They  are  likely  to  be  misrepresented  by  contemporaries,  to 
be  misunderstood  by  writers  of  later  periods.  Without  attempting, 
therefore,  to  explain  the  rapid  and  complicated  changes  which  marked 
the  few  ensuing  years,  or  the  motives  upon  which  the  same  persons  were 
so  often  found,  at  different  seasons,  arranged  in  ranks  opposite  to  those 

in  which  they  had  heretofore  banded,  we  shall  confine  our- 
Nov.  11.     selves  to  a  plain  narrative  of  facts.     The  Queen  was  first 

bribed  or  cajoled  to  abandon  the  Princes,  and  she  secretly 
allied  herself  with  Burgundy ;  but  the  advantage  which  he  thus  gained 

was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  appearance  of  two  new 
a.  d.  1410.  and  most  powerful  enemies.     By  marrying  his   daughter 

Isabelle  to  the  Count  of  Penthievre,  Jean  Sans  Peur 
alienated  the  Duke  of  Bretany.  Penthievre,  one  of  the  richest  Nobles 
of  France,  was  not  unreasonably  dreaded  by  De  Montfort,  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  two  former  bitterest  enemies  of  his  House,  Charles 
of  Blois,  and  Clisson ;  and  no  sooner  were  the  nuptials  arranged,  than 
he  zealously  embraced  the  opposite  interests.  The  Duke  of  Orleans 
himself,  widowed  of  his  first  wife,  Isabelle  the  Dowager  Queen  of 
England,  demanded  and  obtained  the  hand  of  Anne,  daughter  of 
Bernard  Count  d'Armagnac,  a  brave,  active,  and  politic  Baron  of  the 
South.  Anne  was  grand-daughter  to  the  Duke  of  Berri,  and  half-sister 
to  the  Count  of  Savoy  t;  but  the  greatest  accession  of  strength  which  she 
brought  with  her  arose  from  her  father  himself,  who  swayed  Gascony  as 
if  he  were  its  Sovereign,  and  whose  importance  was  so  duely  appreciated 
by  the  Faction  to  which  he  thus  became  allied,  that  it  soon  recognised  him 

*  Pardonnez-moi,  Sire,  e' 'est  fid  par  des  Commissaires.  Henault,  Abrege  Chrotio/.  ii. 
583.  See  also  Villaret,  vii.  44,  who  refers  to  Pasquier,  and  adds  that  Francis,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  remark,  expressed  his  determination  never  to  allow  the  execution  of  a 
capital  sentence  pronounced  by  a  Commission.  Some  reparation  was  made  to  the 
Family  of  Montaigu  after  the  Peace  of  Bourges.  His  head  and  remains  were  taken 
down  from  the  spike  and  gibbet  on  which  they  continued  to  be  exposed  and  received 
honourable  burial ;  his  brother,  who  had  been  exiled,  was  recalled  to  the  Bishopric  of 
Paris,  and  such  of  his  property  as  had  not  been  dispersed  was  restored.  Monstrelet, 
iii.  c.  15. 

f  Bonne,  a  daughter  of  the  Dnke  of  Berri,  and  Countess  d'Armagnac,  had  been 
previously  married  to  Amadeus  VII.  of  Savoy,  by  whom  she  was  mother  of 
Araadeus  VIII. 


A.  D.    1410.]  TREATY    OF    ntCKTRF.. 

as  its  Lender,  and  substituted  his  name  for  that  of  Orleans  as  its  distin- 
guishing title. 

On  the  conclusion  of  this  marriage,  the  I)uk<  s  <>f  Herri,  of  Orleans,  of 
Bourbon,  and  of  Bretany,  the  Counts  of  Alrnr.>n,  of 
Clermont  *,  and  of  Armagnac,  signed  a  compact  at  Gien  April  15. 
in  which  they  gave  reciprocal  pledges  that  they  would 
exert  themselves  to  support  the  King  in  his  full  prerogative,  and 
to  expel  all  those  who  should  seek  to  oppose  their  design.  If  this 
language  could  have  been  misunderstood,  the  assembling  of  1 0,000 
men  plainly  advertised  Burgundy  of  the  approaching  tempest.  lie,  in 
turn,  collected  men  and  stores,  under  pretext  of  besieging  Calais ; 
but,  great  as  was  his  influence  in  Paris,  he  durst  not  risk  his  popularity 
among  the  Bourgeois,  by  insisting  upon  the  payment  of  an  impost  which 
they  were  reluctant  to  afford.  The  rival  partizans  at  this  moment  first 
assumed  badges  which  long  continued  to  mark  the  principles,  and  to 
embitter  the  mutual  hostility  of  the  wearers.  The  Armagnacs  adopted  a 
white  silken  scarf  passing  over  the  right  shoulder,  the  Burgundians  were 
known  by  the  Cross  of  St.Andrew  charged  with  a  fleur  de  lys. 

Notwithstanding  these  menacing  appearances,  and  great  suffering  to 
the  Country  at  large  from  the  marauding  licence  of  the  armed  bands 
gathered  by  each  Faction  f,  Winter  approached  without  the  commence- 
ment of  absolute  War.     The  leaders  on  both  sides  mistrusted  their  own 
strength,  perhaps  doubted  the  fidelity  of  their  supporters  if  put  to   the 
test  of  battle.     On  the  one  hand,  the  Citizens  of  Paris,  trained  to  habits 
of  indolence  and  luxury,  were  averse  from  the  fatigues  of  a  Campaign ;  on 
the  other,  both  the  incapacity  of  the  Duke  of  Berri,  and  the  youth  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  were  ill  calculated  to  inspire  confidence ;  and  neither  of 
them,  at  the  moment  of  which  we  are  now  writing,  was  prepared  to 
yield  precedence  to  the  Count  of  Armagnac.     The  necessity  for  accom- 
modation became  pressing,  and  it  was  arranged  on  a  basis  of 
mutual  concession,  by  which  neither  party  was  to  receive      Nov.  2. 
aggrandisement.      By  a  Treaty  signed    at    the  Palace   of 
Bicetre  J  all  troops  were  to  be  withdrawn ;  each  of  the  Princes  was  to 

*  Son  and  successor  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  who  died  August  19  of  this  vear, 
aged  73. 

f  Monstrelet  has  a  naive  passage  on  these  excesses  of  the  Armagnacs.  •*  The 
King,  moved  with  pity  and  by  the  importunity  of  his  Ministers,  ordered  a  Decree  to 
he  drawn  out  which  condemned  the  whole  Orleans  party  to  death  and  confiscation 
of  goods,"  ii.  c.  21.  It  need  not  be  added  that  this  most  compatsinnate  Decree  could 
not  be  executed,  and  therefore  that  its  proclamation  was  "put  off." 

I  Bicetre  a  corruption  of  Vinchestre,  itself  more  Gallico  a  corruption  of  Win* 
Chester.  The  Topographers  differ  concerning  its  founders.  Felibien  (i.  661)  savsit 
belonged  to  John  Bishop  of  Winchester  in  1-04.  But  the  Prelate  who  filled  the  See 
of  Winton  in  that  year  was  Petrol  de  Rupibus,  a  Poitevin  by  birth,  of  liberal  taste 
and  magnificent  expenditure,  Chief  Justice  of  England  under  John,  and  Protector 
during  the  minority  of  Henry  III.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  to  him  is  owing 
the  foundation  of  this  Palace.  Saural  (ii.  liv.  7)  attributes  its  origin  to  John  Bishop 
of  Winchester  in  1390,  in  which  year  John  de  Pontys  was  Bishop,  but  he  is  reputed 
to  have  been  avaricious.     It  was  afterwards  magnificently  rebuilt  by  the  Duke  of 

V 


290  ST.  POL    ARMS    THE    BUTCHERS.  [cH.  XII. 

return  to  his  own  apanage,  the  Duke  of  Berri  was  to  name  one  Com- 
missioner, the  Duke  of  Burgundy  another,  as  guardians  of  the  Dauphin  ; 
and  the  dreaded  Burgundian,  Pierre  des  Essarts,  was  to  be  dismissed 
from  his  Provostship.  The  People  expected  that  by  this  second  Peace 
they  should  enjoy  greater  tranquillity;  "  but  it  happened,"  says  Mon- 
strelet,  "  just  the  contrary,  as  you  shall  shortly  hear*." 

The  Princes  withdrew  to  their  Governments,  but  the  following  year 

had  scarcely  commenced,  before  fresh  gatherings  of  troops 
a.  d.  1411.    announced   that   enmity  was   by  no  means    extinguished. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  employed  himself  actively  in  nego- 
ciation,  and  for  a  while  he  rendered  the  Duke  of  Berri  neutral.  At 
length,  when  the  Children  of  Orleans  were  sufficiently  strong  for  open 
demonstration,  they  renewed  their  appeal  to  the  Council  for  judgment 
upon  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  as  the  assassin  of  their  father,  and  as  the 

perpetrator  of  innumerable  treasons  t>  and  they  addressed 
July  — .     by  a  Herald  to  the  Duke  himself  a  formal  declaration  of 

War  J.  Burgundy  answered  most  indignantly  §,  and  the 
whole  correspondence  is  marked  by  an  unbecoming  want  of  courtesy,  and 
a  spirit  of  very  rancorous  hatred.  The  Duke  of  Berri,  having  affected  to 
mediate  for  a  short  season,  again  espoused  his  former  party ;  and  the 
Citizens  of  Paris,  who  had  looked  up  to  him  as  the  probable  restorer  of 
Peace,  disappointed  in  their  hope  by  his  versatility,  deposed  him  from 
the  Captaincy  of  their  militia,  and  elected  in  his  stead  the  Count  of  St. 
Pol,  one  of  the  most  zealous  Burgundians. 

Waleran  de  St.  Pol,  more  anxious  for  the  ascendency  of  his  Faction 
than  for  the  purity  of  Knightly  honour,  employed  the  influence  thus  at- 
tained in  forming  an  unworthy  league  with  the  most  brutalized  of  the 
Parisian  rabble.  The  abattoirs  of  the  Metropolis  were  in  the  hands  of 
a  few  rich  families,  among  which  the  names  of  Legoix,  of  Thibert,  of 
St.  Yon,  and  of  the  Flayer  Caboche,  are  the  most  notorious.  This  pow- 
erful monopoly  furnished  a  numerous  band  of  slaughterers  ferocious,  in 
their  habits  and  accustomed  to  blood.  Five  hundred  of  the  most  strong 
and  active  among  these  ruffians  were  armed  and  embodied  by  St.  Pol. 
The  guardianship  of  the  City  was  intrusted  to  their  care,  and  they  com- 
menced their  superintendence  by  demolishing  part  of  a  Mansion  belong- 

Berri.  During  an  insurrection,  as  we  shall  by  and  by  perceive,  it  was  destroyed  by 
the  Populace,  and  the  Duke  then  presented  its  site  to  the  Canons  of  Notre  Dame. 
Upon  this  site  was  erected  by  Louis  XIII.  an  Hospital  for  wounded  soldiers,  which, 
after  the  Invalides  was  founded  for  the  same  purpose,  became  a  general  receptacle 
for  the  destitute  sick  of  Paris. 

*  ii.  c.22. 

f  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  27,  dated  Gergeau,  July  11,  1414.  The  language  is  most  un- 
measured, as  a  single  specimen  will  prove.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  affirmed  that 
he  had  slain  the  King's  brother  fairly  and  meritoriously;  "  in  answer  to  which,  I, 
Charles  of  Orleans,  say  that  he  lies,  and  I  at  present  decline  to  make  a  more  ample 
reply  ;  for  it  is  very  manifest,  as  I  have  before  explained,  that  he  is  a  liar  and  a  false 
disloyal  traitor ;  and  that  through  the  Grace  of  God,  I  am,  and  ever  will  be,  without 
reproach  and  a  teller  of  Truth." 

%  Id.,  ibid.,  c.  28.      Gergeaii;  July  18.       §  Id.,  ibid.,  c.  29.       Douay  Aug.  14. 


A.  D.   1-411.]      TIIF.    DI.'KE    OF   bi-rcuxdy   INV  291 

iog  to  the  Duke  of  Bern,  by  compelling  the  King  rod  the  Dtopbra  to 

take  up  their  abode  iu  the  Louvre,  (wliieli  as  more  ceutrically  situated 
than  the  Hotel  St.  l'ol  was  also  more  easily  watched,)  by  expelling 
the  Provost  of  the  Merchants  and  300  Citizens  of  a  hiuher  grade  than 
their  own,  of  whose  opposition  they  were  apprehensive,  and  by  raising  a 
cry  of  "Armagnac"  (almost  inevitably  followed  by  the  horrors  of 
popular  massacre)  against  every  individual  who  happened  to  incur  their 
displeasure.  A  Surgeon,  Jean  de  Troves,  who  lent  himself  as  mouth- 
piece to  these  Savages,  appears  to  have  been  distinguished  by  fluent 
oratory. 

While  the  Burgundians  were  thus  supreme  within  Paris,  the  Ar- 
magnacs  spread  terror  over  the  districts  which  they  occupied  without  the 
walls.  The  violation  of  women,  the  torture  or  the  murder  of  such  un- 
happy peasants  as  endeavoured  to  protect  or  to  conceal  their  property, 
the  firing  of  whole  villages,  tracked  their  progress  in  Artois  and  Verman- 
dois.  "  Go,"  said  they,  after  inflicting  hateful  mutilations  on  the  victims 
of  their  ferocity,  "  go  and  complain  to  your  idiot  King  ;  go  show  your- 
selves to  that  driveller  and  captive."  The  Council,  alarmed  at  this 
treasonable  language,  proclaimed  the  Orleans  Family  to  be 
rebels,  and  invited  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  undertake  the  Aug.  28. 
protection  of  the  Monarchy  *. 

John  sans  pear  willingly  obeyed  the  summons.     Exclusively  of  his 
own  immediate  retainers,  nearly  50,000  Flemings,  among  whom  are  not 
to  be  reckoned  <c  the  varlets  and  such  like  which  were  numberless," 
mustered  under  his  banner ;  and  no  more  richly  equipped  Army  ever 
took  the  Field   than   that  which  assembled  by  his  orders  at  Douay. 
\\  henever  they  encamped,  their  tents,  glittering  in  almost  interminable 
lines  which  looked  like  large  towns,  were  encompassed  by  a  triple  range 
of  12,000  cars  and  waggons,  not  only  conveying  the  necessary  munitions 
of  War,  but  destined  to  be  laden  with  the  anticipated  spoils  of  France. 
Ham  on  the  Somme  was  the  first  town  from  which  they 
encountered  resistance.    But  when  the  little  garrison  of  500    Sept.  — . 
Armagnacs,  having  defended  themselves  for  a  single  day, 
withdrew  by  night,  the  poor  people  and  peasants,  who  had  fled  within 
the  walls  for  safety,  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  besiegers,  the  houses  were 
fired,  and  the  inhabitants  were  massacred  f. 

Equal  cruelty  was  displayed  in  almost  every  part  of  the  advance,  till 
the  Army  halted  at  Montdidier,  in  the  immediate  presence  of  the  main 
force  of  the  Armagnacs,  who  had  moved  up  to  give  battle.  But  the 
Flemings  by  that  time  had  attained  the  chief  object  which,  in  spite  of 
constitutional  sluggishness,  had  allured  them  from  the  repose  of  their 
hearths ;  and  although  ever  ready,  as  they  had  often  show  n,  to  sacrifice 
even  life,  in  defence  of  their  native  soil,  they  were  reluctant  to  peril 
themselves  farther  in  a  quarrel  which  they  considered  foreign  from  their 

*  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  33.  f  Id.,  ibid.,  ii.  c.  34. 

0  2 


292       INSUBORDINATION    AND    RETREAT    OF    THE    FLEMINGS.        [ClI.  XII. 

own  immediate  interests.  When  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  therefore  made 
his  preparations  for  combat,  he  was  astonished  and  disconcerted  by  an 
announcement  from  the  Flemish  Chiefs  that  the  term  of  their  Feudal 
service  had  expired,  and  that  they  were  on  the  eve  of  return.  It  was  in 
vain  that  with  head  uncovered,  and  hands  uplifted,  he  earnestly  and 
humbly  besought  them  to  grant  him  an  extension  of  service,  if  it  were 
only  during  four  days  longer;  that  he  called  them  his  trusty  friends 
and  well-beloved  companions ;  proffered  uncounted  gifts ;  and  assured 
them  of  perpetual  future  immunity  from  taxes.  They  were  deaf  to  both 
promises  and  solicitations,  which  they  answered  rudely ;  they  pleaded  the 
approach  of  Winter ;  and  they  even  menaced  that  they  would  send  him  his 
only  son,  the  Count  of  Charolois,  at  that  time  within  their  power  at 
Ghent,  cut  into  ten  thousand  pieces,  if  he  should  refuse  to  abide  by  the 
agreement  into  which  he  had  entered.  The  conditions  of  that  agreement 
bound  him  to  accompany  them  with  an  escort  of  his  own  men-at-arms  to 
the  gates  of  Pennine.  The  trumpets  sounded  at  midnight,  and  the 
Flemings  having  set  fire  to  such  of  their  tents  and  baggage  as  they  were 
unable  to  transport,  commenced  their  retreat.  The  flames  spread  to  the 
quarters  of  the  Duke,  who,  although  sorely  troubled  at  heart,  found  it 
was  his  policy  to  submit  to  events  which  he  had  not  foreseen,  and  which 
it  was  no  longer  in  his  power  to  prevent.  The  haughty  Prince  accord- 
ingly headed  the  troops  which  were  abandoning  his  standard,  and,  on 
arrival  at  Peronne,  thanked  them  personally  in  the  most  humble  manner 
for  the  benefit  which  he  had  derived  from  their  services. 

The  probability  of  forcing  the  Capital,  and  of  obtaining  the  custody  of 
the  King,  seemed  to  promise  greater  advantage  to  the  Armagnacs  than 
could  be  derived  from  a  pursuit  of  the  Flemings;  and  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  accordingly,  having  marched  to  the  Seine,  moved  along  its  right 
bank,  and  spread  his  troops  among  the  environs  of  Paris.  The  atrocities 
increased  on  either  side  as  the  enemies  approached  nearer  to  each  other, 
and  Legoix,  at  the  head  of  his  Butchers,  among  other  outrages  fired  the 
Palace  of  Bicetre,  as  a  mark  of  hatred  to  the  Duke  of  Berri.  Not  more 
than  6000  men  remained  under  the  immediate  command  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  ;  and  hopeless  of  cutting  his  way  to  Paris,  with  numbers  so 
disproportionate  to  those  which  he  must  confront,  he  halted  at  Pontoise*, 
and  there  opened  a  Treaty  with  the  King  of  England.  The  price  which 
he  offered  for  alliance  was  one  of  his  daughters,  with  a  rich  portion,  to  be 
espoused  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Henry  IV.,  without  formally  accept- 
ing the  proposal,  was  well  inclined  to  foment  Civil  War  in  France,  and 
he  dispatched  an  auxiliary  force  of  1200  lances,  and  a  band  of  cross- 

*  While  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  remained  at  Pontoise,  "  a  man  of  strong  make, 
with  a  knife  concealed  in  his  sleeve,  entered  his  apartment  with  the  intention  of 
assassinating  him.  The  Duke,  being  unacquainted  with  his  person  and  alwavs  sus- 
picious of  such  attempts,  placed  a  bench  before  him,  till  on  the  entrance  of  some 
attendants  the  Bravo  was  seized,  and,  after  a  confession  of  his  intended  crime,  was 
beheaded.    Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  35. 


A.l).   1411.]         THE    DUKE    OF    BURGUNDY    OCCUPIES    PARIS.  293 

bowmen,  under  the  Earls  of  Arundel  and  of  Kyme  *,  LordCobham  and 
Sir  John  Oldcastle. 

These  and  other  reinforcements  increased  the  force  under  Burgundy 
to  15,000  horse,  with  which  lie  crossed  the  Seine  at  Melun, 
marched  rapidly  upon  Paris,  and  entered  the  City  unopposed.  Oct.  23. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Armagnacs  taken  by  surprise 
were  unable  to  concentrate  themselves  in  time  to  resist  this  bold  move- 
ment; or  whether  they  voluntarily  permitted  the  large  number  of  addi- 
tional mouths  to  occupy  the  besieged  City,  in  the  hope  that  its  supplies 
might  be  the  more  speedily  exhausted  f.  In  the  latter  case  they  must  soon 
have  discovered  that  their  policy  was  mistaken ;  for  they  were  worsted 
in  numerous  skirmishes,  in  which  the  Bowmen  of  England  were  much 
distinguished  ;  and  the  Lord  de  Clifford,  a  young  Knight  of  that  Coun- 
try, who  had  just  joined  the  Duke  of  Orleans  with  100  men-at-arms  and 
200  archers  from  the  Bourdelois,  on  hearing  that  the  Earl  of  Arundel  had 
been  sent  by  his  King  to  serve  in  the  opposite  ranks,  asked  and  obtained 
permission  to  retire  J.  The  unnatural  collision  of  Frenchmen  with 
Frenchmen  was  not  so  easily  prevented,  and  well  may  Monstrelet  call  it 
an  "  abominable  warfare  "  in  which  "  brothers  engaged  against  brothers, 
and  sons  against  fathers  §." 

A  surprise  at  St.  Cloud  cost   the  Armagnacs   900  killed  and  500 
prisoners,  while  of  the  assailants  not  more  than  twenty  men 
remained  on  the   field.     The  Duke  of  Orleans  viewed  this     Nov.  9. 
combat  from  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Seine,  which  he  was 
unable  to  cross,  and  idly  attempted  to  assist  his  routed  confederates  by 
distant  volleys  of  cross-bolts  and  arrows  ] .     Dispirited  by  this  loss,  he 
hastily  determined  to  break  up  the  siege,  and  to  employ  the  winter  in 
collecting  a  force  which  might  render  him  more  able  to  cope  with  the 
power  he  had  estimated  so  falsely.     A  night-march   carried   him    to 
Etampes,  and  he  then  dispersed  his  troops  in  winter-quarters  among  the 
fortresses  of  Orleanois. 

Desultory  operations  in  almost  every  case  favourable  to  the  Burgun- 

*  Gilbert  Umfreville,  Earl  of  Kyme  and  Angus. 

f  "  When  an  engagement  was  urged  by  the  young  and  hasty,  the  veteran  leaders 
objected,  saying  that  if  Burgundy  were  allowed  to  enter  the  Capital  they  would  have 
but  one  enemy  instead  of  two.  Paris,  they  added,  was  impregnable;  and  as  the 
Duke  of  Berri  was  known  to  be  approaching,  he  would  cut  off  the  supplies  and  gain 
success  which  was  not  attainable  by  any  other  means.  It  was  afterwards  strongly 
suspected  that  there  was  treachery  lurking  under  this  seemingly  good  advice."  lie/, 
de  Si.  Denys,  liv.  xxxi.  c.  10,  p.  787.     See  also  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  30. 

\  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  36. 

§  Id.,  ibid.,  and  see  a  striking  illustrative  anecdote,  id.  iii.  c.  5.  A  son  of  the 
Lord  de  Croisy  who  had  engaged  with  the  Armagnacs  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Constable,  and  the  father,  a  zealous  Burgundian,  was  so  exasperated  that  he  would 
have  killed  him  had  he  not  been  watched. 

||  The  success  at  "  Seynelo  "  is  attributed  by  Walsingham  (380)  to  the  valour  of 
the  English.  Many  Frenchmen  perished  by  falling  between  the  main  beams  of 
I  bridge  which  had  been  stripped  of  its  planking.  The  English  gave  a  very  national 
reason  for  quitting  Paris,  the  high  price  of  Butcher's  meat. 


294  NEGOCTATIONS    WITH    ENGLAND.  [dl.  XII. 

dians  continued  through  the  Winter;  and  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  was 
rewarded,  for  some  advantages  which  he  gained  in  the  Valois  and  in 
Coucy,  by  formal  investiture  with  the  dignity  of  Constable,  which  high 
office  D'Albret  was  declared  to  have  forfeited  *.  Great  severity  was 
exercised  against  the  prisoners  taken  at  St.  Cloud ;  some  were  delivered 
to  the  executioner  f,  and  many  more  who  perished  miserably  in  the 
Chatelet  through  cold,  famine  and  neglect,  were  thrown  unburied  into 
the  City-ditch  as  food  for  dogs  and  birds  of  prey. 

The  Princes  meantime  opened  a  negociation  with  England ;  for  it 
was  plain  that  Henry  IV.  did  not  entertain  any  personal 
a.  d.  1412.  interest  in  the  quarrel,  but  would  vary  his  alliance  according 
May  — .  to  circumstances,  and  would  sell  himself  to  the  best  bidder. 
Their  Envoys,  however,  were  captured  during  their  route, 
and  much  display  of  their  intercepted  Instructions  was  made  by  the 
Council.  The  four  chief  Leaders  had  placed  cartes  blanches  at  the  dis- 
posal of  their  agents  ;  and  the  seals  and  signatures  of  Berri,  of  Bourbon, 
of  Orleans  and  of  Alenc,on  avouched  that  they  were  ready  to  accept  any 
terms  which  the  King  of  England  might  think  fit  to  propose  J.  A  pro- 
ject of  their  intended  Government  also  was  given  to  the  Public  at  the 
same  time,  in  which,  among  other  clauses  likely  to  create  unpopularity, 
were  to  be  found  provisions  for  a  general  land-tax,  for  gabelles  upon 
salt  and  grain,  and  for  the  removal  from  Paris  of  its  University  §.  So 
odious  did  the  very  suspicion  of  attachment  to  the  Orleans  Party 
become  after  these  announcements,  that  Duke  Louis  of  Bavaria,  brother 
to  the  Queen,  was  compelled  to  quit  the  Capital  hastily,  on  account  of  a 
mere  rumour  that  he  had  spoken  favourably  to  the  King  of  the  Duke  of 
Berri.  Some  property  which  he  attempted  to  convey  to  his  Castle  of 
Marcoussy  was  seized  by  the  Burgundians,  and  a  young  German  Noble- 
man of  high  rank  assisting  in  its  escort  was  barbarously  murdered.  The 
only  redress  which  the  Duke  obtained,  after  many  weeks  delay  and 
bitter  complaints  to  the  Council,  was  a  restitution  of  some  of  his  plun- 
dered valuables  ||. 

Henry  IV.,  after  enjoining  neutrality  to  all  his  subjects  on  pain  of 
death  and  confiscation,  at  length  consented  to  assist  the  Armagnacs  with 
8000  men  under  the  command  of  his  second  son  the  Duke  of  Clarence. 
The  Princes  in  return  pledged  their  services  for  the  recovery  of  Aqui- 
taine,  and  promised  the  Prince  of  Wales  the  hand  of  that  one  among 
their  daughters  or  nieces  whom  he  might  honour  by  his  selection.   This 

*  Monstrelet,  ii.  c.  38. 

f  Among  this  number  was  Sir  Mausalt  de  Bos,  a  Knight  of  Picardy,  who,  having 
been  taken  prisoner  by  an  English  soldier,  was  sold  by  him  to  the  King's  officers. 
He  had  been  a  liege- man  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  was  so  indignant  at  his 
breach  of  Feudal  obedience,  that  *  in  spite  of  the  solicitation  of  friends,  and  he 
had  many,  with  the  Duke,"  he  was  beheaded  and  gibbeted  at  Montfau§on.  Mon- 
strelet, ii.  c.  40.  Sir  Pierre  de  Famechon  also,  a  member  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon's 
household,  was  similarly  executed,  very  much  to  the  displeasure  of  that  Prince. 
|  Monstrelet,  iii.  c.  3.  §  Id.,  ibid ,  c.  4.  ||  Id.,  ibid. 


A.  D.  1412.]  TREATY  OF  BOURGES.  295 

foreign  aid  gave  so  formidable  in  appearance  to  the  insurrection,  that  the 
Dei]  determined  upon  ;tn  expedition,  in  which  the  King  should  com- 
mand in  person,  against  the  head-qnarters  of  the  Rebellious  Faction. 
Bourgee,  the  City  in  which  they  were  assembled,  was  strong  and  well 
fortified;  and  when  the  Duke  of  Berri  received  a  summons  in  the 
King's  name,  he  boldly  answered  that  he  was  ready  to  open  his  gates  to 
the  King  and  to  the  Dauphin,  but  that  he  saw  in  the  Royal  Army  per- 
sons who  ought  not  to  be  admitted  into  its  ranks,  and  against  whom 
he  would  maintain  his  City  in  the  King's  behalf. 

During  six  weeks  the  ordinary  fluctuations  occurred  which  mark  the 
course  of  almost  every  well-conducted  siege.  At  the  end  of  that  period  an 
epidemic  had  wasted  the  Burgundian  force,  sweeping  away  2000  Knights 
and  Squires,  exclusively  of  uncounted  multitudes  of  lower  degree.  Change 
of  quarters  among  the  enemy  heightened  the  spirits  of  the  besieged,  who 
imagined  that  the  movement  arose  from  intelligence  of  the  near  approach 
of  the  promised  English  succours.  The  mortality,  however,  still  continued 
its  ravages  in  the  camp,  notwithstanding  its  station  had  been  shifted.  The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  obstinately  persisted  in  urging  hostilities,  but  the 
Dauphin  who  witnessed  with  regret  the  sufferings  of  so  noble  a  City,  the 
Capital  of  Auvergne  and  <Berri,  and  one  of  the  chief  ornaments  of  Pro- 
vinces to  which  he  was  heir,  so  strongly  expressed  his  determination  to  treat, 
that  Burgundy,  doubtful  of  retaining  a  majority  in  the  Council,  yielded 
an  unwilling  assent.  The  hostile  leaders  met  for  discussion  on  a  platform 
in  which  barriers  separated  them  from  each  other ;  and  although  they 
parted  in  good  humour,  the  Duke  of  Berri  somewhat  pointedly  remarked 
to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  "  Fair  nephew  and  fair  godson,  when  your 
father,  my  dear  brother,  was  living,  there  was  no  need  of  any  barrier  be- 
tween us,  for  we  were  always  on  the  most  affectionate  terms."  "  My 
Lord,"  was  the  false  and  unblushing  reply,  "  it  has  not  been  my 
fault*." 

In  a  few  more  Conferences  the  terms  were   adjusted.      The  King 
was  afflicted  with  his   usual  disorder ;   but   the  Duke  of 
Berri,  repairing  to  the  tents  of  the  Dauphin,  ratified  the     July  15. 
Treaty,    after  which,  "  each  kissed   the   other,   but  when 
the  Duke  of  Berri  kissed  his  nephew,  the  tears  ran  down  his  cheeks  f." 
The  terms  varied   little  from   those  which  had  before  been  signed  at 
Chartres.  Pardon  was  extended  to  all  who  had  appeared  in  arms  against 
the  King ;  foreign  alliances  were  renounced,  conquests  were  restored  on 
both  sides ;  and  an  express  clause  prohibited  the  use  of  opprobrious  lan- 
guage, and  of  the  hateful  distinction  between  Burgundian  and  Armagnac. 
The  Count  of  Vertus,  a  younger  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  was  be- 
trothed to  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  during  some  festivities 
which  ensued  at  Auxerrre  and  Melun,  even  those  two  Dukes  "  rode  out 
together  both  on  the  same  horse,  showing  such  mutual  affection  as  is 
*  Monstrelet,  iii.  c.  10.  f  Id.,  ibid. 


296  DEATH    OF    HENRY  IV.  OF    ENGLAND.  [CH.  XIII- 

becoming  brothers  and  near  relations."  No  one  who  reads  the  narrative 
of  this  hypocritical  exhibition  can  be  surprised  to  hear  that  "  neverthe- 
less some  wicked  tongues  were  not  sparing  of  them  behind  their  backs, 
but  loudly  spoke  their  minds  *." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
From  a.d.  1413,  to  a.  d.  1422. 


Death  of  Henry  IV.  of  England — Outrages  of  the  Cabochiens — Treaty  of  Pontoise 
— The  Duke  of  Burgundy  retires  from  Paris — Tyranny  of  Armagnac — Treaty  of 
Arras — Power  seized  by  the  Dauphin — Capture  of  Harfleur  by  Henry  V. — His 
march  to  Calais — Battle  of  Azincourt — Death  of  the  Dauphin  Louis,  and  of  the 
Duke  of  Berri — Defeat  of  Armagnac — Death  of  the  Dauphin  John — Armagnac 
imprisons  the  Queen  at  Tours,  and  re-establishes  his  despotism — The  Duke  of 
Burgundy  assists  the  Queen's  escape — Paris  betrayed  to  LTsle  Adam — Massacre 
at  the  Prisons — Murder  of  Armagnac — Burgundy  and  the  Queen  in  Paris — Re- 
newal of  the  massacre — Capture  of  Rouen  by  Henry  V. — Conference  between 
the  Dauphin  and  Burgundy  at  Pouilly — Assassination  of  Burgundy  at  Monte- 
reau — Treacherous  seizure  of  the  Duke  of  Bretany — Peace  of  Troyes—  Marriage 
of  Catherine  of  France  to  Henry  V. — Courts  of  the  two  Kings — Process  against 
the  Dauphin — Siege  of  Meaux — Death  of  Henry  V. — Of  Charles  VI. — Sketch  of 
the  Great  Schism. 

After  the  ratification  of  this  third  Peace,  it  remained  for  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  to  dismiss  his  English  auxiliaries  who  had  already  disembarked. 
The  great  expenditure  which  his  other  preparations  had  demanded  ren- 
dered it  difficult  however  to  provide  funds  for  this  purpose  also ;  and  the 
Duke  of  Clarence  found  payment  by  spreading  his  troops  in  free  quarters 
over  Normandy,  Picardy,  and  Maine.  The  English  army  marched  un- 
opposed from  Calais  to  Bourdeaux,  for  the  Government  possessed  neither 
money  nor  soldiers  with  which  it  could  purchase  or  offer  resistance  ;  and 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  at  length  compelled  to  deliver  his  brother,  the 

Duke  of  Angouleme,  as  a  hostage  for  his  debt  of  320,000 
a.d.  1413.  crowns  of  gold.  The  death  of  Henry  IV.  occurred  in  the 
March  20.    Winter  following  the  Peace  of  Bourges ;  but  the  necessary 

domestic  cares  which  occupied  his  son  immediately  after 
accession  postponed  for  a  short  season  the  humiliation  which  France 
was  soon  to  undergo. 

An  assembly  of  the  States-General  proved  wholly  ineffectual.    During 

nearly  a  fortnight  the  Deputies  were  occupied  in  listening 
Jan.  30.  to  scholastic  discourses,  in  which  the  several  orators,  or 
Feb.  9.      rather  preachers,  enforced  the  necessity  of  Peace,  and  of 

alleviating  the  public  burdens,  by  texts  of  Scripture ;  but 

*  Monstrelet,  iii.  c.  11. 


A.  H.   1413.]  INSrKRECTION    OF    THE    BUTCHERS,  207 

omitted  to  offer  any  distinct  practical  scheme  by  which  these  desirable 
fruits  might  be  produced.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  not  present  at 
these  meetings;  for,  notwithstanding  the  recent  display  of  friendship 
at  Auxerre,  charges  of  mutual  treachery  were  exchanged  with  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  and  it  was  rumoured  that  each  meditated  the  assassination 
of  the  other*. 

The  University  of  Paris  next  presented  to  the  throne  a  Memorial  of 
Grievances,  the  chief  burden  of  which  was  financial  malver- 
sation.    In  this  complaint  of  "  the  daughter  of  the  King,"      Feb.  13. 
as  the  University  styled  itself,  Pierre  des  Essarts  was  vehe- 
mently denounced  as  a  fraudulent  Pluralist ;  and  conscious  of  having 
betrayed  his  former  Patron,  whose  suspicions  had  become  awakened, 
and  upon  whose  protection  therefore  he  durst  not  any  longer  rely,  he 
secretly  withdrew  from  the  Capital  to  his  Government  of  Cherbourg.    In 
what  manner  this  wretched,  venal  tool  of  Faction  had  intrigued  with  the 
Armagnacs  is  not  clearly  known ;  but  when  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  was 
preparing  to  arrest  him  at  Cherbourg,  he  learned  with  inconceivable 
astonishment  that  the  traitor  had  re-entered  Paris,  and,  by  means  of  an 
Order  bearing  the  Dauphin's  signature,  had  possessed  himself  of  the 
Bastile. 

No  other  evidence  of  the  hostility  of  the  Court  beyond  that  which  the 
Dauphin's  conduct  thus  afforded  was  needed  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
and  he  recklessly  let  loose  a  whirlwind  which,  when  it  had  once  escaped 
confinement,  even  himself  was  unable  to  direct.  The  elements  of  mis- 
chief had  long  been  prepared  to  his  hand  by  the  militia  of  Butchers 
which  St.  Pol  had  embodied.  They  were  aroused  at  a  word, 
and,  under  the  guidance  of  two  Gentlemen  of  the  Burgun-  April  29. 
dian  household  f,  20,000  armed  men  assembled  round  the 
Bastile,  and  with  furious  outcries  demanded  that  Des  Essarts  should  be 
given  up.  The  Duke  rode  among  them  as  if  to  appease  the  tumult; 
but  he  well  knew  that  the  fortress  was  strong  and  numerously  guarded, 
and  that  the  insurgents  ran  great  hazard  of  repulse  if  they  should  ren- 
ture  upon  assault.  While  therefore  he  secretly  directed  part  of  the 
rabble  to  file  off  to  the  Hotel  of  the  Dauphin,  he  so  far  worked  upon  the 
fears  of  Des  Essarts,  with  whom  he  obtained  an  interview,  as  to  induce 
his  voluntary  surrender.  Marking  him  on  the  back  with  a  St.  Andrew's 
Cross,  and  assuring  the  populace  that  he  was  a  "  good  Burgundian," 
the  Duke  carried  his  prisoner  to  the  Chatelet,  where  he  left  him  with  a 
pledge  that  he  would  watch  over  his  personal  safety.  Having  thus  far 
triumphed,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  proceeded   next  to  the  Hotel  St. 

*  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  245,  recounts  a  proposition  made  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
to  Pierre  des  Essarts,  for  the  massacre  of  the  Arma^nac  Leaders  while  at  Auxerre. 
M.  de  Sismondi,  who  refers  to  Juvenal  des  Ursins  for  this  charge,  and  to  Berri,  fioi 
d'Armes,  425,  for  the  counter-accusation,  esteems  both  to  he  probable,  xii.  401. 

f  Ilelyon  de  Jacqueville,  of  whom  more  hereafter,  was  one  of  these. 


298  OUTRAGES    OF    THE    CABOCHIENS.  [CH.  XIII. 

Pol,  and  placing  the  terrified  Dauphin  at  a  window  of  the  Palace,  he 
compelled  him  to  listen  with  humble  demeanour  to  an  inflammatory 
harangue  from  the  mob  orator,  Jean  de  Troyes.  The  vices  of  the  de- 
graded Prince  furnished  the  speaker's  theme  ;  and  after  detailing  these 
perhaps  without  exaggeration,  but  certainly  in  strong  colours,  he  de- 
manded the  surrender  of  the  chief  flatterers  by  whom  he  said  that  the 
youth  of  Louis  had  been  misled.  "  Most  redoubted  Lord,"  was  the 
respectful  conclusion  of  this  imperious  speech,  li  on  behalf  of  your  good 
town  of  Paris,  and  for  the  welfare  of  your  father  and  of  yourself,  we 
require  that  you  cause  to  be  delivered  up  to  us  certain  traitors  who  are 
now  in  your  Hotel." 

The  list  of  those  whom  Louis  was  thus  required  to  abandon  com- 
menced with  the  name  of  the  Duke  de  Bar,  a  cousin  of  the  King,  and 
it  embraced  all  who  shared  most  intimately  in  his  confidence.  But  to 
disobey  was  impossible  ;  and,  after  a  bitter  reproach  and  menace  to  his 
father-in-law,  by  whom  he  declared  the  insurrection  to  be  organized, 
the  Dauphin  witnessed  the  seizure  and  removal  of  the  leading  personages 
who  formed  his  household.  They  were  conveyed  on  horseback  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy's  residence,  and  the  rabble  afterwards  dispersed,  but 
not  until  some  blood  had  been  shed  to  slake  their  fevered  appetite. 

During  three  months,  the  Capital  remained  under  the  domination  of 

the  Mob.     Not  a  day  passed  in  which  the  Dauphin  was  not  insulted  by 

some  formal  lecture  upon  his  irregularities,  delivered  occasionally  in  set 

terms  by  some  Professor  of  the  Sorbonne,  who  took  care  to  warn  him 

that  the  lineal  succession  might  be  set  aside*.     The  party  badge  of  the 

Cabochiens  (the  name  assumed  from  one  of  the  Butcher  Chiefs)  was  a 

white  hood,  the  symbol  which  thirty  years  before  had  been  employed  by 

the  Citizens  of  Ghent  during  one  of  their  insurrections :  the  Royal  Dukes, 

in  common  with  the  lowest  populace,  wore  these  emblems  of  faction,  and 

one  was  forced  even  upon  the  King  himself  when  he  at- 

May  18.      tended  at  St.  Denis  to  return  thanks  for  a  restoration  to 

temporary  sanity  f. 

So  vigilantly  was  the  Dauphin  watched,  that  although  the  Count  of 

Vertus  and  some  other  Noblemen  succeeded  in  withdrawing,  escape  on 

his  part  was  rendered  impossible.     Not  many  days  after  the  King's 

recovery,    the  Palace  was    again  beset,    and  afresh   proscription  was 

demanded,  chiefly  selected  from  the  Household  of  the    Queen.     Her 

brother,  Duke  Louis  of  Bavaria,   who  had  proposed  to  celebrate  his 

nuptials  on  the  following  morning  J,  was  conveyed  with  other  prisoners 

of  distinguished  rank,   several  of  whom  were  Ladies,    to  confinement 

*  Eustache  de  laPaville,  who  had  composed  the  Memorial  of  Grievances,  preached 
a  sermon  of  this  nature.     Rel.  de  St.  Denis,  liv.  xxxiii.  c.  3.  p.  G85. 
•}•  Monstrelet,  iii.  c.  19. 

X  With  the  sister  of  the  Count  of  Alenqon,  widow  of  Pedro  of  Navarre,  Count 
of  Mortain. 


A.  D.   1413.]  JACQUEVILLE    INSULTS    THE    DAUPHIN.  209 

in  the  Louvre;  and  the  helplessness  of  cowardice,  the  vehemence  of 
female  passion,  and  the  indifference  of  fatuity,  are  strikingly  charac- 
terized by  the  various  manner  in  which  this  outrage  was  endured  by 
the  three  most  illustrious  personages  in  the  Realm.  The  Dauphin, 
we  are  told,  wept  bitterly ;  the  Queen  was  very  angry ;  and  the  King 
— went  to  his  dinner*. 

Executions  closely  followed  these  arrests,  for  the  Cabochiens  had  ex- 
torted the  appointment  of  a  High  Court  of  Justice,  in  which  twelve 
Commissioners  were  named  for  the  especial  trial  of  the  denounced. 
Among  the  earliest  victims  who  perished  on  the  scaffold  was  Pierre  des 
Essarts,  who  no  doubt  richly  merited  punishment,  although  perhaps  the 
sentence  by  which  he  was  condemned  was  unjust.  In  his  former  office 
of  Provost  he  had  rendered  himself  unpopular  by  severity.  The  Question 
wrung  from  him  avowals  which  satisfied  the  formality  of  Law ;  and, 
unpitied  by  the  spectators,  and  unprotected  by  the  powerful  Masters 
whom,  without  regard  to  consistency,  he  had  at  various  times  served,  he 
was  dragged  on  a  hurdle  to  the  same  gibbet  on  which  three 
years  before  he  had  assisted  in  exposing  the  remains  of  July  1. 
Montaigu,  his  predecessor  in  the  Ministry  of  Finance. 

The  love  of  pleasure  which  the  Dauphin  had  ever  extravagantly  mani- 
festecLwas  not  subdued  by  the  anarchy,  danger,  and  distress  by  which 
he  was  surrounded.  Although  himself  a  captive,  and  although  the  blood 
of  many  with  whom  he  lived  familiarly  had  been  drained  in  his  presence, 
his  Palace  was  still  the  scene  of  revelry.  On  one  occasion,  a  rude  and 
unseasonable  interruption  of  his  privacy  occasioned  a  disgraceful  broil 
which  nearly  ended  in  murder.  Helyon  de  Jacqueville,  one  of  the  two 
Gentlemen  of  Burgundy's  Household  who  had  directed  the  attack  on 
the  Bastile,  in  reward  for  that  and  similar  services,  had  been  appointed 
Governor  of  Paris.  The  sound  of  music  in  the  Hotel  St.  Pol  at  a  late 
hour  of  the  night  was  regarded  by  him  as  an  abomination ;  and,  bursting 
with  an  armed  Police  into  the  Dauphin's  apartment,  he  taxed  him  with 
habits  of  immeasurable  licentiousness,  and  endeavoured  to  arrest  La 
Tremouille,  one  of  his  favourite  companions.  Daggers  were  unsheathed 
in  the  affray,  and  the  lives  both  of  the  Governor  and  of  his  prisoner 
appear  to  have  been  endangered  f. 

*  Monstrelet,  iii.  c.  19. 

f  The  representations,  both  of  Juvenal  des  Ursins,  250,  and  of  the  Monk  of  St. 
Denis,  liv.  xxxiii.  c.  10,  p.  J>7.0,  are  unfavourable  to  Jacqueville  in  this  transaction. 
He  seems  indeed  to  have  been  animated  by  a  vulgar,  meddling,  and  puritanical 
spirit.  The  Dauphin  was  but  twenty  years  of  age  ;  the  hour  was  not  very  late,  be- 
tween eleven  and  twelve  ;  the  offence  was  dancing.  Juvenal  lies  Ursins  terms  it 
Hardiesse  d'un  nommc  Jacqueville,  who  ami  his  subalterns  \<ere  orgueilteux  et  hau- 
tains.  On  reaching  the  Dauphin's  apartment,  U  dit  plusicurs  /.<iro/rs  tmp  /teres 
et  orgueilleuses  contrc  tin  Seigneur.  The  Monk,  in  like  manner,  describes  it  as 
injure  fai/e  au  Due  de  Guif/ttic  par  Helyon  de  Jacqueville,  who  montanl  hurdiment 
chez  ce  Prince  cumme  il  avoit  souvtnt  accoustutmt  (it  was  not  therefore  a  smg/e  insult) 
iV  se  soucia  si  peu  de  ce  qiiil  devoit  a  sa  naissance  Royale,  que  le  Irouvant  au  bat  et 
dansant,  il  ri eut  point  lit  honte  de  Pen  rcprendre  publiquemcnt. 

Helyon  de  Jacqueville  was  afterwards  dragged  out  of  the  Church  of  our  Lady  at 


300  TREATY    OF    PONTOISE.  [cil.  XIII. 

The  Princes  of  the  Blood  remote  from  the  Capital  viewed  the  outrages 
perpetrated  within  its  walls  with  natural  alarm;  and  the  Dauphin  found 
means  of  communicating  to  them  the  grievous  thraldom  in  which  he  was 
detained.     Midsummer,  however,  had  passed  before  they  felt  sufficiently 

strong  to  make  any  attempt  even  by  negociation.    The  Con- 
July  22.      ferences  which  then  opened  at  Pontoise,  to  which  town  they 

had  advanced  with  a  strong  force,  were  impeded  for  awhile 
by  the  arts  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  was  far  too  well  practised  in 
sedition  not  to  know  that  the  violence  of  his  partizans  must  be  followed 
by  a  fearful  re-action  whenever  they  ceased  to  enjoy  supremacy.  But 
the  higher  class  of  Bourgeois,  weary  of  the  capricious  despotism  of  the 
rabble,  had  resolved  upon  emancipation.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was 

irresolute  at  an  important  crisis ;  the  good  Citizens,  as  they 
Aug.  3.     were  emphatically  called,  flew  to  arms,  and  throwing  open 

the  prison-doors,  obtained  the  Dukes  of  Bar  and  of  Bavaria 
as  their  leaders.  The  Dauphin  also  was  not  wanting;  and  even  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  himself  was  compelled  to  assist  in  the  destruction  of 
his  own  work,  and  to  march  with  the  Civic  Militia.  This  Revolution 
was  effected  in  a  single  day;  and  Caboche  and  his  chief  adherents,  un- 
able to  procure  support,  and  destitute  of  every  hope  of  creating  insur- 
rection in  their  behalf,  ^considered  themselves  fortunate  in  being  allowed 
to  withdraw  from  Paris  without  the  pursuit  of  Justice.  A  fourth  Peace, 
the  Treaty  of  Pontoise,  differing  but  little  from  that  of  Auxerre,  was 
ratified  and  proclaimed  on  the  12th  of  August*. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  soon  discovered  that  his  continued  abode  in 
Paris  would  be  attended  with  danger,  and  using  an  opportunity  afforded 
by  a  hunting-party  in  the  Wood  of  Vincennes,  he  hastened  upon  the 
route  to  Flanders,  crossing  the  Forest  of  Bondi  with  much  fear  till  he 

was  joined  by  a  company  of  men-at-arms  at  St.  Maixence. 
Aug.  31.     After  this  flight,  the  Armagnacs  became  altogether  triumph- 
ant ;  but  the  Princes  had  scarcely  established  themselves 
in  Paris,  before  the  irregularities  of  the  Dauphin  attracted  their  notice ; 
and  the  fickle  youth,  impatient  of  remonstrance,  and  deeply  irritated  by 

the  arrest  of  some  of  his  debauched  companions  which  had 
Dec.  — .     been  authorized  by  the  Queen,  secretly  applied  to  the  Duke 

of  Burgundy  for  assistance.  The  Duke,  who  had  been  em- 
ployed since  his  retreat  in  assuring  himself  of  the  support  of  his  States, 

gladly  accepted  the  invitation,  and  advanced  to  Paris  in  the 

a.  d.  1414.    full  confidence  of  being  once  more  hailed  its  deliverer.    But 

Feb.  11.      the  state  of  Parties  in  the  Capital  had  materially  changed  ; 

remembrance   of  the   enormities   of  the    Cabochiens   still 

Chartres,  and  mortally  wounded  by  Hector  of  Saveuses,  in  revenue  for  a  robbery 
committed  on  one  of  his  kinsmen.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  at  first  was  greatly 
affected,  and  declared  that  he  never  would  pardon  the  offenders.  "  Nevertheless, 
within  a  few  days,  Hector,  somehow  or  other,  made  up  his  quarrel  witli  the  Duke.'' 
iv.  c.  (J4.  *  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  22. 


A.  D.  1414.]  TREATY  OF  ARRAS.  301 

powerfully  influenced  the  more  opulent  Citizens ;  the  Dauphin  was  per- 
suaded or  intimidated  into  a  disavowal  of  the  letters  upon  which  Bur- 
gundy founded  his  interference;  the  Count  of  Armagnac  commanded 
1 1,000  horse,  and  the  force  with  which  Burgundy  had  encamped  hetween 
Montmartre  and  Chaillot  did  not  amount  to  half  that  number.  Dis- 
appointed in  his  hope  of  exciting  a  popular  movement,  he  hastily  fell 
back  by  Compiegne  and  Soissons.  The  Royal  Army,  headed 
by  Charles  in  person  (who,  during  his  lucid  intervals,  al-  April  1. 
ways  loved  the  excitement  of  military  parade),  followed  in 
pursuit ;  and  many  of  the  great  Barons,  Knights,  and  loyal  Servants  of 
the  Crown,  remarked  with  much  discontent,  that  the  King  and  the 
Dauphin  laid"  aside  "  the  gallant  and  noble  banners  of  their  prede- 
cessors," for  the  plain  white  Cross  of  Armagnac.  It  seemed  to  them 
unbecoming  of  the  dignity  of  their  Monarch,  that  he  should  bear  the 
arms  of  a  vassal,  especially  in  his  own  quarrel,  and  within  his  own 
Realm*. 

Compiegne  and  Noyon   capitulated,  and  were  treated  with  lenity; 
Soissons,  which  resisted,  was  taken  by  assault,  and  under- 
went the  uttermost  horrors  of  a  storm.     Even  the  Churches      May  7. 
were  pillaged,  the  garrison  was  put  to  the  sword,  and  its 
commanders  atoned  with  their  lives  for  fidelity  to  a  cause  which  but  a 
few  months  before  the  King  himself  had  espoused  f.     The  Royal  Coun- 
cil, encouraged  by  success,  resolved  to  pursue  Burgundy  to  extremity ; 
and  the  very  existence  of  the  humiliated  Prince  appeared  to  depend  upon 
the  maintenance  of  Arras,  which  was  formally  invested  in  July.    Never- 
theless, he  was  not  without  hope.     The  Army  under  his  command  at 
Douai,  although  not  sufficiently  strong  to  attempt  the  relief  of  Arras, 
was  still  respectable ;  little  progress   had  been  made  in  the  siege ;  an 
epidemic  prevailed  in  the  Camp ;    the  Normans,  and  at   length  the 
Dauphin,  expressed  a  strong  wish  for  negociation,  which  was  vainly 
combated  by  Armagnac,  who,  with  his  Gascon  and  Breton  adventurers, 
was  indulging  in  the  prospect  of  plunder.     Nor  was  there  wanting  a 
powerful  mediation ;  the  Duke  of  Brabant  and  the  Countess  of  Hainault, 
the  one  a  brother,  the  other  a  sister  of  Burgundy,  were  indefatigable  in 
their  applications  for  Peace.     They  were  at  length  success- 
ful ;    and  terms  were  granted  which  a  vanquished  Rebel     Sept.  4. 
could  have  little  hoped  to  obtain,  even  although  his  Con- 
querors were  a  cousin  and  a  son-in-law.     By  this  fifth  Peace,  of  Arras, 
founded  like  its  predecessors  on  the  basis  of  that  of  Chartres,  all  con- 
quests were  restored,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  tendered  submission  for  the 
offences  which  he  had  offered  against  the  Crown,  personally  surrendered 
the  keys  of  Arras,  and  pledged   himself  not  to  return  to  Paris  unless 
summoned  by  the  King  and  the  Dauphin.     Some  hesitation  was  ex- 
pressed by  the  Dukes  of  Oilcans  and  of  Bourbon,  and  by  the  Arch- 
*  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  3.  f  M.  de  Sismondi,  xii.  440'. 


302  INCREASING    POWER    OP   HENRY  V.  [CH.  XIII. 

bishop  of  Sens*,  when  required  to  swear  to  the  new  Articles.  They 
objected,  and  with  reason,  that  the  former  Peace  had  not  been  infringed 
by  them^  but  their  scruples  were  overruled  by  the  displeasure  which  the 
Dauphin  manifested.  The  Duke  of  Berri  was  yet  more  peremptory 
than  his  great-nephew ;  and  his  answer  to  a  Remonstrance  offered  by 
the  Parisians,  not  unjustly  displeased  that  they  had  been  altogether  ex- 
cluded from  the  diplomacy,  evinces  the  arrogance  of  him  who  delivered 
it,  the  servility  of  those  by  whom  it  was  quietly  accepted.  "  This  matter 
does  not  any  way  touch  you  to  interfere  between  our  Lord  the  King  and 
us  who  are  of  his  lineage ;  for  we  may  quarrel  one  with  another  when- 
ever it  shall  please  Ub  so  to  do,  and  we  may  also  make  peace  according 
to  our  willf."  The  Deputies  of  the  Metropolis,  who  were  men  of 
patient  habits,  returned  home  without  further  reply ;  but  the  disappointed 
military  adventurers  evinced  a  less  enduring  spirit.  When  ordered  to 
strike  their  tents  and  to  commence  retreat,  they  disencumbered  them- 
selves from  the  trouble  of  baggage  by  the  summary  process 
Oct.  1.  of  firing  their  Camp.  Four  hundred  sick  perished  in  the 
flames,  which  spread  to  the  quarters  of  the  Princes,  and 
consumed  the  equipage  of  the  Dauphin,  who  hastened  back  to  Paris 
almost  in  a  state  of  destitution. 

Little  tranquillity  resulted  from  this  Treaty,  in  which  neither  Party 
had  been  sincere.     It  was  plain  that  submission  had  been 
a.  d.  1415.   extorted  from  Burgundy  solely  by  his  necessities,  and  that 
the  forbearance  shown  to  him  was  reluctantly  afforded  by 
the  Armagnacs.      The   Court  evinced   deep   animosity   against   those 
who  espoused  his  interests,  and  all  executive  offices  were  consigned 
to  persons  distinguished  for  zealous  opposition  to  his  principles.     But 
the   time  was  at  hand  in  which  the  scourge  of  foreign  invasion   was 
to  be  added  to  that  of  Civil  War.      Henry  V.  had   hitherto  tempo- 
rized ;    but  while   France  was   hourly  growing  weaker  by  her  intes- 
tine divisions,  the  English  Prince  was  consolidating  his  power  by  the 
reconciliation  or  the  depression  of  contending  Factions.     The  hand  of 
Catherine,  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  had  been  tendered  to 
his  acceptance  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father ;  but  he  appears  to  have 
negociated  more  seriously  for  that  of  another  Catherine,  daughter  of  the 
King  of  France,  who  subsequently  indeed  became  his  Queen.     Mutual 
Embassies   despatched  by  each  Court  were  received  and 
Feb.  — .     entertained  with  great  magnificence  by  the  other.    Yet  even 
while  the  Truce  was  prolonged  from  time  to  time,  in  order 
to  assist  this  diplomacy,  Henry  continued  his  preparations  for  War,  upon 
which  it  is  not  possible  to  doubt  that  he  had  long  before  decided. 
Charles  was  willing  to  portion  his  daughter  with  800,000  Crowns  and 
the  Duchy  of  Aquitaine  as  it  had  been  possessed  by  the  Black  Prince. 
The  exorbitant  suitor  demanded  the  arrears  of  John's  ransom,  amounting 
*  Brother  of  Jean  de  Montaigu.  f  Moustrelet,  iv.  c.  11. 


A..D.   1415.]  ItASII    USURPATION    BY    THE    DAVPIIIS.  303 

to  twice  the  offered  sum,  and  restitution  of  all  the  Provinces  which  had 
lkvn  ceded  to  England  by  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny, 

,  however  manifest  was  the  impending  rupture  with  a  Power 
against  which  France  even  when  united  had  struggled  always  with  diffi- 
culty, frequently  with  discomfiture,  this  most  unseasonahle  moment  was 
ehosen  by  the  headstrong  and  unreflecting  Dauphin  to  alienate  from 
himself  all  support;  and  by  an  idle  attempt  to  establish  his  own  inde- 
pendent authority  to  increase  the  distraction  which  lacerated 
his  miserable  Country.  Having  stolen  away  from  an  As-  April  — . 
sembly  of  the  Princes  of  the  Blood,  convened  by  his  own 
order  at  Melon,  he  secretly  hastened  back  to  Paris,  and  there  promul- 
gated an  Edict  enumerating  the  manifold  abuses  by  which  his  father's 
reign  had  been  deformed.  It  commenced  by  animadversion  upon  the 
plunder  of  Charles  V.  when  dying  by  his  brother  of  Anjou ;  it  passed 
on  to  the  enormous  sums  lavished  by  the  Duke  of  Berri  and  the  late 
Duke  of  Burgundy ;  it  noticed  the  death  of  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans ; 
and  having  touched  upon  the  profusion  of  John  sans  peur,  it  announced 
the  intention  of  the  Dauphin,  as  heir  to  the  Crown,  to  prevent  all  simi- 
lar waste  for  the  future  by  assumption  of  the  Government  in  his  own 
person. 

In  order  to  secure  prompt  obedience,  the  Dauphin  commanded  the 
Princes  to  retire  to  their  several  apanages;  and  to  provide  himself  with 
money,  he  seized  three  large  sums  of  treasure  accumulated  by  the  Queen 
Mother,  and  deposited  by  her  with  individuals  in  the  Capital.  No 
demur  appears  to  have  been  made  to  this  sudden  usurpation ;  for  the 
King,  confined  to  his  Palace,  was  in  the  power  of  his  son  ;  and  the  King, 
as  was  usual  in  France,  formed  the  entire  State.  The  Princes  obeyed 
in  silence,  and  the  hopes  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  were  naturally  ex- 
cited by  their  exclusion.  Not  imagining  that  his  weak  son-in-law  en- 
tertained any  design  of  ruling  by  himself,  he  despatched  messengers  to 
solicit  an  Act  of  Amnesty  for  such  of  his  partizans  as  had  not  been  ad- 
mitted to  benefit  by  the  late  Treaty  ;  and  he  accompanied  this  request 
by  another  of  more  private  import,  insisting  that  his  daughter  should  be 
restored  to  her  conjugal  rights,  and  that  the  Dauphin  "  should  put  away 
a  female  friend  who  lived  with  him  in  place  of  this  said  wife*."  The 
second  proposal  seems  to  have  produced  vehement  exasperation  ;  and 
the  ambassadors,  dissatisfied  with  their  first  reception,  requested  another 
audience  at  a  more  favourable  moment.  When  the  Dauphin  persisted 
in  his  opposition  to  their  demands,  they  boldly  announced  that  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  would  never  ratify  the  Treaty  of  Arras,  and  that,  in  case  of 
an  English  invasion,  neither  himself  nor  any  of  his  vassals  would  bear 
arms  in  defence  of  the  Kingdom. 

It  was  not  long  before  this  declaration  was  put  to  the  test.     Henry  V., 
having  suppressed  an  insurrection  in  favour  of  the  Earl  of  March,  which 
*  Monstrclet,  iv.  c.  24. 


304  THE    ENGLISH    CAPTURE    HARFLEUR.  [CH.  XIII. 

detained  him  only  a  few  days  at  Southampton,  entered  the  mouth  of  the 
Seine  unopposed,  and  invested  Harfleur  with  an  army  con- 
Aug.  14.  taining  the  bravest  Knights  in  England,  about  6000  men- 
at-arms,  and  20,000  archers*.  The  Dauphin,  alarmed  at 
this  intelligence,  summoned  the  Duke  of  Berri  to  the  Capital,  and,  by 
his  advice,  made  overtures  of  reconciliation  to  Burgundy.  John  sans 
peur  accepted  the  Letters  Patent  in  which  he  was  again  recognised  as 
a  loyal  kinsman  and  vassal,  and  an  offer  which  reduced  the  number  of 
his  proscribed  followers  from  500  to  45  ;  he  consented  to  swear  to  the 
terms  of  the  Peace  of  Arras,  with  a  reservation  as  to  certain  clauses 
which  he  disapproved ;  but  he  was  tardy  in  providing  his  contingent ; 
and  when  the  Royal  Army  assembled  at  Rouen,  neither  himself,  his  son 
the  Count  of  Charalois,  nor  any  of  the  immediate  vassals  of  Burgundy, 
appeared  in  its  ranks.  In  spite  of  this  defection,  the  gathering  was 
most  numerous.  The  Count  of  Nevers  and  the  Duke  of  Brabant f 
headed  their  retainers;  Boucicaut  the  Marechal,  and  Clignet  the  Ex- 
Admiral  of  France  J,  were  intrusted  with  high  command;  and  the  whole 
army  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Charles  d'Albret  the  Constable, 
who,  finding  himself  supported  by  fifteen  of  the  greatest  Feudatories  of 
the  Kingdom,  40,000  men-at-arms,  and  a  proportionate  infantry,  de- 
clined, not  without  some  expression  of  contempt,  an  offer  made  by  the 
Burgesses  of  Paris  to  equip  6000  militia  for  the  service. 

Harfleur  maintained  itself  bravely  during  a  five  weeks'  siege,  and 

the  loss  of  the  English  under  its  walls  both  by  the  sword  and  by  disease 

was  considerable.     No  movement,  however,  was  made  for  its  relief,  and 

the  booty  and  prisoners  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors 

upon  its  surrender  were  sent  to  England  without  an  attempt  for  their 

rescue.     Henry  having  mastered  the  Town,  dismounted  at 

Sept.  22.    its  gates,  and  walked  barefooted  to  return  thanks  in  the 

principal   Church.      Thinking,   however,  that  his  honour 

demanded  more  than  this  single  conquest,  he  resolved  to  continue  his 

march  to  Calais,  with  an  army  now  diminished  to  2000  men-at-arms 

and  13,000  archers.     The  experiment  was  most  hazardous,  for,  even  if 

his  course  could  be  direct,  he  had  to  pass  over  more  than  a  hundred 

*  This  expedition  of  Henry  V.  is  related  by  Thomas  Elmham,  Prior  of  Lenton  ; 
by  an  Italian  who  wrote  under  the  name  of  Titus  Living ;  and  very  concisely  by 
Otterbourne.  The  three  accounts  have  heen  collected  and  published  together  by 
Heame.  The  last  named  of  the  above  writers  relates  an  incident  (p.  275)  which  is 
adopted  by  Shakspeare.  and  has  heen  accredited  hy  tradition  ;  but  which  is  not  to 
be  hastily  admitted  without  further  authority,  that  the  Dauphin  insultingly  sent  a 
present  of  tennis-balls  to  Henry,  who  replied,  that  he  would  return  him  some 
London  balls  which  should  not  he  made  to  rebound  even  by  the  gates  of  Paris. 
The  Monk  of  Croyland  and  Caxton  repeat  this  story. 

f  The  Duke  of  Brabant  did  not  join  till  the  morning  of  the  Battle  of  Azincourt. 

|  Clignet,  Seigneur  de  Landreville,  was  appointed  Admiral  by  Louis  Duke  of 
Orleans  in  1405,  and  displaced  in  1408  by  Jacques  de  Chatillon,  Seigneur  de  Dam. 
pierre.     Clignet  affected  to  retain  his  title.     Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  1J3. 


A.  D.  141  ^.3     HAZARDOUS  MARCH  OP  THE  ENGLISH.  305 

miles  of  foreign  land,  in  the  presence  of  a  force  well  acquainted  with 
the  Country  and  far  superior  in  numbers. 

Every  step  of  this  adventurous  march  excites  deep  interest  in  an 
English  reader.      After  having  occupied   Harneur  during 
fifteen  days,  Henry  moved  chiefly  along  the  shore  till  he      Oct.  7. 
reached  Eu,  designing  to  cross  the  Somme  either  at  Pont 
Remy  or  at  the  ford  of  Blanche  Tache,  so  memorable  for  the  success  of 
Edward  III.     But  as  those  obvious  passages  were  strongly  guarded,  it 
became  necessary  to  seek  for  one  by  advancing  higher  up  the  left  bank 
of  the  river.     The  French  still  presented  themselves  in  force  at  the 
opposite  strongholds  of  Amiens,  of  Corbi,  and  of  Peronne, 
and  it  was  not  until  the  King  of  England  arrived  at  Bethen-     Oct.  19. 
court,  near  St.  Quentin,  that  he  overcame  his  difficulty. 
The  Constable  then  resolved  to  give  battle ;  but  so  little  had  war  at  that 
time  advanced  towards  the  dignity  of  a  science,  that,  instead  of  cutting 
off  the  supplies  of  the  invaders  already  half  famished,  and  harassing 
them  by  preoccupying  advantageous  positions,  he  sent  heralds,  offering 
the  choice  of  a  day  and  a  field  upon  which  a  trial  of  arms  might  be 
made.     When  Henry  replied  that  he  should  never  sleep  within  a  walled 
town,  and  that  he  would  always  be  found  ready  to  repulse  attack,  the 
French  determined  not  to  press  upon  his  rear,  but  to  intercept  him  on 
his  march  to  Calais.     The  King  and  his  three  sons,  together  with  the 
Dukes  of  Berri,  of  Bretany,  and  of  Burgundy,  were  absent  during  this 
movement.     The  last-named  great  Nobles  were  influenced  by  private 
motives ;  Charles  and  the  Dauphin  wished  to  partake  in  the  approaching 
engagement,  but  the  Duke  of  Berri,  entertaining  a  vivid  recollection  of 
the  disasters  which  he  had  witnessed  at  Poitiers,  and  which  the  lapse 
of  three  score  years  had  by  no  means  obliterated  from  his  memory, 
checked  their  ardour  by  observing  that  it  was  far  better  to  lose  a  battle 
than  a  battle  and  a  King  also. 

On  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  October,  the  French  army  quartered 
itself  between  the  villages  of  Framecourt  and  Azincourt,  on  a  narrow 
plain  three  or  four  leagues  Northward  from  Hesdin  and  St.  Pol.  The 
Constable  neglected  to  defend  a  stream  which]  covered  the  front  of  his 
position,  and  when  Henry  crossed  at  Blangy  and  ascended  the  neigh- 
bouring heights,  he  descried  the  whole  array  of  his  opponents,  from 
whom  his  own  headquarters  at  Maisoncelles  were  not  distant  above 
three  bowshots.  A  [sharp  skirmish  occurred  before  sunset ;  the  night 
which  followed  was  wet  and  dreary,  and  it  appears  as  if  a  melancholy 
spirit  weighed  heavily  upon  both  armies.  The  French,  we  are  told, 
had  but  little  music  to  cheer  them;  and  it  was  noticed  as  a  prognostic 
of  ill  that  scarcely  one  of  their  horses  neighed.  In  the  English  Camp 
the  trumpets  and  other  instruments  sounded  loudly  and  incessantly  till 
Henry  enjoined  silence  * ;  but  the  soldiers  were  much  oppressed  with 

•  Monstrelet  speaks  of  the  music  which  sounded  all  night  iu  the  English  Camp  ; 

X 


306  BATTLE    OF    AZINCOURT.  [CH.  XIII. 

cold,  hunger*,  and  other  discomforts,  and  were  chiefly  employed  in  con- 
fession and  mutual  forgiveness,  in  prayer,  and  the  reception  of  the  Host, 
as  men  who  anticipated  almost  certain  death  on  the  morrow,  and  who 
were  resolved  to  confront  it  -f. 

When  that  morrow  rose,  the  French  arranged  themselves  according 

to  received  tactics,  in  three  divisions  of  battle.     The  van 

Monday,     consisted  of  8000  dismounted  men-at-arms,  '4000  archers, 

Oct.  25.  and  1500  cross-bows,  and,  as  the  post  of  honour,  it  was  led 
by  the  Constable  himself,  supported  by  the  Dukes  of  Or- 
leans and  of  Bourbon,  the  Counts  of  Eu  and  Richmont,  the  Marechal 
Boucicaut,  the  Admiral  Dampierre,  the  Lord  de  Rambures  Master  of 
the  Cross-bows,  and  other  Chiefs  of  high  distinction.  Fifteen  hundred 
picked  men  on  one  wing,  eight  hundred  on  the  other,  were  confided 
respectively  to  the  Count  de  Vendome  and  to  the  Ex-Admiral  Pierre  de 
Clignet,  with  orders  to  fall  on  the  English  flanks  at  a  convenient  mo- 
ment. In  the  main  battalion,  which  was  of  equal  strength,  were  sta- 
tioned the  Dukes  of  Bar  and  of  AleiKjon  f,  the  Counts  of  Nevers,  of 
Vaudemont,  of  Blaumont,  of  Salines,  of  Grand-pre,  and  of  Roussy.  The 
rear  comprised  all  the  remaining  troops,  and  was  commanded  by  the 
Counts  of  Marie,  of  Dampmartin,  and  of  Fauconberg,  and  by  the  Lord 
of  Louvroy.  The  whole  force,  according  to  Monstrelet,  might  be  esti- 
mated at  six  times  greater  than  that  of  the  English :  this  number  is 
probably  exaggerated,  but  the  Chronicler  spoke  rather  from  knowledge 
than  from  conjecture,  when  he  added  that  the  wisest  among  them  enter- 
tained fears  of  defeat §. 

The  English,  whose  numerical  inferiority  permitted  little  subdivision, 
were  drawn  up,  in  a  single  body  four  deep,  by  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham, 
<c  a  Knight  grown  grey  with  age  and  honour,"  the  archers  were  posted 
in  front,  the  men-at-arms  behind,  the  horses  and  baggage  in  the  rear. 
Some  light  troops  (by  which  are  probably  meant  irregular  and  rudely- 
armed  stragglers)  were  employed  to  fire  the  out-houses  of  a  farm  and 
Priory  behind  Azincourt ;  and  a  detachment  of  about  200  archers  was 
directed  secretly  to  occupy  a  field  adjoining  the  village  of  Framecourt, 

but  a  better  authority,  of  which  great  use  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Turner,  a  MS.  be- 
longing to  the  Sloanian  Collection,  now  in  the  British  Museum  (177G),  written  by  a 
Chaplain  of  Henry  V.,  who  was  present  at  the  scenes  which  he  describes,  notices 
the  King's  command  for  silence.  M.  de  Sismondi  has  finely  contrasted  the  dis- 
positions of  the  two  armies. 

*  The  Army  had  been  provisioned  for  eight  days,  in  which  period  the  march  would 
have  been  executed,  if  the  passage  of  the  Somme  had  been  free.  As  it  was,  the 
common  men  during  eighteen  days  past  had  not  drunk  a  stronger  beverage  than 
water,  and  many  had  been  obliged  to  substitute  filberts  for  bread.  Walsingham, 
p.  391. 

f  Walsingham,  p.  392.    Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  30. 

X  John,  grandson  of  Philippe  of  Valois,  on  the  1st  of  January,  1415,  had  obtained 
the  creation  of  the  County  of  Alencon  into  a  Duchy.  Ordonnances  de  France,  x.  228. 

§  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  31. 


A.  D.  1415.]  BATTLE  OF  AZINCOURT.  307 

and  to  attack  the  French  van  "  whenever  it  should  be  a  proper  time  to 
use  their  bows." 

Henry,  after  having  heard  three  Masses  at  break  of  day,  rode  among 
his  men,  addressing  them  with  a  few  words  of  encouragement,  and  then, 
dismounting,  placed  himself  in  the  foremost  ranks.  Among  the  brilliant 
train  of  Nobles  by  whom  he  was  surrounded,  were  his  uncle  the  Duke 
of  York,  his  brother  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  the  Earls  of  Dorset,  of 
Oxford,  of  Suffolk,  and  of  Kent.  On  the  past  evening  when  he  had 
asked  David  Gam*  (a  Welsh  Gentleman  who  received  Knighthood 
while  he  lay  expiring  on  the  ground  after  the  battle)  what  was  the  pro- 
bable number  of  the  enemy,  he  received  the  memorable  and  inspiriting 
reply,  "  Enough  to  be  killed,  enough  to  be  made  prisoners,  and  enough 
to  run  away."  The  prevalence  of  so  noble  a  feeling  among  his  followers 
might  well  induce  the  King  to  reply  to  Sir  William  Hemingford's  wish 
for  10,000  of  those  English  archers,  who  were  at  that  moment  desiring 
to  be  among  them,  in  the  memorable  words  ¥  That  if  in  truth  he  pos- 
sessed the  power,  he  would  not  add  one  single  individual  to  his  hostf." 

When  each  archer  had  planted  before  him  the  sharpened  stake  which 
formed  the  defence  of  their  general  line  against  a  charge  of  horse,  Sir 
Thomas  Erpingham  threw  up  his  truncheon,  and  this  signal  that  all  was 
ready  was  answered  by  a  loud  and  universal  shout.  The  French  were 
greatly  astonished,  and  remained  motionless  on  their  posts,  till  Henry, 
perceiving  that  they  were  not  inclined  to  advance,  moved  forward  with 
a  happy  daring,  at  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon.  The  line  halted 
at  intervals  to  recover  breath  and  to  preserve  regularity,  and  after  each 
brief  pause  it  renewed  its  huzzas  and  again  marched  on.  When  the 
archers  J  had  arrived  within  distance,  they  discharged  their  arrows,  not 
point  blank,  but  at  a  considerable  elevation,  and  the  volleys  fell  with 
deadly  effect  among  the  crowded  van  of  the  enemy,  which,  compressed 
between  a  copse  on  each  flank,  was  drawn  up  thirty  files  in  depth.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  Knights  stooped  to  prevent  the  strokes  of  the  arrows 
upon  their  vizors  ;  many  were  slain,  many  were  severely  wounded.  The 
charge  attempted  at  that  moment  by  Clignet  on  the  left  flank  only  in- 

*  Some  particulars  respecting  Davy  Gam  may  be  found  in  Powell's  History  of 
Walts,  and  in  a  Note  on  Dunster's  Kdition  of  Philips's  Cider,  p.  64.  Drayton  men- 
tions him  with  honour'  in  his  Batlail  of  Azincour,  and  he  is  noticed  both  by  Wal- 
singham  and  by  Shakspeare  among  the  few  English  4t  of  name  "  killed  in  the  action. 

f  Turner,  from  the  Sloane  MS. 

\  Monstrelet  exaggerates  them  to  at  least  13,000.  By  the  Sloane  MS.  they  are 
reduced  to  5000.  The  respective  numbers  of  the  two  armies  are  well  compared  by 
Mr.  Turner  (415).  Although  Henry  landed  at  Harrleur  with  24,000  archers,  many 
were  lost  daring  the  siege,  many  returned  sick  to  England,  a  strong  garrison  was 
left  with  the  Earl  of  Dorset,  and  numerous  casualties  must  have  occurred  during 
the  march  ;  so  that,  as  Walsingham  continues,  the  English  engaged  were,  "  as  is 
said,  not  more  than  8000  men-at-arms  and  archers,  the  greater  part  of  whom  was 
suffering  under  illness  contracted  at  Harfleur;  a  scanty  band,  worn  with  hunger, 
dysentery,  and  fever."  The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  u  were  reported  to  be 
150,000  strong;'  391. 

x2 


308  BATTLE    OF    AZINCOURT,  [CH.  Xllt, 

creased  confusion  ;  the  ground  was  a  deep  clay,  it  had  been  much 
trodden  by  the  troops  of  foraging  parties  on  the  preceding  evening,  and 
it  had  been  saturated  by  rain  during  the  night ;  part  of  it  also  was  fresh- 
sown  corn-land,  part  occupied  by  copses  and  brushwood ;  so  that  of  800 
men-at-arms  who  commenced  the  attack,  not  150  reached  the  English 
line,  and  most  of  these  were  driven  upon  their  own  van,  when  their 
wounded  horses  became  ungovernable  from  pain  and  terror.  The 
English  archers,  on  account  of  the  lightness  of  their  equipment,  were  far 
more  active  in  close  combat  than  men  in  complete  mail :  they  are  de- 
scribed as  being  "  for  the  most  part  without  any  armour,  and  in  their 
jackets,  with  their  hose  loose,  and  hatchets  or  swords  hanging  to  their 
girdles;  some  indeed  were  bare-footed  and  without  hats*."  This  body, 
taking  instant  advantage  of  the  Enemy's  first  disorder,  threw  down  their 
bows,  and  fought  lustily,  slaying  all  before  them  with  swords,  hatchets, 
mallets,  and  bill-hooks,  till  they  penetrated  to  the  second  battalion. 
The  Duke  of  Brabant,  who  had  just  arrived  on  the  field  by  a  forced 
march,  charged,  with  a  small  company,  between  the  routed  van  and  the 
second  division,  but  he  was  instantly  unhorsed  and  killed.  The  Duke 
of  Alenc^on  rushed  through  the  English  line,  and,  in  an  attempt  to  reach 
Henry  himself,  struck  down  and  wounded  the  Duke  of  York,  who  was 
near  him.  As  the  King  stooped  to  raise  his  uncle,  part  of  the  Crown 
which  circled  the  crest  of  his  helmet  was  hewn  away  by  the  battle-axe 
of  Alencon.  The  brave  French  Prince,  overpowered  by  numbers,  and 
seeing  the  inequality  of  the  combat,  lifted  his  arm,  and,  addressing  the 
King,  said,  "  I  am  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  and  I  yield  myself  to  you." 
Henry  stretched  out  his  hand  to  receive  his  pledge  from  the  illustrious 
prisoner,  but  before  he  could  guarantee  his  safety,  the  impatience  and 
anxiety  of  the  surrounding  guards  had  felled  him  lifeless  to  the  ground. 
The  French  reserve,  which  had  continued  mounted,  panic-stricken  by 
the  total  overthrow  of  the  two  leading  divisions,  turned  their  bridles  and 
fled ;  but  in  this  moment  of  complete  victory,  an  alarm  was  given  that 
the  English  rear  had  been  attacked,  and  that  much  of  the  baggage  was 
already  captured.  A  band  of  peasants,  indeed,  headed  by  some  men-at- 
arms  who  had  escaped  from  the  melee,  had  fallen  upon  it  in  the  hope  of 
plunder.  Their  avarice  was  gratified,  for  they  obtained  possession  of 
the  Royal  jewels ;  and  the  lives  of  some  of  them  were  probably  saved 
during  subsequent  imprisonment  by  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  by  the  pre- 
sentation to  the  Count  of  Charolois  of  a  rich  diamond-hilted  sword, 
which  formed  a  portion  of  their  spoil.  But  this  unknightly  booty  was 
purchased  at  a  dear  cost  to  their  Countrymen;  Henry,  although  hitherto 
successful,  perceived  that  if  the  fugitives  should  once  be  able  to  rally  so 
as  to  deliver  the  prisoners  who  already  outnumbered  their  captors,  his 

*  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  31.  If  there  were  really  any  troops  thus  destitute  of  neces- 
sary accoutrements,  they  were  most  probably  irregular  Welsh  or  Irish,  of  that  class 
which  did  so  fearful  execution  at  Crecy. 


A.  D.  1415.]  LOSS  OF  THE  FRENCH.  309 

destruction  was  certain ;  and,  compelled  by  one  of  those  painful  ne- 
cessities under  which  all  choice  of  action  is  denied,  he  gave  command 
that  every  man  should  put  his  prisoners  to  death.  The  carnage  was 
stopped  as  soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  the  marauders  were  dispersed; 
but  much  blood  had  been  spilled  before  the  revocation  of  the  order  couL. 
be  generally  made  known. 

Three  hours  sufficed  to  render  the  English  masters  of  the  whole  field. 
Henry  himself  gave  its  name  to  the  Battle,  on  learning  from  the  captured 
Herald  Mountjoye  that  a  neighbouring  Castle  was  that  ofAzincourt; 
and  when  he  had  obtained  from  the  same  prisoner  an  admission  that 
the  victory  belonged  to  the  English,  he  humbly  ascribed  the  triumph 
entirely  to  the  favour  of  Heaven.  About  1600  English  (among  whom 
the  only  persons  of  any  rank  were  the  Duke  of  York  and  the  Earl  of 
Suffolk*)  were  killed.  Out  of  the  more  than  10,000  slain  on  the  part 
of  the  defeated,  it  is  affirmed  that  four-fifths  were  of  generous  blood, 
and  seven  of  them,  the  Duke  of  Brabant  and  the  Count  of  Nevers,  the 
Duke  of  Bar  and  his  two  brothers,  the  Duke  of  Alen^on  and  the  Con- 
stable D'Albret,  were  near  kinsmen  of  the  King;  120  Bannerets  lay 
around  them,  and  most  of  the  Nobles  who  escaped  with  life  were  led 
away  captive.  Among  these  prisoners  were  the  Dukes  of  Orleans  t  and 
of  Bourbon,  the  Counts  of  Richmont,  of  Eu,  and  of  Vendome,  and  the 
Marechal  Boucjicaut  J.  Perhaps  the  most  adequate  notion  of  the 
slaughter  among  the  French  is  conveyed  by  Monstrelet,  in  his  account 
of  the  provision  for  interment.  After  the  corpses  of  all  those  who  could 
be  recognised  had  been  carried  away  by  their  friends  for  suitable  burial, 
the  Count  of  Charolois,  much  grieved  at  the  loss  of  his  uncles  §,  mea- 
sured out  and  enclosed  a  square  cemetery  upon  the  plain,  presenting  on 
each  side  a  frontage  of  five-and-twenty  yards.  In  three  trenches,  each 
twelve  feet  in  width,  dug  within  this  circuit,  were  deposited,  "  by  an 
account  kept,"  5800  men]]. 

Henry,  conscious  of  his  weakness,  discreetly  forbade  pursuit ;  he  re- 
turned to  Maisoncelles  for  the  night,  and  on  the  following  morning, 

*  M.  de  Sismondi  (xii.  488)  says,  by  a  slip  of  the  pen  or  an  error  of  the  Press, 
Le  Comte  <T  Oxford.  All  the  authorities  to  which  we  have  had  access  concur  in 
mentioning  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  and  Shakspeare,  in  this  instance,  may  be  admitted 
as  a  correct  voucher. 

"  Where  is  the  number  of  our  English  dead  ? 
Edward  the  Duke  of  York,  the  Earl  of  Suffolk, 
Sir  Richard  Ketly,  Davy  Gam,  Esquire, 
None  else  of  name." 
He  then  continues,  according  to  an  exploded  report — 

"  and  of  all  other  men 
But  five-and-twenty." 

f  Rapin  states,  on  the  authority  of  the  Hist,  de  Bretagne,  451,  and  of  Le  Fevre, 
95,  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  recovered  after  having  been  found  with  some 
faint  signs  of  life  under  a  heap  of  corpses. 

X  Bou^icaut  died  in  England. 

§  The  Duke  of  Brabant  and  the  Count  of  Nevers.  |]  Monstrelet,  iv.  c,  33. 


310  DEATH    OF    THE    DAUPHIN    LEWIS.  [cH.  XIII. 

having  burned  all  such  spoil  as  was  likely  to  impede  rapidity  of  march, 
he  hastened  on  to  Calais,  and  on  the  eighth  day  after  his 
Nov.  2.     memorable  victory  set  sail  for  Dover,  bearing  with  him  his 
prisoners,  and  leaving  France  to  be  more  than  ever  convulsed 
by  Civil  discord.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy  indeed  had  derived  strength 
from  the  National  calamity ;  for,  although  his  brothers  had  fallen,  his 
own  hosts  were  unharmed,  and  the  bravest  Armagnacs  were  among  the 
killed  or  the  captured.     No  sooner  therefore  did  he  receive  intelligence 
of  the  defeat,  than  he  marched  towards  Paris  with  10,000  horse.     The 
Dauphin  and  the  Duke  of  Berri  at  the  same  time  hastened  thither  from 
Rouen,  carrying  with  them  the  King,  and  summoning  Armagnac  to  their 
aid  with  about  6000  men  whom  he  commanded  in  Languedoc.     At 
Lagny,  in  which  town  Burgundy  halted,  his  force  became  doubled; 
nevertheless,  either  from  irresolution,  or  perhaps  from  a  discovery  that  he 
could  not  obtain  the  support  which  he  had  expected  in  the  Capital,  he 
remained  inactive  amid  the  jeers  of  the  Citizens  who  named  him  from  his 
slowness  Jean-le-long,  from  his  quarters  Jean  de  Lagny.  The  Dauphin 
peremptorily  forbade  his  advance,  and  was  exhibiting  some 
Dec.  18.     vigour  in  his  administration,  when  a  few  days5  illness  ter- 
minated his  life  in  his  twentieth  year. 
John,  the  next  brother,  was   two  years  younger  than  the  Prince  to 
whose  honours  he  succeeded.      He  had  hitherto  borne  the  title  of  Duke 
of  Touraine,  and  being  married  to  Jacqueline,  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of 
Hainault  and  of  a  sister  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  he  resided  in  the 
States  of  his  father-in-law,  and  was  guided  exclusively  by  Burgundian 
influence.    While  the  Council  was  employed  in  formal  corn- 
Dec.  29.     munication  with  this  new  Dauphin,  the  Count  of  Armagnac 
arrived  in  Paris,  where,  exerting  activity  strongly  contrasted 
with  the  want  of  energy  manifested  by  his  Rival,  he  obtained  the  sword 
of  Constable  which  had  been  in  abeyance  since  the  death  of  D'Albret 
at  Azincourt,  sent  back  the  widowed  Dauphiness  to  her  father,  and 
commanded  him  under  the  penalty  of  treason  to  withdraw  from  Lagny. 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy  obeyed,  and  Armagnac,  thus  left  in  unre- 
strained authority,  exercised  severities  which  speedily  de- 
a.  d.  1416.   stroyed  his  popularity.     An  expedition  in  which  he  person- 
ally engaged  for  the  recapture  of  Harfleur  was  inglorious 
Feb.  — .     and  unsuccessful  *;  and  during  his  absence  from  the  Capital, 
a  Conspiracy  which  might  have  been  dangerous  in  its  result 
was  suppressed  by  the  courage  of  the  Provost  Tannegui  du  Chatel.    The 
objects  of  the  rising  were  so  wild,  that  we  can  scarcely  believe  them  to 

*  Walsingham  (394)  gives  a  very  inflated  account  of  the  Earl  of  Dorset's  success 
at  Harfleur  on  this  occasion.  The  French,  lie  says,  were  beaten  because  they  ate 
meat  and  toyed  with  their  mistresses  during  Lent,  by  1500  English,  "  a  band  hungry, 
wearied,  half  starved,  and  worn  down  by  want  of  sleep,"  who,  having  been  spoiled 
of  their  horses  by  the  camp-followers  of  the  enemy,  during  a  foraging  excursion, 
were  oppressed  by  a  long  march  on  foot  under  heavy  armour. 


A.D.  1417.]        DEATH  OF  THE  DAUPniN  JOHN.  311 

have  been  sanctioned  by  agents  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Yet  Mont 
Btrelet  so  affirms,  and  he  is  a  writer  not  likely  to  be  misinformed  on  such 
particulars.  During  Easter,  the  insurgents  were  to  seize  the  Provost,  to 
kill  him  if  he  resisted,  and  to  confine  the  King.  They  were  to  put  to 
death  the  Queen,  the  Chancellor,  and  numberless  others,  with  the  Queen 
of  Sicily,  and  after  dressing  the  King  of  Sicily  and  the  Duke  of  Bavaria 
in  some  of  the  King's  old  clothes,  they  were  to  carry  them  through  Paris 
on  two  lean  bullocks,  and  then  to  put  them  to  death  *.  A  woman,  anx- 
ious for  the  safety  of  her  lover,  warned  him  to  fly  before  the  commence- 
ment of  this  insurrection.  His  denunciation  furnished  a  clue  ;  and  while 
the  Council  and  the  Princes  of  the  Blood  struck  with  terror  were  deli- 
berating upon  means  of  escape,  the  Provost  boldly  arrested  the  chief 
conspirators,  and  brought  them  to  punishment. 

The  Duke  of  Berri  closed  his  imbecile  but  restless  life  in  the  ensuing 
Summer,  having  attained  his  seventy-sixth  year.     He  was 
without  male  issue,  and  it  had  been  arranged  that  his  apa-     June  13. 
nages  of  Berri  and  Poitou  should  pass  to  the  new  Dauphin . 
Armagnac,  however,  reluctant  thus  to  increase  the  power  of  an  avowed 
enemy,  procured  the  transfer  of  the  Duchy  of  Touraine  to  the  Prince 
next  in  succession,  Charles,  at  that  time  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  soon 
destined  to  the  heirdom  of  the  Crown.     He  was  betrothed  to  a  daughter 
of  the  King  of  Sicily,  and  under  guardianship  of  his  future  father-in-law 
had  been  carefully  educated  in  Anti-Burgundian  principles. 

In   his   military  operations,  the    Constable  was  again  unsuccessful 
before  Harfleur.     With  the  aid  of  a  Genoese  squadron  he  had  blockaded 
the  Port,  but  it  was  relieved  by  a  vigorous  effort  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence, 
who  forced  the  mouth  of  the  Seine  with  a  fleet  of  300  vessels, 
revictualled  the  Town,  and  compelled  the  besiegers  to  aban-     Nov.  12. 
don  their   enterprise  f.     The  Dauphin,    John,   meantime, 
indignant  at  his  exclusion  from  that  share  in  the  Government  to  which 
his  station  justly  entitled  him,   held  Conferences  with  Burgundy  at 
Valenciennes  ;  but  the  plans  which  he  there  arranged  were 
arrested  by  his  sudden  death  ;  a  death  so  opportune  for  the  a.  d.  1417. 
Faction  of  Armagnac,  that  popular   rumour  unequivocally     April  4. 
attributed  it  to  poison.   The  King  of  Sicily,  to  whom  suspi- 
cion attached  more  immediately  than  to  the  other  Princes  (although  no 
proof  was  ever  adduced  that  the  event  did  not  originate  in 
natural  causes),  survived  not  quite  a  month  J;  and  by  his    April  29. 
demise  Armagnac  obtained  the  sole  custody  of  the  persons 
both  of  the  King  and  of  Charles  the  new  Dauphin.     Having  increased 
the  revenues  and  the  dignities  of  this  child  by  obtaining  for  him  grants 

*  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  39.  f  Id.,  ibid.,  c.  43. 

X  M.  de  Sismondi,  who  altogether  discredits  the  charge  of  poisoning,  says  that 
Louis  of  Anjou  was  reported  to  be  the  murderer,  peut-etre  par  ce  qu'il  ne  vi'voit  pas 
assez  long  temps  pour  pouvoir  imposer  silence  a  ses  ennemis^  xii.  50U. 


312  TYRANNY    OF    ARMAGNAC.  [CH.  XIII. 

which  virtually  strengthened  himself,  he  finally  consummated  his  scheme 
of  ambition  by  removing  the  Queen,  the  single  individual  of  whose 
influence  he  felt  apprehensive.  It  was  not  difficult  to  excite  the  jealousy 
of  the  King,  who  was  persuaded  to  order  the  secret  execution  of  one  of 
Isabelle's  chief  counsellors  *,  to  dissolve  her  household,  to  confiscate  her 
jewels,  and  with  the  express  approbation  of  the  Dauphin  her  son,  to 
confine  her  residence  to  Tours  under  very  harsh,  vexatious,  and  unbe- 
coming restrictions  f. 

Thus  freed  from  all  rivalry,  Armagnac  exercised  a  power  without  con- 
troul,  and  none  of  his  predecessors  had  ever  exhibited  more  unblushing 
rapacity  than  that  which  deformed  his  brief  rule.  Wherever  the  hoards 
of  the  Queen  could  be  discovered,  they  were  applied  to  his  use.  The 
rich  plate  and  furniture  of  the  Churches,  and  the  gold  and  jewellery 
which  adorned  the  shrines  of  Saints  were  stripped  from  their  consecrated 
depositories  to  glut  private  avarice.  A  monopoly  of  Salt  and  an  adul- 
teration of  the  Coinage,  pressed  heavily  upon  the  Citizens  of  the  Capital. 
Each  Bourgeois  was  besides  compelled  to  work  every  fifth  day  on  the  for- 
tifications of  Paris,  unless  he  offered  a  specified  sum  as  a  composition 
for  this  manual  labour  ;  and  every  three  families  were  required  to  con- 
tribute sufficient  for  the  equipment  of  one  man-at-arms.  Imprisonment, 
perhaps  death  under  an  accusation  of  Burgundianism,  was  the  punish- 
ment for  refusal  or  delay. 

The  murmurs   excited  by  this   tyranny  encouraged  the  Duke  of 

Burgundy  to  draw  near  Paris ;  but  the  City  was  occupied 
Aug.  — .     by  3000  Gascons,  whose  presence  too   greatly  intimidated 

the  Bourgeois  to  permit  any  co-operation  ;  and  after  a  few 
days'  encampment  on  Mont  Rouge  whence  the  Capital  might  be  descried, 
Burgundy  removed  his  standard  on  a  "  withered  tree "  from  its  ill- 
omened  station  J."     His  expedition,  however,  in  more  than  one  way 

materially  added  to  his  strength.     Not  only  did  many  im- 
Nov.  1 .     portant  towns  openly  declare  in  his  favour,  but  he  negociated 

a  reconciliation  between  himself  and  the  Queen,  and  effected 
her  deliverance  from  Tours.  IC  Most  dear  Cousin,"  were  the  words  in 
which  upon  the  success  of  the  stratagem  which  restored  her  to  freedom, 
Isabelle  addressed  the  Prince  whom  she  had  hitherto  pursued  with  viru- 

*  The  caprice  of  despotism  is  frightfully  illustrated  by  Monstrelet's  account  of 
this  transaction.  "  About  this  time,  while  the  Queen  of  France  resided  with  her 
Court  at  the  Castle  of  Vincennes,  she  was  visited  by  the  King  her  lord.  On  his 
return  to  Paris  in  the  evening  he  met  Sir  Louis  Bourdon,  Knight,  coming  thence  and 
going  to  Vincennes,  who  on  passing  very  near  the  King  made  a  slight  inclination  of 
his  head  as  he  rode  by,  and  gaily  pursued  his  road.  The  King  instantly  ordered  the 
Provost  of  Paris  to  follow  and  arrest  him,  and  to  take  especial  care  to  give  a  good 
account  of  him.  The  Provost  performed  his  duty  in  obeying  this  command,  and 
confined  Sir  Louis  in  the  Chatelet  of  Paris,  where  he  was,  by  command  of  the  King, 
very  severely  tortured,  and  then  drowned  in  the  Seine."  iv.  c.  51. 

f  She  was  placed  under  the  guard  of  three  Wardens,  by  whom  all  her  letters 
were  inspected.     Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  52. 

\  LArbre  sec.  Monstrelet,  iv.  c.  60. 


A.  D.  1418.]  PARIS    BETRAYED   TO    l/lSLE    ADAM.  313 

lent  and  undisguised  hatred,  "  of  all  men  in  the  Kingdom  I  ought  to 
love  you  the  most ;"  and  from  that  moment  their  interests  became  cor- 
dially united.  Of  her  three  Gaolers,  one  who  had  treated  her  with 
marked  disrespect  was  drowned  in  an  endeavour  to  escape,  the  two 
others  were  arrested  *. 

This  union  with  Isabelle  gave  an  appearance  of  legitimacy  to  the 
otherwise  equivocal  acts  of  Burgundy.  The  Queen  loudly  asserted  her 
right  to  administration  during  the  King's  malady,  a  right  founded  on 
Letters  Patent  issued  by  the  Council  and  signed  by  all  the  Princes  of 
the  Blood,  a  right  moreover  which  she  now  wished  to  exercise  in  con- 
junction with  Sans  peur.  Burgundy  at  the  same  moment  conducted  an 
active  negociation  with  England,  and  his  Envoys  secretly  ratified  an  alli- 
ance so  intimate  as  to  remove  all  apprehension  which  might  otherwise 
have  arisen  from  the  warlike  attitude  re-assumed  by  Henry  V. 

When   the   King    of   England   therefore   again   disembarked    near 
Harfleur,  his  progress  in  Normandy  was  almost  unopposed. 
With  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  he  was  leagued  in  friendship,     Aug.  1. 
from  the  Duke  of  Bretany  he  had  obtained  a  promise  of 
neutrality  ;   Armagnac  thought  only  of  defending  Paris  and  its  vicinity  ; 
and  town  after  town  therefore  surrendered  to  the  invader.      The  Queen 
and  Burgundy  wintered  at  Troyes.      The  ensuing  Spring 
commenced  by  a  most  bloody  but   fruitless    attack  upon  a.  d.  1418. 
Senlis,  to  which  town  Armagnac  led  the  King  in  person    Feb.  — . 
during  one  of  his  periods  of  convalescence.     Few  atrocities 
of  these  most  fearful  times  are  more  odious  than  the  repeated  execution 
of  hostages  under  pretext  of  breaches  of  the  fidelity  of  which  they  were 
pledges ;  and  with  the  stain  of  such  murders  on  both  sides  the  enter- 
prise against  Senlis  was  very  deeply  polluted.    Some  overtures,  however, 
for  a  general  pacification  were  made  by  Papal  Legates ;  and  the  project 
of  a  Treaty  framed  at  Montereau  was  approved  by  the  Burgundians,  and 
would  have  been  readily  accepted  by  the  Bourgeois  of  the  Capital :  but 
Armagnac  and  those  in  his  immediate  confidence  perceived  that  their 
own  authority  must  inevitably  give  way  before  the  predominance  which 
Burgundy  would  assume  on   the  re-establishment  of  the 
Council ;    and   they   peremptorily  declined   all   accommo-     May  23. 
dation. 

The  Parisians  upon  whom  the  chief  burden  of  the  Civil  war  had 
fallen,  and  who  were  hourly  writhing  under  the  tyranny  of 
Armagnac,  combined  for  his  overthrow,  in  spite  of  the  vigi-     May  29. 
lance  of  his  mercenaries.    The  leader  of  the  plot  who  opened 
one  of  the  gates  of  the  Capital  to  John  of  Villiers,  Lord  of  L'Isle  Adam, 
aBurgundian  Officer  quartered  at  Pontoise,  was  Perinet  le  Clerc,  the  son 

*  Laurens  de  Puy,  who  never  raised  his  hand  to  his  head  when  he  addressed  the 
Queen,  fell  into  the  Loire  while  endeavouring  to  cross  it.  Jean  Toree  and  Petit  were 
taken  prisoners.    Id.,  ibid.,  c.  02. 


314  MASSACRES   BY   THE   CABOCHIENS  [Cfl.  XIII. 

of  an  Ironmonger,  who  had  suffered  some  personal  ill  treatment,  for  which 
the  Provost  had  denied  redress.  By  means  of  this  agent,  L'Isle  Adam 
entered  Paris  with  800  horse  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  boldly  possessed 
himself  of  its  main  points  of  defence,  and  before  the  weakness  of  his  num- 
bers was  discovered,  roused  the  Citizens  to  arm  in  his  support  by  the  cry 
of  "Burgundy."  The  King  himself  fell  into  his  hands;  the  Dauphin  was 
hurried  from  his  bed,  wrapped  only  in  its  coverlid,  placed  by  Tannegui 
du  Chatel  on  horseback,  and  conveyed  to  the  Bastile ;  but  Armagnac, 
wakened  by  the  tumult,  had  only  time  to  escape  from  his  Hotel  to  the 
neighbouring  hovel  of  a  poor  Bricklayer,  by  whom,  in  a  fit  of  terror,  he 
was  soon  betrayed  to  L'Isle  Adam*. 

In  a  sally  which  Tannegui  du  Chatel  attempted  from  the  Bastile 
much  blood  was   shed.     Every  house  was  defended  as  a 
June  1.     fortress  by  the  Bourgeois,  till  the  Provost  was  compelled  to 
retire  after  leaving  400  killed  in  the  streets.     The  security 
of  the  Dauphin  became  more  than  ever  important  to  him ;  and  he  suc- 
ceeded in  transferring  him  first  to  Melun,  afterwards  to 
June  11.     Bourges,  before  the  little  garrison  in  the  Bastile  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender.     But  enemies  far  more  fearful  than  the 
Burgundian  Captains  were  about  to  assail  the  miserable  remnant  of  the 
fallen  party.     The  ferocious  Butchers,  returning  from  their 
June  12.     exile,  raised  a  yell  for  blood ;  and  having  beset  the  Tower  of 
the  Palace,  loudly  demanded  that  the  prisoners  confined  in 
it  should  be  abandoned  to  their  fury.     The  interposition  of  LTsle  Adam 
was  wholly  useless ;  and  among  the  first  victims  dragged  from  their  cells 
to  massacre  were  the  detested  Armagnac  and  the  Chancellor  Henry  de 
Masle.     The  savage  Cabochiens,  as  if  in  the  exercise  of  their  peculiar 
calling,  scored  the  corpses  with  transverse  gashes  across  the  shoulders,  in 
resemblance  of  the  Scarf  which  formed  the  badge  of  their  Party  f. 

Five  Bishops,  those  of  Coutances,  of  Senlis,  of  Bayeux,  of  Evreux  and 
of  Saintes,  and  many  Civilians  of  high  rank,  were  imprisoned  in  the  Petit 
Chatelet.  They  were  summoned  individually  by  name,  and  murdered 
one  by  one  as  they  passed  the  wicket.  In  the  Grand  Chatelet,  the  pri- 
soners had  obtained  arms,  and  attempted  defence  till  they  perished  amid 
the  flames  of  the  building  fired  over  their  heads.  Horrors,  paralleled, 
alas  !  upon  the  same  spots  in  times  much  nearer  our  own,  were  perpe- 
trated without  compunction  by  the  brutal  rabble ;  and  the  Burgundians 
themselves  reported  that  400  of  their  enemies  had  been  deprived  of  life 
during  thirty  hours  of  carnage ;  the  opposite  party  swelled  the  amount  of 
their  losses  to  3000  {. 

*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  3.  L'Isle  Adam  afterwards  lost  the  favour  of  Henry  V.  in  con- 
sequence, probably,  of  some  want  of  respect.  (Id.,  ibid.,  c  45.)  He  was  deprived  of 
his  Marshal's  baton,  and  imprisoned,  his  life  having  been  granted  at  the  intercession 
of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  (c.  43).  At  Henry's  death  he  was  released,  restored  to  his 
possessions,  and  in  part  to  his  former  offices  (vi.  c.  2). 

f  Like  a  Bend  in  Heraldry.     Monstrelet,  v.  c.  5.  I  Id.,  ibid. 


A.  D.  1418.]  RENEWED.  3 1 1 

From  willingness  to  disembarrass  himself  from  his  adversaries  without 
openly  authorizing  their  destruction;  from  personal  fear;  or  from  real 
inability  to  controul  the  madness  of  the  people,  Burgundy  permitted 
a  month  to  elapse  before  he  moved  from  Troyes.  When  he 
entered  Paris  with  the  Queen,  he  was  received  with  the  most  July  14. 
enthusiastic  joy  ;  the  King  appointed  him  Captain  General ; 
nominated  his  chief  adherents  to  the  principal  Offices  of  State  *;  and  as 
if  to  show  approbation  of  the  late  massacres,  restored  the  Butchers  to 
their  former  lucrative  monopoly.  Little  tranquillity  however  resulted  to 
the  wretched  Capital  from  these  changes.  The  Seine,  occupied  by  the 
English  at  its  mouth,  by  the  Armagnacs  in  the  upper  part  of  its  course, 
at  Melun,  was  no  longer  available  to  the  supply  of  the  famishing 
inhabitants ;  and  the  corpses  of  the  murdered  prisoners,  still  left  unburied 
in  the  streets,  infected  the  air  with  pestilential  vapours.  It  was  calcu- 
lated that  more  than  50,000  persons  died  in  Paris  and  its  environs 
between  June  and  October.  Nor  was  the  appetite  for  slaughter  com- 
pletely appeased.  A  rumour  was  sedulously  circulated  that  the  Govern- 
ment intended  to  enrich  itself  by  the  ransom  of  the  surviving  Armagnacs, 
who  would  be  allowed  to  purchase  immunity  by  ample  disbursements. 
The  public  Executioner,  Capeluche,  led  the  Butchers,  excited 
by  this  falsehood,  to  a  second  assault  upon  the  prisons ;  and  Aug.  21 . 
after  sacking  both  the  Chatelets,  and  dragging  out  their  new 
inmates  to  a  cruel  death,  he  proceeded  with  his  associates  to  summon  the 
Bastile.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  condescending  to  mingle  with  the  infu- 
riated rabble,  endeavoured  to  soothe  their  passions  by  a  mild  demeanour 
and  courteous  speeches ;  he  even  took  Capeluche  by  the  hand,  and 
intreated  him  as  a  friend  to  procure  the  dispersion  of  his  followers.  On 
the  surrender  of  some  prisoners  of  distinction  whom  the  Butchers  pro- 
mised to  convey  safely  to  the  Chatelet,  the  attack  on  the  Bastile  was 
abandoned,  but  no  sooner  were  the  captives  within  the  walls  of  their 
second  gaol  than  the  assassins,  keeping  to  the  letter  but  violating  the 
spirit  of  their  engagement,  mercilessly  tore  them  in  pieces  f .  A  stratagem 
which  Burgundy  employed  in  some  measure  restored  his  authority,  and 
at  least  enabled  him  to  avenge  his  outraged  pride.  Having  prevailed 
upon  the  most  turbulent  Cabochiens  to  assist  in  an  attack  on  the  neigh- 
bouring posts  of  Montlhery  and  Marcoussi,  then  occupied  by  the 
Armagnacs,  he  furnished  them  with  leaders,  and  closed  the  City  Gates 
immediately  on  their  departure.  Six  thousand  formidable  ruffians  were 
thus  excluded  from  Paris  ;  and  the  first  step  of  its  Captain-General  upon 
finding  himself  master  of  the  Government,  was  to  order  the  execution  of 
Capeluche.  It  is  said  that  this  man  of  blood,  who  was  beheaded  by  his 
own  assistant,  was  so  engrossed,  even  during  his  last  moments,  by 
a  remembrance  of  his  former  occupation,  that  he  corrected  some 
faulty  arrangements  in  the  apparatus  for  his  punishment,  and  died, 
*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  G.  f  Ibid,  v.  c  12, 


316  ROUEN    CAPTURED    BY    THE    ENGLISH.  [cil.  XIII. 

as  it  were,  in  the  superintendence  of  tlie  hateful  duties  of  his 
office.  A  Proclamation  was  issued  denouncing  capital  penalties  against 
any  one  who  should  molest  an  Armagnac  by  private  warfare ;  but  in 
order  to  temper  this  provision  with  fitting  severity,  and  to  prevent  it 
from  bearing  any  favourable  appearance  to  the  friends  of  Orleans,  many 
prisoners  of  note  were  formally  condemned  and  sacrificed  upon  the 
scaffold,  with  strict  attention  to  legal  solemnities. 

The  Dauphin  established  a  Court  at  Poitiers,  and  assumed  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Faction,  which  had  so  recently  lost  its  Chief,  and  which 
accordingly  henceforward  became  known  by  the  name  of  the  Dauphinois; 
under  the  guidance  of  Tannegui  du  Chatel,  he  repulsed  all  overtures 
from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  to  whom  Policy  loudly  dictated  recon- 
ciliation with  the  Heir  to  the  Crown.  The  King  of  England,  in  the 
mean  time,  had  amused  both  the  contending  Parties  with  ambiguous  and 
inconclusive  negotiation.  The  Civil  dissensions  of  France  availed  him 
far  more  than  his  army  which  was  but  scantily  provided,  or  his  sub- 
sidies which  were  most  irregularly  paid ;  and  when  he  sat  down  under 

the  walls  of  Rouen,  there  was  not  any  adequate  National 
June  — .     force  by  which  he   could   be  resisted.     Fifteen  thousand 

Bourgeois,  supported  by  4000  men  at  arms  *,  defended 
themselves  bravely  in  that  City  ;  but  their  applications  for  further  relief 
were  ineffectual  f;  and  Burgundy,  unable  to  collect  sufficient  troops  to 
meet  the  invaders,  retired  from  Beauvais,  the  farthest  point  to  which  he 
had  advanced,  signifying  to  the  already  famished  inhabitants  that  they 
would  do  wisely  to  capitulate  upon  the  easiest  terms  which  their 
besiegers  would  grant.  Henry  at  first  sternly  demanded  their  surrender 
at  discretion ;  and  when  he  found  that  they  were  prepared  to  perish 
sword  in  hand,  rather  than  by  the  axe  of  the  executioner,  to  which  un- 
conditional submission  was  a  certain  prelude,  he  granted  terms  distin- 
guished by  more  than  usual  harshness.  Three  hundred  thousand 
crowns  of  gold  were  to  be  paid  at  two  instalments,  all  arms,  stores  and 
equipages  were  to  be  surrendered;  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison  were 
allowed  to  withdraw  on  their  parole  not  to  serve  against  England,  during 

the  next  year ;  and  the  chief  Citizen,  who  had  animated  his 

A.  d.  1419.  brethren  to  defence,  Alain  Blanchard,  the  Commander  of  the 

Jan.  19.     Bourgeois  militia,  was  beheaded  on  the  day  which  placed 

Henry  V.  in  possession  of  the  Capital  of  Normandy,  215 
years  after  it  had  been  ceded  by  John  to  Philippe  Auguste.     Two  other 
Citizens  who  had  been  excluded  from  amnesty  "  escaped  punishment  by 
dint  of  money." 
*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  9. 

f  A  Priest  "  of  a  tolerable  age  and  of  clear  understanding"  was  deputed  by  the 
besieged  to  seek  aid  in  Paris.  He  employed  an  Augustin  Doctor,  Eustacbe  de  la 
Paville,  as  his  Proctor  before  the  Council.  Tbe  Divine,  according  to  custom,  ex- 
pounded the  matter  in  a  Sermon  ;  for  which  he  chose  an  apt  text, — "  Lord,  what 
shall  we  do  ?"  (Dumme,  quid  faciemus  ?)  Monstrelet  assures  us  that  he  harangued 
upon  it  very  ably  and  eloquently,  v.  c.  14. 


A.D.  1416.]  CONFERENCE    AT    POUlLLY.  317 

The  fall  of  Rouen  seems  to  have  awakened  both  parties  in  France  to  a 
sense  of  their  common  danger,  and  the  immediate  result  was  a  suspension 
of  arms  between  the  Dauphin  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  a  Truce 
negociated  by  each  of  them  with  Henry  also.    With  the  latter,  Burgundy 
at  first  proposed  to  himself  a  far  more  intimate  union  than  could  be 
effected  by  a  mere  suspension  of  arms  ;  and  he  hoped  through  the  per- 
sonal attractions  of  the  Princess  Catherine,  at  that  time  in 
her  nineteenth  year,  to  bind  the  youthful  Monarch  entirely     May  29. 
to  his  interests.     For  that  purpose,  he  invited  him  to  a  Con- 
ference at  Meulan,  to  which  town  he  repaired  in  company  with  Queen 
Isabelle  and  her  daughter.     The  interviews  were  conducted  with  the 
strictest  attention  to  Royal  etiquette,  and  with  a  jealous  observance  of 
ceremonial;  but  Henry,   although   greatly  pleased   with  the   proposed 
Bride,  showed  no  willingness  to  relax  his  claims  for  dower.     Burgundy 
would  have  abandoned  Guienne  and  Normandy ;  but  the  King  inflexibly 
persisted  in  demanding  all  the  Provinces  which  had  been  confirmed  to 
Edward  III.  by  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny.     The  discussions  were  not  closed 
without  an   approach  to  angry  words ;  and  when  the  King  haughtily 
assured  his  w  Fair  Cousin  "  that  he  would  have  his  Bride  and  all  he 
asked  besides,  or  would  chase  both  him  and  his  Master 
Charles  out  of  the  Realm,  he  was  met  by  a  spirited  and  un-     June  30. 
expected  retort,  that  he  would  be  heartily  tired  before  he  was 
able  to  fulfil  the  threat  which  he  was  pleased  to  menace  f. 

Peace  with  England  appeared  to  be  hopeless;  and  Burgundy  there- 
fore was  well  inclined  to  lend  a  ready  ear  to  overtures  which 
the  Dauphin,  by  the  advice  of  Tannegui  du  Chatel,  was  now     July  11. 
equally  ready   to  offer.     The  rivals  met  at  Pouilly,  on  a 
bridge  which  crossed  a  small  stream  flowing  into  the  Seine,  about  a 
league  from  Melun.     The  Lady  of  Giac,  who  once  held  a  post  of  honour 
in  the  Queen's  household,  and  now  filled  one  in  that  of  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, to  which  dishonour  ought  to  have  been  attached,  adjusted  the 
preliminaries.     The  Duke  bent  his  knee  as  the  Prince  approached,  and 
held  his  stirrup  as  he  departed.   Many  words  of  courtesy  and  of  seeming 
affection  were  interchanged,  and  a  solemn  Treaty  of  alliance  was  con- 
cluded, which  each  Party  swore  ^to  observe  on  the  honour  of  a  Prince, 
and  as  he  valued  his  hopes  of  Paradise  f. 

It  is  little,  however,  to  be  supposed  that  a  reconciliation  thus  extorted 
by  necessity  could  be  sincere.  Although  Sans  pour  was  in  possession 
of  the  King  and  of  the  Capital,  he  felt  that  a  quarrel  with  the  Heir 
Apparent  rendered  his  authority  insecure ;  and  on  his  part,  interest, 
perhaps,  might  create  a  guarantee  against  infraction.  But  the  Dauphin 
was  a  mere  Boy,  who  had  not  yet  completed  his  seventeenth  year ;  he 
was  surrounded  by  counsellors  long  trained  in  enmity  to  the  Burgundian 

f  Id.,  ibid. 


318  CONFERENCE    AT    MONTEREAU.  [CH.  XIII. 

name ;  who  vividly  remembered  the  assassination  of  their  former  patron, 
and  who  had  vowed  that  it  should  be  avenged.  Twelve  years  of  ferocious 
struggle,  accompanied  by  mutual  outrage,  had  increased  rather  than 
diminished  the  original  excitement ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
when  Tannegui  du  Chatel  arranged  the  Conference  of  Pouilly  he  medi- 
tated the  treachery  for  which  better  opportunity  was  afterwards  afforded 
at  Montereau. 

The  English  recommenced   hostilities   immediately   on  Burgundy's 
departure  from  Meulan;  they  surprised  Pontoise,  and  ad- 
July  29.    vanced  detachments  to  the  very  gates  of  Paris.  The  Dauphin 
employed   two  months  in   collecting  troops,  and   he  then 
urgently  pressed  for  a  second  meeting  with  Burgundy,  in  order  to  adjust 
the  plan  of  a  campaign.     Sans  peur,  either  jealous  of  his  own  dignity, 
or  more  probably  suspecting  some  treacherous  design,  replied  that  it 
was  more  fitting  for  the  Dauphin  to  present  himself  at  the  Court  of  his 
Royal  Parents,  than  to  summon  their  Ministers  to  his  own  quarters  ;  but 
a  "  Dalilah,"  as  she  is  termed  by  contemporaries,  was  at  hand  to  dissi- 
pate these  scruples.     Tannegui  du  Chatel  had  bribed  the  Lady  of  Giac  to 
exert  her  influence  with  her  lover;  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  at  length, 
after  manifest  reluctance  and  undissembled  misgiving,  consented  to  the 
proposed  Conference. 

A  Bridge  was  again  chosen  for  the  meeting,  that  of  Montereau,  a  town 
at  the  confluence  of  the  Yonne  with  the  Seine ;  and  the  accounts  which 
we  possess  of  the  preparations  there  made  may  be  unhesitatingly  re- 
ceived. The  Dauphin,  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  combatants, 
arrived  in  the  neighbourhood  a  fortnight  beforehand,  and  the  framework, 
erected  as  was  said  for  mutual  security,  was  constructed  entirely  under 
the  superintendence  of  his  friends.  Each  end  of  the  Bridge  was 
strongly  barricaded,  and  a  sort  of  chamber  or  platform  was  left  open  in 
its  centre*.     The  number  of  attendants   to  be  admitted  within   the 

*  Villaret  describes  the  chamber  as  if  it  had  been  divided  by  a  central  barrier, 
devise"  par  un  barriere  a  hauteur  d'apui,  vii.  246.  M.  de  Sisraondi  expressly  contradicts 
this  statement ;  elle  rfetoit  point  separee  au  milieu  par  une  barriere,  xii.  581.  Juvenal 
des  Ursins  does  not  mention  any  central  barrier.  Outre  ce/a,  que  sur  le  Pont  (Ventre 
le  Chasteau  et  la  Ville  se  feroient  barrieres,  et  en  milieu  au  maniere  (Tun  Pare,  bien 
fermant,  oil  y  attroit  une  entree  du  coste  au  Chasteau,  et  aussi  une  aidre  du  coste  de  la 
Ville,  a  chacune  desquelles  entrees  y  auroit  un  huis,  qui  se  fermeroit  et  garderoit  par  leur 
gens,  369.  Monstrelet  speaks  of  the  first  and  second  barrier,  that  is,  as  we  under- 
stand him,  of  those  at  the  east  end  of  the  bridge;  and  he  describes  the  Dauphin  to  have 
been  leaning  upon  one  of  them,  probably  that  on  his  own  side,  v.  c.  26.  Neverthe- 
less, Louis  XL,  in  the  account  which  he  gave  to  Philippe  de  Commines,  plainly  spoke 
of  an  intermediate  barrier  with  a  wicket ;  and  attributed  the  murder  to  this  faulty 
construction,  against  which  he  effectually  guarded  himself  in  his  Conference  with 
Edward  IV.  at  the  Bridge  of  Pequeni  by  the  erection  of  a  strong  trellis-work 
comme  Von  fait  aux  cages  de  Lions.  The  King's  account  of  Montereau  is  as  follows  : 
La  fut  fait  un  Pont  et  une  barriere  au  milieu :  mais  au  milieu  desdites  barrieres  y  avoit 
un  petit  huisset,  qui  fermoit  des  deuce  costez,  par  quoi  on  pouvoit  alter  de  coste  a  autre  : 
moyennant  que  les  deux  parts  le  vousissent.  If  the  wicket  had  not  existed,  added 
Louis,  using  gentle  terms,  ce  grand  inconvenient  nefut  point  advenu,  Mons.  de  Corn- 
mines,  c.  75. 


A.D.  1418.]        ASSASSINATION    OF    THE    DUKE    OP   BURGUNDY.  319 

chamber  was  restricted  to  eight  on  each  side ;  and  the  Duke,  in  spite  of 
a  Warning  which  he  had  received  that  there  were  appear- 
ances justifying  suspicion,  proceeded  to  the  interview  with  a    Sept.  10. 
retinue  not  exceeding  500  men.     At  about  three  in   the 
afternoon,  when  he  dismounted  at  the  Bridge-foot,  he  was  received  by 
Tannegui  du  Chatel,  upon  whose  shoulder  he  familiarly  put  his  hand 
with  an  expression  of  confidence,  "  This  is  the  man  in  whom  I  trust." 
The  barriers  were  fastened  immediately  after  he  had  passed  through 
them  ;  Tannegui  du  Chatel  busily  separated  the  Duke  and  the  Sire  de 
Nouaillcs,  who  followed  him  closely,  from  the  rest  of  the  suite ;  those 
two  were  murdered  on  their  arrival  in  the  Dauphin's  presence ;    the 
others,  with  one  exception  (that  of  the  Sire  de  Montaigu  who  effected 
his  escape),  were  arrested,  and  since  none  but  the  perpetrators  and  the 
victims  of  this  bloody  deed  were  eye-witnesses  of  its  execution,  we  must 
accept  the  details  which  have  been  offered  with  some  degree  of  mistrust. 

Two  contemporaries  have  furnished  separate  accounts, — each  attached 
to  the  party  opposite  to  that  espoused  by  the  other ;  each  equally  de- 
serving of  general  credit ;  and  each,  in  all  probability,  most  honestly 
relating  that  information  which  he  considered  best  entitled  to  belief. 
Juvenal  des  Ursins,  who  was  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the  Dauphin, 
transmits  two  reports ;  one  that  the  Duke  upon  his  knees  lamented  the 
public  calamities,  and  tendered  the  services  of  himself  and  of  his  vassals. 
The  Dauphin,  before  he  replied,  touched  his  cap  and  raised  the  Duke, 
wrho  at  the  moment  gave  a  sign  to  his  followers*.  Tannegui  du  Chatel, 
alarmed  at  this  movement,  seized  him  by  the  shoulders,  and  killed  him 
by  the  stroke  of  an  axe.  According  to  the  second  narrative,  the  Duke 
insisted  that  Charles  should  present  himself  at  Court  f;  and  when  the 
Dauphin  answered  that  he  would  do  so  at  his  own  pleasure,  not  at  the 
command  of  Burgundy,  Nouailles  whispered  a  few  words  in  the  Duke's 
ear.  Sans  pcur  changed  colour,  laid  his  right  hand  upon  his  sword 
which  he  half  drew  from  the  scabbard,  and  his  left  on  the  young  Prince, 
at  the  same  time  declaring  that  whether  he  were  willing  or  otherwise, 
he  should  at  that  moment  come  to  his  father.  Tannegui  du  Chatel, 
taking  the  Dauphin  in  his  arms,  carried  him  to  his  own  end  of  the 
Bridge,  and  in  the  confusion  which  ensued  some  of  the  bystanders 
struck  down,  and  killed  the  Duke  and  Nouailles  J. 

The  statement  of  Monstrelct,  a  zealous  Burgundian,  is  far  more  cir- 
cumstantial. The  Duke,  rode  "  joyously  "  till  he  came  near  Montereau, 
when  he  was  told  by  three  of  his  retainers  who  had  been  despatched  in 
advance,  that  there  were  several  new  barriers  erected  much  to  the  ad- 
vantage  of  the  Dauphin's  party.     After  a  short  consultation  on  horse- 

*    Qui  fist  Ml  signe  a  ceux  que  le  suivoient. 

f  " Mo  n  seigneur,  quiconque  le  veuille,  vous  viendrez  a  present  u  votrc  IKre" 
\   Puis  il  y  en  eut  qui  fraperenl  sur  le  Due  de  Botcrgogne  et  sur  le  Seigneur  de 
Nouailles,  qui  alerent  tous  deux  de  vie  a  trepassement. 


320        monstrei.et's  account  of  the  assassination.       [ch.xiii. 

back,  he  decided  upon  proceeding ;  having  expressed  unlimited  con- 
fidence in  the  honour  of  the  King's  son,  and  great  reluctance  that  his 
own  courage  should  be  doubted,  or  that  hesitation  on  his  part  should 
occasion  any  delay  in  adjusting  the  peace  of  his  Country.  Tannegui  du 
Chatel  came  to  announce  that  the  Dauphin  was  ready,  and  more  than 
once  the  Prince's  attendants  urged  that  he  wras  already  waiting.  The 
barriers  were  locked  as  soon  as  they  were  passed ;  and  the  Duke,  ad- 
dressing Du  Chatel,  in  the  terms  which  we  have  already  cited,  moved 
onward  "  until  he  approached  the  Dauphin,  who  wras]completely  armed 
and  girt  with  his  sword,  and  leaning  on  one  of  the  barriers  :  when  near, 
to  pay  him  greater  honour,  the  Duke  dropped  on  one  knee,  and  most 
respectfully  saluted  him.  The  Dauphin,  however,  made  no  return,  nor 
showed  him  the  least  sign  of  affection,  but  reproached  him  for  not  having 
kept  his  promise  of  discontinuing  the  war,  and  for  not  disbanding  his 
forces  from  different  garrisons,  according  to  his  engagements.  At  the 
same  time  Sir  Robert  de  Loire,  taking  him  by  the  right  arm,  said, 
'  Rise,  Sir,  for  you  are  too  great  a  man  thus  to  bend.'  The  Duke,  as 
has  been  said,  was  on  his  knee,  and  his  sword  having  turned  too  much 
behind  him  as  he  knelt  down,  he  put  his  hand  to  replace  it  properly, 
when  Sir  Robert  cried  out,  '  What !  do  you  put  your  hand  to  your 
sword  in  the  presence  of  my  Lord  the  Dauphin  ?' 

"  Daring  these  words,  Sir  Tannegui  du  Chatel  approached  him  on 
the  opposite  side,  and  making  a  signal,  saying  '  It  is  now  time,'  struck 
the  Duke  with  a  small  battle-axe  he  held  in  his  hand  so  roughly  on  the 
face,  that  he  felled  him  on  his  knees,  and  cut  off  part  of  his  chin.  The 
Duke,  on  this,  put  hand  to  his  sword  to  draw  it,  and  attempted  to  rise 
to  defend  himself,  but  at  the  instant  Tannegui  with  others  repeated  their 
blows  and  laid  him  dead.  While  he  was  on  the  ground,  Olivier  Layet, 
assisted  by  Pierre  Frotier,  thrust  a  sword  under  the  habergeon  into  his 
belly, 

"  The  Lord  de  Nouailles,  seeing  this,  drew  his  sword  half  out  to  defend 
the  Duke,  but  the  Viscount  de  Narbonne  held  a  dagger  ready  to  strike 
him.  The  Lord  de  Nouailles  now  turned  towards  him,  and  vigorously 
wrested  the  dagger  out  of  his  hand ;  however,  while  he  was  thus  en- 
gaged he  received  a  blow  from  a  battle-axe  on  the  back  part  of  his  head, 
which  put  an  end  to  the  scuffle  and  to  his  life*." 

The  Lady  of  Giac  immediately  threw  herself  upon  the  protection  of 
the  Dauphin's  troops.  Montaigu,  who  with  other  Knights  had  taken 
refuge  in  a  Castle  adjoining  the  Bridge,  refused  to  surrender  until  he 
should  receive  some  certain  intelligence  respecting  the  Duke ;  and  the 
Envoy  who  had  been  despatched  to  summon  him  answered  not  a  word, 
but  significantly  pointed  with  his  finger  to  the  ground.  The  corpse  of 
Burgundy,  stripped  of  all  but  its  doublet  and  drawers,  was  left  upon  the 
ground  till  midnight,  and,  on  the  following  morning,  hastily  interred 
*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  27. 


a.  d.  1420.]  Philip's  design  ok  revenge.  321 

before  the  Altar  of  the  Chapel  of  Montcrcau,  in  the  same  scanty  dress, 
and  with  the  bonnet  drawn  over  its  face*;  A  narrative  of  the  late  trans- 
actions was  addressed  by  the  Dauphin  in  circular  Letters  to  the  principal 

Towns  of  the  Kingdom  ;  and  in  those  papers  his  approbation  of  the 
murder  was  unequivocally  declared.  Burgundy,  it  was  said,  had  used 
several  foolish  expressions,  had  laid  his  hand  on  his  sword  with  an  inten- 
tion of  attacking  the  Prince  and  of  disfiguring  his  person  ;  and  for  that 
offence,  for  his  design  of  seizing  and  keeping  the  Dauphin  in  subjection, 
and  for  general  "  mad  conduct,"  he  was  (through  Divine  Mercy  and 
the  attachment  of  loyal  servants)  "  put  to  death  on  the  spot." 

Of  the  premeditation  of  this  murder  by  its  chief  actors  not  a  reason- 
able doubt  can  be  entertained;  to  what  extent  the  Dauphin  was  impli- 
cated, whether  he  shared  in  the  crime  by  having  been  admitted  to  privity 
before  its  commission,  or  whether,  having  been  previously  kept  in  igno- 
rance, he  was  prevailed  upon  to  give  it  sanction  afterwards,  may  fairly 
be  questioned f;  but  at  the  time  he  was  vehemently  condemned,  and 
few  abstained  from  charging  him  with  guilty  participation.  Philip, 
Count  of  Charolois,  only  son  and  successor  of  Sans -pew,  was  in  his 
twenty -third  year,  and  was  married  to  a  Princess  of  France,  Michelle,  a 
sister  of  the  Dauphin.  A  stroke  of  Nature,  not  of  very  common  occur- 
rence in  the  dry  and  frigid  pages  of  Monstrelet,  is  worthy  of  preservation. 
"  The  Countess,''  we  are  told,  "  was  greatly  troubled,  fearful  that  her 
Lord  would  on  this  account  be  estranged  from  her,  and  hold  her  less  in 
his  affections;  but  this  did  not  happen,  for  within  a  short  time,  by  the 
exhortations  and  remonstrances  of  his  Ministers,  he  was  no  ways  dis- 
pleased with  her,  and  showed  her  as  much  kindness  as  before  J." 

Philip,  who    was   at  Ghent,  assured  himself  of  the  fidelity  of  his 
hereditary  States ;  and  having  received  a  deputation  which  gave  him 
equal  confidence  in  the  Magistrates  and  the  leading  Citizens  of  Paris, 
he  boldly  resolved  to  visit  the  perfidy  of  the  Dauphin  by  excluding  him 
from  the  succession.     The  transfer  of  the  Crown  of  France 
from  the  reigning  dynasty  to  the  King  of  England  was  the     Dec.  — . 
basis  therefore  of  a  negotiation  which  he  opened  at  Arras ; 
while  the   Dauphin,   during  the   Winter,   became   little    other   than  a 
wanderer  through  the  Provinces  of  the  South.       A  fresh 
act  of  treachery,  of  which  indisputable  evidence  was  afibrdcd    a.  d.  1420. 
by  his  own  Letters,  confirmed  him  in  universal  evil  repute. 

*  The  corpse  was  thus  found  when  disinterred  shortly  afterwards  by  the  order 
of  Philippe  le  ion,  for  conveyance  to  the  Chartreuse  without  Dijon.  Monslrelet, 
v.  a  40. 

f  Mr.  Ilallam  (Middle  Aget,\.  71,  4to.)  favours  the  latter  opinion,  which  indeed 
seems  the  more  probable  of  the  two. 

\  V.  c.  30.  Michelle  died  July  8,  11-2.  Id.  ibid.  0.  81,  where  she  is  spoken  of  as 
"greatly  beloved  by  all  who  knew  her,  and  adored  by  the  subjects  of  her  Loid, 
Duke  Philip,  and  not  without  reason." 

Y 


322  TREATY  OF  TROYES.  [CH.  XIII. 

The  inhabitants  of  Bretany  had  hitherto  remained  neutral,  but  the  an- 
cient relations  of  the  Ducal  Family  with  the  House  of  Burgundy  excited 
apprehensions  in  the  jealous  spirit  of  Tannegui  du  Chatel,  by  birth  and 
connexion  well  acquainted  with  that  Province.  In  order,  as  he  believed, 
to  establish  in  it  a  firmer  interest,  he  obtained  a  written  promise  from  the 
Dauphin,  confirming  the  Count  of  Penthievre  and  his  brother  (grand- 
sons  of  Charles  of  Blois  and  of  Clisson)  in  the  heritage  which  their 
ancestors  had  lost,  provided  they  would  undertake  the  overthrow  of  De 
Montfort.     The  youths  were  living  on  terms  of  familiar  intimacy  and 

confidence  with   their  Sovereign ;  but,  debauched  by  this 
Feb.  12.     ambitious  hope,  they  unscrupulously  decoyed  him  into  an 

ambuscade,  and  transferred  him  to  various  places  of  secret 
confinement,  in  which  he  was  treated  with  bitter  indignity,  and  fre- 
quently menaced  with  death.  By  the  heroism  of  his  Duchess,  who 
roused  the  Breton  Nobles  to  arms,  steadily  refused  all  compromise  even 
when  told  that  her  husband's  body  should  be  sent  to  her  piecemeal,  and 

in  the  end  captured  the  mother  of  Penthievre  and  nego- 
July  5.     tiated  an  exchange,  the  Duke  was  restored  to  freedom,  and 

the  Dauphin,  instead  of  receiving  an  accession  of  strength 
by  the  adherence  of  an  important  Province,  created  new  enemies,  and 
increased  the  prevalent  conviction  of  his  utter  worthlessness. 

The  King,  as  we  have  often  before  shown,  even  when  allowed  to 
exercise  the  functions  of  Royalty  in  public,  was  incapable  of  free  agency. 
The  Queen  Isabelle  was  wholly  estranged  from  her  son  by  his  League 
with  a  hostile  Faction,  and  she  was  moreover  well  pleased  with  any  ar- 
rangement which  contributed  to  the  elevation  of  Catherine,  her  favourite 

daughter.     After  a  few  preliminary  discussions,   Henry  V. 
May  21.     was  invited  to  Troyes,  and  a  Treaty  of  Peace  was  there 

ratified,  the  most  important  which  had  ever  been  concluded 
between  the  two  Kingdoms.  The  hand  of  Catherine  was  bestowed  on 
Henry,  who  renounced  his  empty  title  of  King  of  France,  and  assumed 
in  its  stead  the  more  substantial  style  of  Regent  and  Heir  apparent. 
Charles,  during  his  lifetime,  was  to  retain  the  Royal  dignity  and  reve- 
nues, but,  at  his  death,  they  were  to  pass  with  all  their  rights  to  Henry 
and  his  successors,  even  if  his  present  marriage  should  be  unproductive 
of  issue.  From  the  moment  of  signature,  the  Government  of  the  Realm 
was,  in  consequence  of  Charles's  infirmity,  to  be  vested  in  Henry,  as- 
sisted by  a  Council  of  State.  All  acquisitions  made  hereafter  from  the 
Armagnacs  were  to  be  united  to  France,  but  Normandy,  which  was 
already  won,  was  to  remain  in  the  separate  possession  of  its  conqueror  till 
he  ascended  his  second  throne.  Each  of  the  two  Kingdoms,  on  union 
under  one  Monarch,  was  to  be  administered  by  its  own  peculiar  laws 
and  usages;  and  finally,  the  contracting  parties  pledged  themselves 
never,  without  mutual  consent  and  the  approbation  of  the  States-General, 


A.D.    1420.]  (  ONTUTT  OF  HENRY  V.   IN  PARIS.  323 

to  treat  with  the  pretended   Dauphin  of  Yiennois,  "  on  account  of  the 
horrible  and  enormous  crimes  which  he  had  perpetrated*." 

On  the  morrow  of  the  Holy  Trinity  the  marriage  wa3  celebrated  at 
Troyes  in  the  Parish  Church,  near  which  Henry  lodged; 
and  the  next  six  months  were  employed  hy  him  in  prose-  June  2. 
OUting  a  vigorous  and  successful  War  against  the  Dauphin. 
It  was  not  till  December  that  the  Court  entered  Paris,  and  then  the 
Captaincy  of  the  City  was  batoned  upon  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  and  the 
Burgesses  and  the  assembled  States  swore  to  observe,  the  Treaty,  Much 
is  said  by  the  French  writers  of  the  great  seventies  which  Henry  exer- 
i  after  his  conquests ;  he  appears  indeed  to  have  executed  without 
mercy  all  prisoners  who  could  even  remotely  be  held  to  have  failed  in 
allegiance,  all  natives  of  those  Provinces  which  he  considered  to  be.  Fiefs 
of  his  own  Crown,  as  well  as  the  many  English  and  Scottish  adven- 
turers whom  he  captured  in  arms.  Much  also  is  urged  concerning  the 
strictness  of  Police  which  rendered  him  unpopular  iu  the  Capital.  But 
the  turbulence  of  the  Kingdom  and  the  uncertainty  of  his  tenure  must 
be  duly  weighed  in  any  estimate  which  is  formed  of  his  measures.  A 
rigid  exaction  of  the  Law  was  necessary  for  his  very  existence.  We 
have  the  testimony  of  one  contemporaneous  writer  f  that  he  created  strong 
attachment  by  the  equity  of  his  decisions,  "  which  caused  the  poor 
people  to  love  him  above  every  other;"  and  an  anecdote  preserved  by 
Monstrelet  evinces  that  no  favouritism  was  allowed  to  obstruct  the 
course  of  even-handed  Justice.  Bertrand  de  Chaumont,  a  Gentleman 
of  Guyenne,  who  had  joined  the  English  at  Azincourt  at  a  moment  in 
which  his  service  was  most  needed,  who  had  been  rewarded  with  a  post 
in  the  Royal  household,  and  who  was  much  beloved  by  Henry  on  ac- 
count of  his  valour,  in  an  evil  hour  aided  the  escape  of  a  friend  con- 
cerned in  the  assassination  at  Montereau.  The  Duke  of  Clarence,  and 
even  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  interceded  in  behalf  of  the  culprit ;  but 
Henry  forbade  all  solicitation,  declaring  that  he  would  have  no  traitors 
in  his  army;  that  this  punishment  was  for  an  example  to  all  others; 
and  that  although  he  would  willingly  have  given  500,000  nobles  rather 
than  Bertrand  should  have  committed  a  disloyal  act,  having  really  com- 
mitted it,  he  must  be  left  to  the  executioner  J. 

Another  source  of  complaint  arose  from  the  contrast  exhibited  bc.tv 
the  Courts  of  the  two  Kings;  that  of  Henry  glittered  with  pomp  and  splen- 
dour, that  of  Charles  was  sordid  and  destitute.     "  In  comparison  of  past 
times,"  says  Monstrelet  on  one  occasion §,  "  it  was  a  poor  sight  now  to 

*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  3,">,  and  th a  Treaty  *t length,  c.  :$9. 

f  Pierre  Fenin,  cited  by  Mr.  Turner,  ii.  407-  Pierre  Fenin,  who  was  Kcuyer  et 
Pannetier  de  Hoi  C  harles  VI.  and  Provost  of  Anas,  compiled  M<  moires  of  the  period 
between  140/  and  14J2.     He  died  in  1433. 

\  v.  c.  4"). 

§  This  was  at  the  siege  of  Mrlun,  between  the  Peace  of  Troyes  and  the  entrance 
of  Paris.     Charles  was  present  at  it,  "  under  the  care  and  management  of  his  son- 

y2 


324  DECREE  AGAINST  THE  DAUPHIN.  [cH.  XIII. 

see  him ;"  in  a  second  place  he  is  represented  as  <f  deserted  by  the  gran- 
dees and  others  of  his  subjects  as  if  he  had  been  quite  forgotten*;"  and, 
on  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity,  while  the  King  of  England  and  his  Queen 
were  surrounded  at  the  Louvre  by  throngs  of  the  French  Nobles,  "  who 
came  from  all  parts  to  do  them  honour  with  the  utmost  humility,"  so 
that  "  it  is  impossible  to  detail  the  magnificence  of  their  State,  nor  that 
of  the  Princes  who  attended  them,"  Charles  sat  apart  in  the  Hotel 
St.  Pol,  *'•"  poorly  and  meanly  served  compared  with  the  pomp  with 
which  he  used  to  keep  open  Court  in  former  times,  and  attended  only 
on  that  day  by  some  old  servants  and  persons  of  low  degree  f."  But 
who  can  wonder  that  the  Presence  Chamber  of  a  gallant  and  victorious 
Prince,  stored  with  beauty  and  glowing  with  the  festivity  of  a  recent 
bridal,  should  be  more  frequented  than  that  which  at  any  moment  might 
be  converted  into  the  cell  of  a  maniac?  It  is  not  upon  the  King  of 
England  that  blame  should  be  thrown,  if  undue  adulation  was  offered 
him  by  Courtiers  ;  and  an  incident  which  occurred  during  his  public 
entrance  into  Paris  may  be  cited  as  a  proof  of  generous  forbear- 
ance on  his  part,  of  his  unwillingness  to  receive  honour  at  the  expense 
of  his  less  fortunate  brother.  When  the  Clergy  bore  their  Relics  in 
procession,  Charles  signified  that  they  should  be  tendered  in  the  first  in- 
stance not  to  himself  but  to  the  King  of  England  ;  "  but  King  Henry, 
putting  his  hand  to  his  head,  bowed  to  King  Charles,  and  said  he  would 
kiss  them  after  him,  which  was  done  accordingly]:." 

Before   the  arrival   of  Christmas,   the   Duke  of  Burgundy  and  the 

widowed  Duchess  commenced  a  formal  suit  against   the 
Dec.  23.     murderers  of  Sans-peur.     The  two  Kings  sat  in  judgment 

on  the  same  bench  in  the  lower  Hall  of  the  Hotel  St. 
Pol ;  and  the  Procurator  of  the  appellants  demanded  that  "  Charles, 
calling  himself  Dauphin  of  Vienne,"  seven  great  Lords  whom  he  speci- 
fied by  name,  and  "  all  those  who  had  been  concerned  "  in  the  crime, 
should  "  be  placed  in  tumbrils,  and  carried  through  all  the  Squares  of 
Paris  for  three  Saturdays  or  on  Festivals,  bareheaded  and  holding  wax- 
tapers  in  their  hands,  and  that  in  every  Square  they  should  publicly 
confess  with  a  loud  voice,  that  they  had  cruelly,  wickedly,  and  damnably 
put  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  death,  through  hatred  and  jealousy,  with- 
out any  other  cause  whatever.  They  were  then  to  be  carried  to  Mon- 
tereau,  where  they  had  perpetrated  this  murder,  to  undergo  the  same 
ceremonies  and  to  repeat  the  same  words."  Nor  was  this  all;  a 
Church  wTas  to  be  built  on  the  fatal  spot,  to  be  richly  furnished  and 
munificently  endowed  "  at  the  expense  of  the  said  Dauphin  and  his 
accomplices."     An  Inscription,  recording  the  cause  of  its  foundation, 

in-law,  the  King  of  England."  During  his  stay  in  the  Camp,  **  everyday,  at  sun- 
rise and  sunset,  eight  or  ten  clarions  with  divers  other  instruments  played  most 
melodiously  for  an  hour  before  the  King  of  France's  tent."  v.  c.  42. 

•  Monstrelet,  ibid.  c.  77-  t  Id.  ibid.  c.  48.  {  Id.  ibid.  c.  46. 


A.I).   1421.]  DlflAT  OF  THE  ENGLISH  AT  BAUGK,  325 

was  to  be  carved  in  large  letters  on  a  stone  over  the  principal  entrance 
of  the  Church,  and  a  similar  Inscription  was  to  be  placed  in  the  Cities 
of  Rome,  Paris,  Ghent,  Dijon,  St.  James  of  Compostella,  and  Jerusalem. 
No  further  proof  of  the  extreme  degradation  to  which  the  Dauphin  was 
reduced  need  be  demanded,  than  the  answer  which  his  Royal  Father 
addressed  to  the  Advocate  who  required  this  Act  of  Penance.  "In  re- 
gard to  the  death  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  and  those  who  have  so 
cruelly  murdered  him,  by  the  grace  of  God  and  with  the  assistance  of  my 
son  and  heir,  Henry  King  of  England  and  Regent  of  France,  I  will  do 
speedy  and  effectual  justice  on  all  who  have  been  concerned  therein*.'' 

In  consequence  of  this  process,  the  Dauphin  was  summoned  to  appear 
with  the  usual  solemnities  before  the  Parliament  at  the  Table 
of  Marble t;  and,  as  the  result  of  his  absence,  he  was  sen-    a.  n.  1421 
tenced  as  contumacious,  and  "  by  the  Council  and  Parliament      Jan.  3. 
was  condemned  to  be  publicly  banished  the  Realm,  and  de- 
clared incapable  of  succeeding  to  any  lands  or  lordships,  and  even  to  the 
succession  of  the  Crown  of  France,  notwithstanding  he  was  the  true 
and  lawful  heir  after  the  decease  of  his  father  King  Charles,  according 
to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Realm  £."     The  Dauphin,  in  reply,  made 
an  appeal  to  his  sword,  the  final  resource  of  most  disputants  when  every 
other  mode  of  argument  has  proved  unavailing. 

Henry  withdrew  to  London  with  his  Bride,  and  there  celebrated  her 
Coronation  with  great  splendour.    During  his  absence,  the  English  were, 
exposed  to  some  reverses.     The  Duke  of  Clarence,  in  con- 
sequence of  an  unadvised  movement  which  separated  him    March  23. 
from  his  main  Army,  was  defeated  and  killed  at  Bauge  in 
Anjou  by  a  force  under  the  command  of  the  Sire  La  Fayette  and  the 
Earl  of  Buchan§,  a  Scottish  Nobleman  whom  the  Dauphin  had  named 
Constable.     Nearly  3000  English,  with  the  Earls  of  Kyme 
and  of  Ross,  were  among  the  slain.     Henry,  distressed  at     June  1 1 . 
this  loss,  hastened  to  repair  it,  and  re-entered  Paris  with  a 
numerous  body  of  troops.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy  anticipated  his  re- 
venge by  winning  a  complete  victory  at  Mons-en-Yimieu, 
which  cleared  Picardy  of  the  Dauphinois ;  and  Henry  oc-     Aug.  31. 
cupied  himself  with  the  siege  of  the  strong  City  of  Meaux. 
During  eight  months  its  walls  defied  his  utmost  skill  and  valour;  but 
the   Dauphin,  unable  to  attempt  its  relief,  confined  himself  to  Lan- 

*  Monstrelet,  ibid. 

f  The  Tribunal  so  called  derived  its  name  from  a  great  table  winch  occupied  the 
whole  breadth  of  the  Hall  of  the  Palace.  Its  name  seems  to  have  been  appropriated 
to  the  three  jurisdictions  of  the  Constable,  the  Admiral,  and  the  Waters  and  Forests. 
Eneyrltipalir,  torn.  vii.  Du  Tiilet,  Iitcuti/  il>s  rungs  dm  Qrtmdt  dr  Frnnc>\  \)~J . 
This  table  was  destroyed  in  a  fire  which  consumed  the  Hall  of  the  Palace  in  1G18. 

\  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  5',i.  The  evidence  given  by  a  contemporary  of  unblemished 
credit  is  incontrovertible  ;  yet  Rapin  is  very  much  inclined  to  shuffle  out  of  it. 

§  Le  Cvmte  de  Bukam,  as  Villuiet  calls  him. 


326  DEATH  OF  [CH.  XIII. 

guedoc,  and  famine  at  length  compelled  surrender.     Whatever  may  be 

thought  in  our  days  of  that  military  law  which  adjudged 

a.  d.  1422.    vanquished  commanders  to  the  gibbet,  the  fate  of  the  Bas- 

May  10.      tard  of  Vaurus,  upon  whom  in  this  instance  the  sentence 

was  executed,  little  deserves  commiseration.    He  had  made 

himself  notorious  by  his  cruelties,  and  had  hanged-  many  English  and 

Burgundians  upon  an  elm  Tree  without  the  Walls  (on  that  account 

bearing  his  name,  POrme  de  Vaurus*),  on  which  his  own  remains  were 

exposed  in  retribution. 

It  would  doubtless  have  been  more  consistent  with  dignity,  if  Henry 
had  passed  over  with  contemptuous  disregard  the  gross  insults  which  he 
had  suffered  during  this  siege.     The  Citizens  of  Meaux  had  led  an  Ass 
to  the  ramparts,  and  forced  it  to  bray  by  beating  it.     They  then  called 
to  the  English  to  rescue  their  King,  who  they  said  was  crying  for  assist- 
ance.    This  coarse  buffoonery  greatly  irritated  Henry,  and  was  visited 
by  him  with   unrelenting  severity   after  the  capitulation. 
a.  n.  1421.    During  the  progress  of  the  siege  he  had  received  the  happy 
Dec.  6.       announcement  that  Catherine  had  become  the  mother  of  a 
Prince  at  Windsor ;  and  a  few  days  after  the  surrender  of 
a.  p.  1422.    Meaux,  he  eagerly  joined  her  at  the  Court  of  Vincennes. 
May  31.      The  Dauphin,  meantime,  had  collected  a  large  armament  in 
the  South;  some  revulsion  in  his  favour  had  commenced; 
and  his  standard  was  eagerly  sought  by  Scottish  Chiefs  of  distinction, 
panting  to  revenge  the  captivity  of  their  King,  James  I.,  ungenerously 
detained  by  Henry.    To  the  Earl  of  Buchan,  as  we  have  already  noticed, 
Charles  had  entrusted  the  Sword  of  Constable  ;  and  we  read  of  other 
names  in  his   service  well  known  in  our  Northern  Annals,  Wigton, 
Douglas,  Lindsay,   Swinton,  and  Stuart.     Thus  strength- 
July  — .     ened,  the  Dauphin  had  besieged  Cone  on  the  Loire,  and  had 
reduced  it  to  the  customary  agreement  of  surrender  unless 
it  were  relieved  before  a  given  day.     The  advance  of  the  Dukes  of  Bur- 
gundy and  of  Bedford  afforded  the  requisite  aid;  and  the  Dauphin, 
refusing   the  battle   to   which   he   was   formally   defied,  retired  upon 
Bezieres. 

The  King  of  England  had  vainly  endeavoured  to  join  the  Army  before 
Cone.  He  had  been  attacked  at  Senlis  with  dysentery,  and  after  per- 
sisting in  an  advance  to  Melun  he  was  conveyed  back  to  Vincennes  in  a 
litter.  His  disorder  rapidly  increased,  and  fully  aware  of  its  approaching 
fatal  termination,  he  summoned  to  his  sick  couch  his  brother  of  Bed- 
ford, his  uncle  of  Exeter,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  his  cousin,  and  a  few 
others  in  whom  he  reposed  the  fullest  confidence.  To  the  Duke  of 
Bedford  he  gave  injunctions  that  he  should  never  permit  the  conclusion 

*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  /5>  "called  thenceforth  Vaurus'  tree."  Villaret,  vii.  291,, 
attribute*  the  name  to  its  previous  use  by  Vaurus.  Either  reason  is  sufficient  for 
the  purpose. 


A.  D.  1422.]  HENRY  v.  327 

of  a  Treaty  "-with  his  adversary  Charles,"  rior  wholly  restore  Normandy 
to  him  ;  that  If  his  "  good  brother  of  Burgundy  "  were  desirous  of  the 
:icy  of  Franee  he  should  abandon  it  to  him;  if  otherwise,  that  he 
himself  should  undertake  its  administration,  lie  named  the  Duke  of 
Exeter*  Regent  of  England,  and  guardian  of  his  son  ;  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick was  appointed  his  Governor,  with  the  high  commendation  that  no 
litter  person  could  be  provided  to  teach  him  all  things  becoming  his 
rank  t.  lie  expressed  a  wish  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  other 
French  Princes  at  that  time  captives  in  England  should  be  detained  till 
his  dear  son  "  should  be  of  a  proper  age  ;"  and  he  concluded  .by  strongly 
impressing  the  necessity  of  cultivating  friendship  with  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy; "and  this,"  he  added  with  a  sagacious  insight  into  dispositions 
almost  prophetical  of  the  event  which  was  hereafter  to  occur,  "  I  par- 
ticularly recommend  to  the  consideration  of  my  dear  brother  Humphry 
(of  Gloucester),  for  should  any  coolness  subsist  between  you,  which  God 
forbid,  the  affairs  of  this  Realm,  which  are  now  in  a  very  promising  state, 
would  soon  be  ruined." 

After  the  delivery  of  this  advice,  he  addressed  himself  with  marked 
devotion  to  the  offices  of  the  Church,  and  expired  in  a  few 
hours,  much  to  the  grief  of  his  attendants.    A  solemn  service     Aug.  31. 
was  performed  over  his  body  at  Notre  Dame  in  Paris;  it  lay 
in  State  for  a  considerable  time  at  Rouen ;  it  was  conveyed,  with  greater 
magnificence  than  had  been  displayed  at  the  interment  of  any  King  of 
England  for  two  hundred  years  past,  first  to   Canterbury,  then  to  St. 
Paul's  in  London,  in  both  of  which  Churches  the  Funeral  service  was 
repeated,  and  finally  to  Westminster  Abbey  $,  u  where,"  says  Monstrelet, 
"  even  now  as  much  honour  and  reverence  is  daily  paid  to  King  Henry's 
Tomb,  as  if  it  were  certain  he  were  a  Saint  in  Paradise  §." 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  was  confirmed  in  the  Regency  of  France  by  the 
joint  authority  of  the  King,  of  his  own  nephew  of  England  (at  that  time 
eight  months  old),  and  of  the  Council  of  State;  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 

*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  80.  All  the  modern  writers  to  whom  we  have  been  able  to 
refer  misrepresent  this  appointment,  and  state  that  the  Dnke  of  Gloucester  was 
named  Regent  of  England  by  Henry  V.  The  first  Parliament  after  his  death  as- 
sembled, as  Walsingham  informs  us,  prcesidente  e'viem  ejus  avunew'o  Hum/redo  Dttce 
G/ocestrue,  prius  Ctittode  Ang/icce  commissione  dicti  Regis.  Ejus  and  dicti  Regis  plainly 
refer  to  Henry  VI.  The  Parliament  indeed  assumed  the  right  of  giving  a  new 
arrangement  to  Henry  Vlh's  will.  The  Duke  of  Kxeter  appears  to  have  bet  n  passed 
over  altogether.  The  Duke  of  Bedford  was  named  Protector,  not  Regent ;  and  his 
powers  were  to  be  exercised  during  his  absence  by  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  The 
education  of  the  young  King  was  entrusted  to  the  ( 'ardinal  of  Winchester,  a  much 
less  fitting  guardian  of  youth  than  the  Karl  of  Warwick.  Thomas  of  Beaufort, 
Lotd  High  Admiral  and  Bar]  Of  Dorset,  who  commanded  the  teat  at  Az  in  court 
and  afterwards  successfully  defended  Harfleur.  was  created  Duke  of  Exeter  in  1410, 
and  then  received  a  pension  of  1000/.     Cotton's  Abridgment,  56CK 

f  A  curious  account  of  one  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick's  very  chivalrous  exploits  is 
printed  by  Mr.  Turner,  ii.  490,  from  a  Life  by  Rous.     Cotton  MSS.   Jul.  E.  4. 

\  Walsingham,  407.  §  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  80. 


328  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  VI.  [CH.  XIII. 

not  being  willing  to  assume  the  invidious  office  *.    The  wretched  Charles 

terminated  his  disastrous  reign  within  a  few  weeks  after  the 
Oct.  21.     death  of  his  son-in-law;  no  member  of  his  Family  was  in 

attendance  at  the  moment  of  his  departure,  and  the  neglected 
Prince  breathed  his  last  sigh  in  the  presence  of  only  a  few  officers  of  his 
Household. 

Details  of  the  great  Schism  which  for  nearly  forty  years  distracted  the 
Western  Church  are  manifestly  inappropriate  to  a  professed  History  of 
France,  nevertheless  some  brief  outline  appears  demanded  on  account  of 
the  leading  part  taken  by  that  Country  in  the  progress  and  termination  of 
the  conflict.  The  incidents  become  more  intelligible  by  being  concen- 
trated into  one  unbroken  narrative  than  they  would  be  if  scattered  loosely 
over  the  general  Annals  of  the  Times  ;  and  no  place  seems  better  fitted 
for  their  introduction  than  the  close  of  that  Reign  during  which  the  dis- 
pute itself  was  concluded. 

The  death  of  Gregory  XI.  in  the  Vatican,  to  which  he  had  retrans- 

ferred  the  Papal  abode,  afforded  a  favourable  opportunity  to 
a.  n.  1378.  the  Romans  of  insisting  that  whoever  might  be  raised  to  the 

tiara  should  fix  his  residence  in  their  City,  not  in  the  Trans- 
alpine Court,  which  they  represented  to  be  another  Babylon.  The  Con- 
clave, notwithstanding  twelve  out  of  the  sixteen  Cardinals  of  whom  it  was 
composed  were  Frenchmen,  intimidated  by  the  ferocious  cries  of  the 
populace,  who  demanded  "  a  Roman  or  at  least  an  Italian  Pontiff," 
elected  Bartolomeo  Prignano,  Archbishop  of  Bari  f,  a  Neapolitan,  who 
assumed  the  name  of  Urban  VI.  His  arrogance  and  cruelty  soon  disgusted 
the  repentant  Cardinals  to  whose  fears  he  had  been  indebted  for  elevation; 
and  during  the  Summer,  when  they  had  withdrawn  from  Rome  to  Fondi 

and  Anagni,  they  annulled  the  late  Election  as  compulsory, 
Sept.  20.     and  unanimously  chose  Robert,  Cardinal  of  Geneva,  under 

the  title  of  Clement  VII.  The  Romans  protested  loudly 
against  this  change,  and  Clement  rejected  by  almost   all  Italy,  and 

assured  of  support  by  Charles  V.  who  deprecated  the  return 
a.  d.  1379.  of  the  Pontifical  Government  to  a  City  remote  from  his  own 
June  10.     influence,  embarked  from  Naples  for  Marseilles,  and  esta- 
blished himself  in  the  Palace  at  Avignon. 
An  Assembly  of  the  Freuch  Clergy  convoked  at  Vincennes  issued  a 

solemn  declaration  in  favour  of  Clement,  and  the  several 
Nov.  16.     Powers  of  Christendom  soon  gave  adherence  to  one  or  other 

of  the  competitors.  England,  the  Northern  Kingdoms, 
the  German  Empire,  most  of  the  Italian  States,  Portugal,  and  the 
Netherlands,  avowed  themselves  Urbanists.  On  the  side  of  Clement 
were  arrayed,  together  with  France,  the  Kings  of  Scotland,  of  Cyprus, 

*  Monstrelet,  v.  c.  81. 

t  It  was  not  M  yet  necessary  that  the  newly-elected  Pope  should  have  been  a 
Cardinal. 


(  IT.  XIII.]  SKETCH  OF  THE  GREAT  SCHISM.  329 

of  Castile,  and  of  Aragon,  the  Duke  of  Austria  and  some  other  German 
Princes,  the  Counts  of  Savoy  and  of  Geneva.     The  demise 
of  Urban  produced  some  hope  of  re-union  ;  but  the  Roman    a.  d.  1389. 
Cardinals,  as  if  to  evince  that  retention  of  power  was  their      Oct.  — . 
sole  object,  within  a  fortnight  elected   a  Pope,  so  scanda- 
lously ignorant,  that  we  are  assured  he  could  neither  write  nor  sing*, 
Pietro  Thomacelli,  Cardinal  of  Naples,  known  as  Boniface  IX.     This 
unexpected  continuance  of  the  Schism  excited  much  consideration  among 
the  Faculty  of  the  Sorbonne,  that  Branch  of  the  University  of  Paris 
whose  pre-eminence  in  Theological  Science  appears   to  have  been  wil- 
lingly  acknowledged  by  the  rest  of  Europe.     The  first  access  of  lunacy 
in  Charles  VI.  was  regarded  by  him,  on  his  convalescence,  as  a  Divine 
judgment;   and  he  cherished  a  conviction  that  no  act  could  be  more 
agreeable  to  Heaven,  and  none  therefore   be   more  likely   to   prevent 
a   renewal  of  its  visitation,   than   an   exercise  of  power  to   close   the 
rents  in  the  garment  which  professed  to  be  without  seam.     The  King, 
therefore,  so  long  as  his  brief  sanity  permitted,  sedulously  urged  the 
choice  of  one  out  of  three  propositions  suggested  by  the  University,  that 
each  of  the  existing  Popes  should  simultaneously  resign,  in  order  that 
the  Conclave  might  proceed  to  an  entifely  new  Election ;  that  both 
should  submit  to  arbitrators  mutually  chosen  ;  or  that  both  should  abide 
by  the  decision  of  a  General  Council.    These  three  methods, 
of  mutual  cession,  of  compromise,  or  of  a  General  Council,   a.d.  1394. 
were  proposed  by  Nicolas  de  Clemengis,  in  the  name  of  the     June  30. 
Sorbonne.    All  of  them  were  violently  opposed  by  the  Duke 
of  Berri,  whose  avarice  was  lavishly  satisfied  in  return  for  the  protection 
which  he  extended  to  Avignon.     But  the  University  remained  firm  in 
its  purpose;  and  Clement,  perhaps  agitated  by  the  conflict, 
was   struck  with   apoplexy,   and   expired   during  the  dis-    Sept.  16. 
cussion. 

All  difficulty  seemed  now  at  an  end,  and  the  King  invited  the  Cardi- 
nals of  Avignon  to  await  the  result  of  a  negotiation  which  he  was  about 
to  open  with  Rome ;  but  the  Conclave,  foreseeing  that  whichever  Church 
should  be  headless  at  the  moment  of  reconciliation  must  also  be  subor- 
dinate, proceeded  to  immediate  election,  without  opening  the  Royal 
despatches.  Each  member  of  the  Holy  College,  however,  professing  a 
sincere  desire  to  terminate  the  Schism,  bound  himself  by  a  prelimi- 
nary oath,  attested  by  his  signature,  that,  in  case  the  choice  of  his 
brethren  should  fall  upon  him,  there  was  not  any  sacrifice  which  he 
would  refuse  to  make  for  the  restoration  of  harmony,  and  that  he  would 
agree  even  to  mutual  cession,  if  he  could  obtain  the  consent  of  his  adver- 

*  Theodoric  of  Niems,  lib.  ii.  c.  C,  cited  by  Mr.  Waddington,  History  of  the 
Churvh,  p.  519.  Platina  however  speaks  highly  of  the  moral  virtues  of  Boniface  iu 
a  passage  not  very  favourable  to  the  general  habits  of  the  Pontificate,  in  Vild. 


330        THE  FRENCH  SUBTRACT  OBEDIENCE  FROM  ROME.   [CH.  XIII. 

sary.     Pedro  de  Luna,  of  an  illustrious  Aragonese  Family,  was  the  for- 
tunate Candidate,  but  his  recognition  as  Benedict  XIII.  was 
Sept.  28.     deferred  by  the  King  of  France  until  he  should  learn  the 
opinion  of  his  Clergy,  whom  he  convoked  for  the  ensuing 
February. 

The  Synod  acknowledged  Benedict,  but  at  the  same  time  strongly 

urged  the  remedy  of  mutual  cession.     For  that  object,  the 

a.  d.  1395.    three  Royal  Dukes  of  Orleans,  of  Berri,  and  of  Burgundy, 

Feb.  2.      were  deputed  by  the  King  on  a  mission  to  Avignon.    There 

they  were  fatigued  and  perplexed  by  the  Scholastic  form  of 

discussion  which  the  Cardinals  adopted ;    and  after  listening  to  many 

vexatious  homilies,  during  a  period  of  nearly  three  months,  they  returned 

to  Paris  without  effecting  their  object. 

Similar  exertions  were  made  with  equal  want  of  success  by  the  sup- 
porters of  Boniface.  Pedro  de  Luna  had  not  scrupled  to  seek  emanci- 
pation by  perjury  ;  and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  Papacy  was  to  exer- 
cise upon  himself  the  general  power  of  Dispensation  arrogated  by  the 
Holy  See,  and  to  annul  the  oath  which  he  had  taken  on  entering  the 
Conclave  as  a  Cardinal.  Boniface  temporized  with  equal  insincerity ; 
to  the  Envoys  sent  to  urge  mutual  cession,  he  replied  in  general  terms 
which  encouraged  a  belief  that  he  would  submit ;  but  to  the  People  of 
Rome,  who  were  greedily  looking  forward  to  the  approaching  lucrative 
celebration  of  the  Jubilee,  he  spoke  without  disguise,  and  assured  them 
that  whatever  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France  might  do,  he  would 
never  resign  the  Popedom*. 

A  fresh  Synod  of  the  Gallican  Clergy  resolved  upon  a  measure  of 
vigour  hitherto  unexampled,  chiefly  at  the  recommendation 
a.  d.  1398.    of  John  Gersen,  one  of  the  ablest  of  their  Theologians ; 
May  22.      and  a  Royal  Ordinance   proclaimed  that  France  had  sub- 
tracted Spiritual  obedience  from  both  the  Pretenders.    Bene- 
dict received  this  announcement  with  disdain,  and  a  military  force  con- 
sequently moved  on  Avignon,  under  the  Marechal  Boucicaut,  to  compel 
submission.     The  aged  Prelate  had  engaged  a  few  mercenaries,  and  had 
filled  his  Palace  with  ample  stores ;  there  was  sufficient  provision  for 
three  or  four  years'  consumption,  and  whenever  fuel  was  wanting,  some 
apartments  were  destroyed  in  order  to  furnish  wood  for  the  Kitchen. 
The  French  were  completely  in  possession  of  the  City ;  but  they  scrupled 
to  employ  force  against  an  old  man  whose  only  weapons  were  a  silver 
Bell  and  a  waxen  Taper,  armed  with  which  he   occasionally  dealt  out 
Excommunication ;  and  they  contented  themselves  by  an 
a.  d.  1403.    inefficient  blockade.      After  four   years  of  this   seclusion, 
March  12.    Benedict,  wearied  by  captivity,  effected  escape  in  disguise, 
and  passing  down  the  Rhune,  took  refuge  in  the  strong 
*  Froissart,  xiii.  c.  9. 


(  II.   Mil.]  COUNCIL  OF  PISA  SCMMONKI).  33 1 

fortress  of  Chateau  Rcnard,  which  was  garrisoned  by  500  Aragonese. 
The  Dukes  of  Berri  and  of  Orleans  still  espoused  his  cause  in  the  French 
Cabinet  ;    and  the  latter   having  deceived   and   surprised   his  imbecile 
brother  into  a  belief  that  the  majority  of  his  Prelates  wished 
to  renew  their  obedience,  obtained  an  Edict  which  restored      May  28. 
the  Papal  authority  in  France. 

In  the  following  year*,  on  the  death  of  Boniface  IX.,  Guzman  do 
Sulinona,  Cardinal  of  Bologna,  was  elected  under  the  name 
of  Innocent  VII.,  by  a  Roman  Conclave  of  nine  Cardinals;    a.  d.  1401. 
and  it  seemed,  when  a  Conference  between  the  Rivals  was      Oct.  17. 
proposed  and  accepted,  as  if  approach  were  about  to  be 
made  to  Peace.     The  zeal  indeed  which  had  at  first  been  awakened  in 
the  chief  European  Powers  was  fast  expiring,  and  the  scandal  of  the 
breach  had  become  so  crying,   that  the  Popes  themselves  were  appre- 
hensive of  desertion,  and  from  policy  assumed  at  least  a 
semblance  of  conciliation.     When  Benedict  embarked  from    a.d.  1405. 
Avignon  for  Genoa,  hope  of  amity  was  keenly  excited.  But      May  16. 
the  interposition  of  delay  wras  easy :    it  was  obvious  that 
neither  Pretender  could  ever  hope  to  extend  his  dominion  over  the  Uni- 
versal Church,  but  each  clung  to  his  share  of  sovereignty,  and  neither 
was  sincere  in  desiring  a  union  which  might  expose  him  to  the  hazard 
of  descending  to   a  secondary  rank.     The  slow7  processes  of  Ecclesias- 
tical negotiation  were  continued  until  the  death  of  Innocent 
raised  a  new  opponeut  to  Benedict  in  Angelo  Corrario,  Car-    a.  d.  1406. 
dinal  of  Aquileia,  and  Titular  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,      Nov.  0. 
under  the  title  of  Gregory  XII. 

Mutual  want  of  confidence,  a  feeling  indeed  well  justified  by  the  nu- 
merous acts  of  treachery  perpetrated  around  them,  obstructed  the  per- 
sonal interviews  which  from  time  to  time  were  arranged  between  Bene- 
dict and  Gregory ;  and  every  Treaty  was  eluded  perhaps  at  the  moment 
at  which  it  seemed  nearest  completion.  The  University  of  Paris,  al- 
though hitherto  baffled,  persevered  in  its  healing  projects;  and  at  length 
convinced  the  Members  of  the  separate  Colleges  of  Rome  and  of  Avig- 
non how  deeply  the  general  interests  of  Christianity  were  suffering  by  a 
quarrel  which  ought  in  truth  to  be  regarded  as  only  personal.  These 
arguments  persuaded  the  Cardinals  to  abandon  the  opposite 
Fractions  in  which  they  had  hitherto  been  ranged,  and  to  a.d.  1408. 
unite  in  one  College  at  Leghorn,  where,  having  denounced 
the  two  existing  Popes  as  equally  hostile  to  Peace,  upon  their  own  autho- 
rity they  summoned  an  (Ecumenical  Council  to  meet  at  Pisa  in  the  en- 
suing Spring.  Benedict,  alarmed  at  this  spirited  demonstration,  with- 
drew to  the  protection  of  the  King  of  Aragon  in  Catalonia.  Gregory 
sought  an  asylum  at  Rimini,  under  the  shelter  of  Carlo  Malatesta. 
*  Boniface  IX.  died  October  1. 


332  TERMINATION  OF  THE  GREAT  SCHISM.  [CH.  XIII. 

The  Council  of  Pisa  assembled  in  March.     In  its  fifteenth  Session  it 
pronounced  both  the  nominal  Popes  Schismatics,  Perjurers, 
a.  d.  1409.    and  Heretics,  and  declared  their  throne  vacant.     On  the 
March  — .    collection  of  suffrages,  the  choice  of  the  Cardinals  fell  upon 
Pietro  of  Candia,  Archbishop  of  Milan,  who  was  enthroned 
July  7.      as  Alexander  V.,  and  who  pledged  himself  before  the  disso- 
lution of  the  Council  to  assemble  another  for  the  especial 
Aug.  7.     purpose  of  Ecclesiastical   Reformation.     The  influence  of 
France  greatly  predominated  in  the  Council  of  Pisa,  on 
account  of  the  virtual  sovereignty  which  she  at  that  time  exercised  over 
Genoa ;  the  new  Pope  by  no  means  possessed  qualities  adapted  to  the 
turbulent  season  in  which  his  reign  was  cast ;  and  his  election,  instead 
of  suppressing  competition,  did  but  add  one  more  to  the  number  of  com- 
petitors.    The  temper  of  Balthazar  Cossa,  Legate  of  Bo- 
a.  d.  1410.   logna,  who  succeeded  Alexander  V.,  under  the  title  of  John 
May  5.       XXIII.,  widely  differed  from  that  of  his  predecessor,  and 
seldom  have  the  Keys  been  committed  to  a  guardian  whose 
previous  life  offered  less  guarantee  for  their  pure  custody.     Under  his 
presidency,    a   new   Council   assembled   at    Constance   in 
a.d.  1414.    Swisserland,  and  the  activity  of  the, Emperor  Sigismond  at 
Nov.  16.     length  obtained  the  desired  cession.     Yet  even  when  John, 
alarmed  by  the  fearful  list  of  atrocities  of  which,  in  case  of 
his  refusal  to  secede,  the  Emperor  was  prepared  to  accuse  him,  had  con- 
sented to  abdication,  his  flight  from  Constance  renewed  the 
a.  d.  1415.   former  difficulties.     The  treachery  of  the  Duke  of  Austria, 
March  21.    by  whom  the  fugitive  had  been  invited  to  an  asylum,  placed 
him  again  within  the  hands  of  Sigismond ;  and  his  depo- 
May  29.     sition  and  the  rigorous  imprisonment  which  followed  cannot 
but  awaken  pity  in  those  who,  anxious  for  the  honour  of 
Human  nature,  disbelieve  the  foul  charges  with  which  his  memory  is 
polluted*. 

Gregory  perceived  that  further  opposition  on  his  part  would  be  fruit- 
less, and  he  also  consented  to  abdication;  but  neither  menace  nor  in- 
treaty,  no  dread  of  peril,  no  temptation  of  compromise,  could  vancpiish 
the  obstinacy  of  Pedro  de  Luna.  The  Council  of  Constance  (to  the 
other  well-known  acts  of  which  Assembly  unconnected  with  our  main 
subject  we  purposely  forbear  all  allusion),  disregarding  this  idle  resist- 

*  Sigismond  had  been  greatly  indebted  to  John  XXIII.  for  his  attainment  of  the 
Imperial  Crown.  Theodoric  of  Niems,  who  was  Secretary  to  the  Pontiff,  describes 
him  in  a  very  evil  light ;  but  M.  de  Sismondi,  on  reasonable  grounds,  is  inclined 
to  make  a  much  fairer  estimate  of  his  character.  Hist*  des  Rep.  J/a/.,  torn.  viii.  pp. 
228  and  254.  The  imprisonment  of  the  degraded  Pope  was  needlessly  severe.  He 
was  kept  for  three  years  in  the  strong  Castle  of  Heidelberg  without  any  Italian 
attendant,  and  as  he  was  unacquainted  with  German,  the  only  language  known  to 
his  gaolers,  their  communication  was  entirely  carried  on  by  signs.   Platina  in  Vila. 


A.  I).   1423.]  ACCESSION  OF  CHARLES   VII.  333 

mice,  pronounced  that  lie  wu  deposed  ;  and  a  Conclave,  after  three  days' 
debate,  declared  itself  in   favour  of  Otho  Colonna,  Cardinal 
of  St.  George  of  the  Golden  Fleece,   a  Roman  of  noble    a.d.  1417. 
birth,   under  whom,   as   Martin  V.,   the   Western   Church     Nov.  11. 
became  re- united*. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
From  a.d.  1423,  to  a.d.  1435. 

Henry  VI.  proclaimed  King — Coronation  of  Charles  VII. — Miserable  anarchy  of 
Fiance — Defeat  of  the  French  at  Crevant — Bravery  of  the  Scuts — Meeting  at 
Amiens — Richemont  appointed  Constable — He  removes  the  Armagnacs,  and 
assassinates  Giac — Camus  de  Beaulieu  substituted  as  Favourite — His  treachery 
and  assassination — Ascendancy  of  La  Tiemouille — He  supplants  Richemont — 
Siege  of  Orleans — Capture  of  Les  Tournelles — Death  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury — 
Battle  of  Herrings — Proposed  conditional  surrender  of  Orleans — Refused — Great 
danger  of  the  City — Fanatical  excitement — Arrival  of  Joan  of  Arc  at  Chinon — 
Her  early  history — She  is  sent  to  Orleans — Effect  produced  by  her  appearance — 
Les  Tournelles  retaken — The  siege  is  raised — Her  interview  with  Richemont — 
Battle  of  Pataye — Joan  accompanies  Charles  VII.  to  his  Coronation  at  Rheims — 
She  declares  that  her  mission  is  at  an  end,  and  solicits  leave  to  retire — She  is 
persuaded  to  remain  with  the  army — The  Duke  of  Bedford  takes  the  field — The 
armies  in  presence,  but  combat  declined  at  Kpiloy — Charles  beaten  back  from 
Paris — Retires  to  Chinon — The  Duke  of  Bedford  resigns  the  Regency  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy — Capture  of  Joan  at  Compiegne — Process  against  her — Her 
execution — Truce  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy — Henry  VI.  crowned  in  Paris — 
Fall  of  La  Tiemouille — Congress  at  Arras — Quitted  by  the  English — Death  of 
the  Duke  of  Bedford — Peace  of  Arras — Death  of  Isabel'e  of  Bavaria. 

Notwithstanding  the  possession  in  which  Henry  of  England  found 
himself,  the  Dauphin  affirmed  his  legitimate  claim  to  the 
succession,   and  celebrated  his   Coronation  at  Poitiers  as    a.  d.  1423. 
Charles  VII.     The  "  little  King  of  Bourges,"  as  the  Pa- 
risians styled  him,  from  his  residence  in  that  City,  convened  there  an 
Assembly  of  the  States  General ;  while  the  Duke  of  Bed- 
ford exercised  sovereign  power  in  the  Capital.     The  first     July  I. 
conflict  between  the  Generals  of  the  Regent  and  those  of 

*  Benedict  XIII.  died  at  P.miscola,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kbro,  a  fortress  which 

he  used  to  term  Noah's  Ark.  in  1484,  asserting  himself  to  his  last  gasp  to  lie  legiti- 
mate Pope.  Two  Cardinals,  who  adhered  to  him  in  this  retreat,  immediately  on 
his  death  elected  one  Gilles  Mugnos  as  Clement  VII.,  1'ut  this  "sorry  Pontiff*1 

(as  Maclaine,  translating  Mosheim,  terms  bim),  finding  his  claim  unsupported,  dis- 
creetly resigned  without  a  struggle.  Gregory  XII.  died  shortly  after  his  peaceable 
cession,  devoured,  as  it  is  said,  by  chagrin.  John  XXIII.  having  tendered  obe- 
dience to  Martin  V.  in  terms  which  removed  all  doubt  of  his  sincerity,  was  released 
from  confinement,  restored  to  his  C'ardinalate,  and  appointed  Dean  of  the  Sacred 
College  and  Bishop  of  Tusculum.  He  died  at  Florence  a  (*i\v  months  after  this 
agreeable  change  of  fortune. 


334  RICHEMONT  APPOINTED  CONSTABLE.  [CH.  XIV. 

Charles  VII.  occurred  at  Crevant,  a  fortress  between  Auxerre  and 
Avallon  on  the  right  bank  of  the  River  Yonne.  About  4000  English 
under  the  command  of  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  of  Suffolk,  co-operating 
with  an  equal  number  of  men  of  Burgundy  under  the  Sire  de  Thoulan- 
geon,  Marechal  of  that  Province,  overthrew  a  larger  body  of  French  and 
Scots  after  a  very  obstinate  engagement.  The  French,  levied  chiefly  in 
the  Central  Provinces,  exhibited  little  discipline  or  bravery,  and  speedily 
took  to  flight.  The  Scots  maintained  their  ground  with  vigour ; 
but,  in  the  end,  1200  of  them,  among  whom  we  read  of  a  Hamilton  and 
a  Seton*,  were  left  upon  the  field,  and  their  Constable,  a  Stuart,  lost 
an  eye  and  was  taken  prisoner  f. 

The  King's  army  had  hitherto  been  chiefly  officered  by  foreigners ; 
and  the  honours  profusely  bestowed  upon  Scottish  auxiliaries  had  not 
unjustly  aroused  a  strong  feeling  of  National  jealousy.  Archibald,  Earl 
of  Douglas,  in  payment  for  a  body  of  6000  Highlanders,  had  been  ad- 
vanced to  the  Dukedom  of  Touraine,  and  appointed  Lieutenant- General 
of  France  I;  and,  for  some  benefit  of  a  similar  nature,  the  Sword  of 
Constable  had  been  presented  to  his  son-in-law,  the  Earl  of  Buchan. 

These  unprecedented   favours   created  a  violent  clamour  ; 

a.  d.  1424.   and  a  total  defeat  suffered  by  the  Scots  at  Verneuil,   in 

Aug.  17.     which  both  their  above-named  Leaders  were  killed,  great 

as  was  the  loss  to  Charles  himself,  was  hailed  with  scarcely- 
dissembled  joy  by  many  of  his  adherents.  Arthur,  Count  of  Riche- 
mont,  was  immediately  promoted  to  the  dignity  of  Constable,  and  he 
exercised  the  ascendency  which  he  soon  obtained  in  the  Royal  Councils 

by  removing  from  the  King's  presence  all  the  ancient  Chiefs 
Nov.  — .       of  the  Armagnac  Faction.     The  Breton  Prince  perceived 

that,  while  Charles  was  surrounded  by  partizans  stained 
with  the  blood  of  Montereau,  all  reconciliation  with  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy was  hopeless ;  and  he  succeeded  in  detaching  his  Master  from 
these  dangerous  friends.  An  honourable  banishment  was  provided  for 
Tannegui  du  Chatel  in  the  Seneschalship  of  Beaucaire;  and  it  is  re- 
corded to  his  credit,  that  he  not  only  abstained  from  opposing  his  own 
exile  from  Court,  but  even  expressed  conviction  of  its  beneficial  ten- 
dency. Richemont,  trained  to  military  habits,  and  austere  in  his 
manners,  was  ill  calculated,  however,  to  obtain  the  personal  favour  and 
confidence  of  a  Prince  devoted  to  pleasure ;  and  discreetly  avoiding  all 

•  Seeton.  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiii.  21.  Monstrelet  calls  him  Sir  Thomas  Sacron, 
which  misnomer  is  corrected  by  Dr.  Robert  Anderson  in  Johnes's  Note  (vi.  p.  49) 
into  Swinton. 

f  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  11.  To  this  Stuart  was  granted  the  County  of  Evreux  and 
the  Signory  of  Aubigny,  with  a  right  to  quarter  the  Royal  Arms  of  France.  On 
the  extinction  of  the  male  line  of  this  branch  of  the  Stuart  Family,  Charles  II.  re- 
quested the  Signory  of  Aubigny  for  his  natural  son  by  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth. 
Louis  XIV.  not  only  granted  the  application,  but  also  erected  the  Signory  into  a 
Ducal  Peerage.  Villaret,  vii.  3G3. 

\  He  was  so  nominated  in  order  to  give  him  precedence  before  the  Constable. 


A.D.   1428.]  RISE  OF  LA  TREMOUILLE. 

witness  of  frivolities  which  his  temper  would  lead  him  to  condemn,  he 
selected  as  a  companion  for  Charles's  lighter  hours  the  Sire  de  Giac,  a 
tool  upon  whom  he  believed  that  he  night  depend. 

The  experiment  was   hazardous;   for  the  cold  and  imperious  spirit  of 
Richemont  had  created  many  adversaries.     Giac  betrayed  him,  and  by 
neglecting  to  furnish  supplies,  and  by  diverting  to  other  purposes  the 
funds  provided  for  War,  he  exposed  the  Constable  to  some  unexpected 
reverses  in  the  field.     But  he  had  miscalculated  both  his  own  influence 
and  the  energy  of  Richemont;  when  the  latter  had  de- 
veloped the  perfidy  of  his  creature,  he  waited  only  for  a   a.d.  1427. 
moment  in  which  vengeance  might  be  secure.     While  the      Jan.  — . 
Court  was  at  Issoudun,  two  of  the  Constable's  confidential 
agents,  La  Tremouille  and  d'Albret,  dragged  the  miserable  traitor  from 
his  wife's  chamber,  and  mounting  him,  not  half  dressed,  upon  horse- 
back, hurried  at  full  gallop  to  a  magistrate  prepared  in  a  neighbouring 
Castle  belonging  to  Richemont,  to  examine,  condemn,  and  execute  the 
prisoner. 

Little  difficulty  was  experienced  in  reconciling  the  fickle  Charles  to 
this  murder  of  his  companion ;  and  whatever  resentment  he  might  at 
first  express  was  speedily  and  effectually  silenced  by  the  pleasing  address 
of  Camus  de  Beaulieu,  whom  Richemont  introduced  to  supply  the  place 
of  Giac.  The  new  minion  abused  his  power,  and  underwent  a  similar 
punishment.  He  was  entrapped  into  a  pretended  assignation,  and 
poignarded  within  sight  of  the  Palace  windows.  La  Tremouille,  who 
succeeded  to  the  Royal  favour,  possessed  greater  art  than  either  of  his 
predecessors ;  and  warned  by  their  fate  of  the  uncertainty  of  his  po- 
sition, he  lost  no  time  in  strengthening  himself;  and  so  dexterously  did 
he  provide  against  the  rupture  which  he  had  foreseen  must  some  day 
ensue,  that  its  occurrence  led  not  to  the  disgrace  of  himself,  but  of 
Richemont,  whom  the  King  banished  from  his  presence. 

During  these  Court  intrigues,  the  Regent  Bedford  had  been  chiefly 
occupied  in  tempering  the.  resentment  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.     The 
abandonment  of  claims  on  the  Belgic  Provinces  made  by 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  and  the  peaceable  acquisition  of  a.  d.  1428. 
them  by  Philip*,  quieted  Bedford's  apprehensions  of  any      July  — . 
immediate  quarrel;   and  the  arrival  of  the  Earl  of  Salisbury 
from  England  with  6000  men-at-arms  determined  him  to  take  the  field 
with  activity.     That  force,  supported  by  about  4000  other  troops  with- 
drawn from  the  garrisons  of  Normandy,  and  conducted  by  Leaders  whose 

*  The  Duke  of  Burgundy  obtained  a  Hull  annulling  Jacqueline's  marriage-  with 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  end  declaring  that,  even  in  ease  of  th«  death  of  the  Duke 
of  Br.ihant,  it  should  not  he  lawful  for  her  so  to  marry.  On  the  occurrence  of  that 
event,  April  17,  14*27,  she  was  compelled  to  dec  '-are  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  her 
heir,  and  to  promise  never  to  marry  again  without  his  consent,  Monstrelet,  vi.  c. 
41K  She  died  in  1436,  having  only  attained  her  six  and  thirtieth  year,  and  having 
taken  for  a  third  husband  Francis  Borseleu,  Stadtholder  of  Holland,  whom  she 
created  Count  d'Ostrevant. 


335  SIEGE  OF  ORLEANS.  [CH.  XIV. 

names  are  familiar  in  our  Annals,  Talbot,  Scales,  and  Suffolk,  ascended 

the  Loire,  and  after  mastering  the  principal  strongholds  on 
Oct.  12.     its  Northern  bank,  invested  the  powerful  City  of  Orleans, 

not  however- with  the  approbation  of  the  Regent.  The  Bur- 
gesses prepared  resolutely  for  defence,  and  they  were  animated  by  the 
presence  of  a  young  Hero,  a  Bastard  of  their  late  Duke,  already  distin- 
guished for  having  relieved  Montargis.  About  1600  men  were  gathered 
under  his  banner,  and  among  his  comrades  he  boasted  of  La  Hire, 
Xaintrailles,  and  other  not  less  distinguished  Captains. 

The  Siege  commenced  advantageously  to  the  assailants,  who,  after  a 

murderous  attack,  established  themselves  in  the  Tournelles, 
Oct.  21.     a  principal  out-post  on  the  bridge  across  the  Loire.     Nor 

were  they  dispirited  by  the  loss  of  their  Commander,  which 
occurred  within  a  few  days  after  this  opening  success.  The  Earl  of 
Salisbury  was  directing  the  construction  of  some  batteries  from  one  of 
the  towers  which  he  had  recently  stormed,  when  a  random  cannon-shot 
discharged  from  the  walls,  shattered  the  stone  work  of  the  window  at 
which  he  happened  to  be  standing.  A  gentleman  behind  him  was 
killed  upon  the  spot,  and  Salisbury  himself,  mangled  by  a  ghastly 
wound,  which  carried  away  one  cheek,  expired  after  eight  days  of 
agony*. 

The  command  of  the  besieging  army  devolved  upon  the  Duke  of 

Suffolk,  who  pressed  his  operations  vigorously.  A  gallant 
a.  d.  1429.    action  also  was  fought  by  a  small  force  to  which  the  Regent 

had  intrusted  the  conveyance  of  supplies  for  the  use  of  the 
Camp.  Sir  John  Fastolfe,  with  about  1600  men,  of  whom  little  more 
than  a  third  were  regular  English  troops,  had  advanced  from  Paris  to 
the  village  of  Bouvroy,  between  Gonville  and  Orleans.  He  was  there 
attacked  by  nearly  4000  French  and  Scots,  assembled  from  the  neigh- 
bouring garrisons,  and  headed  by  some  of  the  noblest  warriors  of  the 
time.  The  Bastard  of  Orleans,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  La  Hire,  Xain- 
trailles, the  two  Marechals  and  the  Admiral  of  France,  and  the  Constable 
of  Scotland  f,  were  among  the  number.  Fastolfe,  neither  discouraged 
by  the  great  superiority  of  the  enemy,  nor  by  the  encumbrance  of  his 
baggage,  drew  up  his  little  force  in  a  hollow  square;  and,  in  order  to 
protect  it  from  the  attack  of  cavalry,  disposed  his  waggons  and  their 
stores  as  an  outer  barrier.  Two  openings,  guarded  by  archers,  were  left 
in  this  frail  rampart,  and  on  its  strongest  side  were  placed  the  horses, 
and  the  unarmed  train  of  sutlers  and  their  attendants. 
.  The  action  commenced  by  a  cannonade  on  the  part  of  the  French, 

*  The  army,  says  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  53,  were  much  grieved  at  this  unfortunate 
accident,  for  Salisbury  was  much  feared  and  beloved  by  them,  and  was  considered 
as  the  most  subtle,  expert,  and  fortunate  in  arms  of  all  the  English  captains. 

f  The  Marechaux  were  De  la  Fayette  and  Sainte  Severe;  the  Admiral  was  the 
Sire  de  Culant ;  the  Constable  of  Scotland  was  John  Stuart. 


A.  D.   1120.]  BATTLE  OF  HERRINGS.  ?,37 

which,  by  shattering  and  overturning  many  of  the  tumbrils  and  sumpter 

carriages,  made  large  breaches  in  the  enclosure.   Persistance 

in  this  mode  of  attack  must  ere  long  have  ensured  the  de-    Feb.  12. 

struction  of  the  English,  but  tbe  Scots  charged  impetuously 

on  foot,  and  were  received  by  the  archers,  "  who  shot  so  well  and  stiffly," 

that  six  score  gentlemen  and  five  hundred  common  soldiers  were  soon 

left  on  the  ground,  and  the  remainder  fell  back  in  disorder.    The  English 

proceeded  in  triumph  to  Orleans ;  and  the  engagement,  fought  on  the 

first  Sunday  in  Lent,  was  named  the  "Battle  of  Herrings"  from  the 

stores  of  salted  fish,  adapted  to  tbe  season,  which  were  scattered  on  the 

field  by  the  discharge  of  the  French  artillery*. 

The  garrison  of  Oilcans,  terrified  by  this  reverse,  and  despairing  of 
relief  from  Charles,  offered  to  remain  neutral,  and  to  place  tbeir  City  as 
a  deposit  in  the  hands  of  tbe  Duke  of  Burgundy,  till  his  young  cousin, 
to  whose  apanage  it  belonged,  should  be  released  from  captivity  in 
England f.  When  this  tender  was  submitted  to  tbe  Regent,  he  dis- 
missed it  coldly  with  a  reply  expressive  of  confidence  that  Orleans  must 
soon  fall,  and  that  the  proposition  was  only  a  shallow  expedient  to  rescue 
it  from  the  unqualified  surrender  which  was  now  inevitable.  **  I  will 
not  beat  the  bushes  for  others  to  capture  the  birds  i."  Deliverance, 
indeed,  according  to  all  human  calculation,  appeared  most  improbable. 
Charles,  sunk  in  luxury  and  sloth,  remained  immovable  at  Chinon, 
where  his  courtiers  were  divided  into  the  separate  Factions  of  Richemont 
and  of  La  Tremouille ;  and  it  is  said  that,  but  for  the  opposition  of 
his  Queen,  he  would  have  wholly  abandoned  the  contest  §.  The  North 
of  France  quietly  submitted  to  the  English  rule ;  the  late  defeat  had 
lessened  both  the  numbers  and  the  ardour  of  those  who  were  under 
arms;  the  besiegers  every  day  urged  their  operations  more  closely; 
scarcity  already  prevailed  in  the  garrison,  when  the  tide  of  fortune  was 
turned  in  its  course  by  an  obscure  peasant  Girl,  whose  history  and 
character,  even  when  stripped  of  the  legendary  marvels  with  which  they 
have  been  largely  encumbered,  still  excite  just  astonishment,  and  in 
many  points  continue  unexplained  |. 

*  The  Bastard  of  Orleans  was  severely  wounded  ;  Stuart  and  many  other  dis- 
tinguisbed  officers  were  killed  in  this  action.    Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  57. 

f   He  had  heen  taken  prisoner  at  Azincourt. 

I  Jean  Chartier,  p.  18.  Ckron.  de  la  Pucelle,  202.  Monstrelet,  as  cited  by  M.  de 
Sismondi,  xiii.  101.  Monstrelet,  however,  gives  a  tar  more  homely  metaphor  to  the 
same  purport,  rind  attributes  it  to  Raoul  le  Saige,  one  of  the  Council,  who  observed, 
u  that  he  would  never  he  present  when  they  should  chew  for  the  Duke  o(  Bur- 
gundy to  swallow.  '    vi.  c.  .">!>. 

§   See  this  point  fully  examined  by  Mr.  Ilallam.    Middle  Age*,  i.  J8.  4to. 

||  The  original  documents  illustrative  of  the  Life  of  Join  of  Arc  are  copiously 
given  by  M.  de  (  harmettes.  the  spirit  of  whose  Work  lias  heen  transfused  into 
English  by  Mr.  Turner  in  the  second  vol.  of  his  tlistonj  of  England  during  the 
Middle  Age*.  Our  references  to  both  of  these  writers,  from  whom  we  have  un- 
scrupulously borrowed,  must  lie  general.  The  latter  of  the  two  corrects  the  im- 
pression of  supernatural  agency,  which  the  former  appears  too  much  inclined  to 
leave  upon  his  readers. 

Z 


338  JOAN  OF  ARC.  [CH.  XIV. 

At  a  moment  of  extreme  difficulty,  when  men's  hearts  were  failing 
them  for  fear,  and  any  experiment  which  appeared  to  offer  a  chance  of 
success  was  worthy  of  hazard,  Charles  received  a  very  novel  communi- 
cation from  one  of  his  most  devoted  officers,  Robert  de  Baudricourt,  Lord 
of  the  small  Town  of  Vaucouleurs  in  Champagne.  Baudricourt  had  more 
than  once  repulsed  the  importunity  with  which  Joan  of  Arc,  a  village  Girl 
in  his  neighbourhood,  solicited  an  introduction  to  the  Court ;  and  when 
she  earnestly  declared  that  she  was  inspired  by  Heaven  to  undertake  a 
mission  for  the  deliverance  of  her  Country,  he  ridiculed  her  assertions, 
and  advised  the  uncle  to  whose  guardianship  she  had  intrusted  herself 
to  discipline  her  silly  fancies  by  the  rod.  At  length,  however,  whether 
partially  convinced  of  her  truth,  or,  as  is  more  probable,  believing  that 
she  might  be  advantageously  employed,  he  gave  her  the  desired  letters, 
furnished  her  with  a  sword  and  male  attire,  that  she  might  more  safely 
encounter  the  perils  of  her  long  journey,  and  dismissed  her  with  a  little 
escort  of  seven  persons,  to  traverse  150  leagues,  through  disturbed  dis- 
tricts, from  the  banks  of  the  Meuse  to  the  extreme  confines  of  Touraine. 

She  arrived  at  Chinon  in  safety;  and,  after  some  by  no  means  un- 
reasonable demurs,  she  was  admitted  to  the  King's  presence.  But 
Charles,  either  seeking  amusement  from  the  rusticity  of 
Feb.  24.  his  visitor  or  willing  to  make  trial  of  her  pretensions, 
disguised  himself  in  a  habit  of  more  than  ordinary  plain- 
ness and  purposely  mingled  with  a  herd  of  Courtiers.  Joan,  however, 
already  no  doubt  well  acquainted  with  his  person  (for  the  features 
of  a  Prince  are  seldom  strange  to  his  subjects),  at  once  selected  him 
from  the  more  than  300  Knights  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  in  his 
banquetting  chamber,  accosted  him  as  "  Gentil  Dauphin*  "  and  de- 
clared that  she  was  commissioned  by  Heaven  to  raise  the  siege  of  Or- 
leans, and  to  conduct  him  to  his  Coronation  at  Rheims. 

This  immediate  recognition  of  the  King's  person,  for  which  it  seems 
by  no  means  difficult  to  account,  was  sedulously  bruited  abroad  as  the 
work  of  Inspiration ;  and  it  was  added  that  Joan  had  afterwards  con- 
vinoed  the  King  that  she  was  under  Divine  guidance,  by  relating  to  him 
a  matter  of  which  no  other  human  Being  except  himself  possessed  any 
knowledge  t«  Even  after  these  recommendations  to  the  notice  of  the 
vulgar,  two  months  however  passed  in  close  investigation  of  her  cha- 
racter and  qualities.  Men  of  cooler  judgment,  although  believing  her 
to  be  a  Visionary,  might  be  anxious  to  determine  whether  she  could  be 
serviceably  engaged.     Others  of  more  ardent  imagination,  who  admitted 

*  Joan  never  addressed  Charles  by  any  other  title  until  he  had  been  crowned  at 
Rheims. 

T  This  great  mystery,  as  it  was  long  esteemed,  has  been  fully  unravelled  by 
Mr.  Turner  from  a  MS.  work  of  N.  Sale  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris.  Joan,  it 
seems,  reminded  Charles  of  a  mental  prayer  which  he  made  one  morning  during 
his  distress.  '•  Such  an  incident,"  observes  Mr.  Turner  very  justly,  '' leads  to  a 
suspicion  that  some  one  very  near  the  King,  and  acquainted  with  his  private 
thoughts,  was  now  secretly  assisting  the  Maid."  ii.  538,  Note. 


A.  D.    1420.]  HER  EARLY  HISTORY.  339 

that  she  had  supernatural  claims,  might  still  seek  to  know  whether  they 
were  derived  from  a  good  or  an  evil  source  ;  whether  she  were,  under  the 
influence  of  beneficent  or  of  malignant  Spirits  ;  the  Ministers  of  Heaven 
or  of  Hell.  Her  unblemished  purity  was  satisfactorily  established  by 
the  testimony  of  several  matrons  of  high  rank,  among  whom  the  Queen 
of  Sicily  was  foremost ;  and  her  Orthodoxy  in  points  of  Faith  received 
the  approbation  of  a  Synod  of  Theologians. 

The  particulars  of  her  early  history  with  which  we  are  furnished  by 
these  and  subsequent  close  inquiries  cannot  be  doubted.  Joan  of  Arc 
was  born  at  Greux,  a  hamlet  of  Domremy,  about  the  year  1409*.  Her 
father,  Jacques,  possessed  a  small  farm ;  her  mother,  Isabelle,  was  a 
good  and  simple  woman,  who  taught  all  which  she  herself  knew,  house- 
wifery and  the  elements  of  Religion.  Both  of  them  were  wholly  illite- 
rate, and  Joan  was  unacquainted  with  either  reading  or  writing.  The 
family  consisted  of  three  sons  and  one  daughter  besides  herself,  all  of 
whom  were  devotedly  attached  to  Armagnac  principles.  The  political 
convulsions  with  which  France  had  been  so  long  agitated  were  strongly 
felt  by  the  lower  classes,  and  Joan,  while  a  child,  was  confirmed  in 
loyalty  to  the  House  of  Valois,  by  witnessing  many  boyish  rencontres 
in  which  her  brothers  were  engaged  with  Burgundians  in  the  adjoining 
villages. 

Her  occupations  differed  not  at  all  from  those  of  the  peasantry  around 
her,  and  she  partook  of  the  amusements  natural  to  her  age  and  station. 
Her  thoughts,  however,  were  early  occupied  by  Devotion,  which  strength- 
ened as  the  powers  of  her  mind  developed  themselves,  and  soon  passion- 
ately engrossed  her  chief  attention.  Some  of  the  superstitions  of  her 
Province  perhaps  might  not  be  wholly  without  influence  in  the  formation 
of  her  character.  Near  Domremy,  at  the  head  of  a  fountain  reputed  to 
possess  medicinal  virtues,  stood  a  venerable  Beech,  called  the  Ladies1 
Tree  or  the  Fairies'  Tree,  from  a  notion  among  the  old  people  of  the 
vicinity  that  it  was  frequented  by  those  imaginary  Beings.  "  My  God- 
mother," observed  Joan  upon  being  asked  concerning  it,  "  said  that  she 
had  seen  them,  but  I  do  not  know  that  this  was  true."  To  that  Tree 
at  the  verge  of  the  Bois  Chesnu,  not  far  from  her  father's  cottage  (from 
which  Wood  a  Tradition  aflirmed  that  a  Maiden  Mas  to  come  who  would 
perform  Wonders),  she  often  repaired  with  other  children  on  village 
holidays,  danced  under  its  shade,  and  hung  garlands  upon  its  boughs. 
"  From  the  time  at  which  I  knew  that  I  ouuht  to  go  to  the.  King,"  she 
remarked,  "I  took  as  little  share  as  I  could  in  their  diversions;  I  do 
not  think  I  danced  there  after  I  reached  the  years  of  discretion."  One, 
however,  of  the  Visions  which  we  are  about  to  mention  took  place  near 
the  Fountain  of  the  Fairy  Tree. 

*  flume  (vol.  iii.  c.  20\  without  citing  any  authority,  represents  Joan  to  have 
been  twenty-seven  years  of  age  when  she  appeared  at  (hinon,  and  observes  that 
'•  to  render  her  still  more  interesting,  near  ten  years  were  subtracted  from  her  age." 
We  have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  source  of  this  assertion. 

z  2 


340  her  vision.  [en.  xiv. 

At  a  critical  age,  during  which  she  differed  from  the  generality  of  her 
sex  by  a  constitutional  peculiarity  not  unlikely  to  affect  her  general 
frame  of  mind,  she  became  impressed  with  a  belief  that  she  was  favoured 
by  Heavenly  visitations ;  a  belief  which  we  shall  represent  as  much  as 
possible  in  her  own  language.  "  At  the  age  of  thirteen  I  had  a  voice 
from  God  to  assist  me  to  govern  myself.  It  came  at  noon,  in  Summer, 
in  my  father's  garden.  I  had  not  fasted  the  day  before.  I  heard  it  on 
my  right  towards  the  Church.  I  was  greatly  frightened.  I  rarely  hear 
it  without  seeing  a  great  brilliancy  on  the  side  it  comes  from.  I  thought 
it  came  from  Heaven.  When  I  had  heard  it  three  times  I  knew  that  it 
was  the  voice  of  an  Angel.  It  has  'always  kindly  guarded  me,  and  I 
understand  very  well  what  it  announces.  Though  I  were  in  a  Wood,  I 
still  heard  it,  and  usually  at  noon.  When  I  came  into  France*,  I 
often  heard  it." 

To  this  very  simple  narrative  she  afterwards  made  several  fantastic 
additions,  in  which  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  determine  what  parts  were 
really  pictured  upon  her  own  unassisted  imagination,  what  owed  their 
birth  to  the  questions  with  which  she  was  assailed.  But  not  a  vestige 
of  imposture  exists,  even  when  her  replies  are  the  most  vague  and 
dreamy ;  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  she  really  believed  whatever 
she  affirmed.  For  a  long  time  she  refused  to  state  what  figures  accom- 
panied the  Voices,  from  a  fear,  as  she  said,  of  displeasing  them ;  but 
being  strongly  urged  on  this  point,  she  declared  that  her  first  visit  was 
from  St.  Michael,  whom  she  quaintly  described  as  appearing  "  in  the 
form  of  a  true  Gentleman  writh  wings,"  but  that  the  voices  which  she 
was  most  accustomed  to  hear  were  those  of  Ste.  Catherine  and  Ste. 
Margaret,  who  showed  themselves  crowned  with  rich  and  beautiful  dia- 
dems. They  spoke  in  a  sweet,  mild,  and  humble  tone,  in  polished  lan- 
guage, and  in  French;  "  for  how,"  she  added,  "could  Ste.  Margaret 
speak  English,  when  she  was  not  on  that  side."  She  had  touched  and 
embraced  the  female  Saints,  and  had  kissed  the  turf  upon  which  they 
reposed ;  till  having  unexpectedly  been  instructed  by  them  in  the  na- 
ture of  her  mission,  she  applied  to  Baudricourt  as  the  most  powerful 
man  in  her  neighbourhood  for  assistance  in  its  execution. 

In  person  she  is  said  to  have  been  most  attractive;  but  the  modest 
dignity  of  her  manners  awed  both  the  rudeness  of  the  peasants  with 
whom  she  had  been  nurtured,  and  the  licentiousness  of  the  Courtiers 
among  wham  she  was  transplanted.  An  offer  of  marriage,  made  before 
her  departure  from  home,  was  rejected  by  an  explicit  declaration  that 
she  considered  herself  to  be  wholly  dedicated  to  God  and  to  the  deliver- 
ance of  France.  She  possessed  vigorous  health,  great  bodily  strength, 
quickness  of  apprehension,  undaunted  hardihood,  and  calm  discretion]; 
she  was  inured  to  labour,  patient  of  fatigue,  dexterous  in  many  exercises 

*  Domremy  in  Champagne,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Burgundian  territory,  would 
he  distinguished  in  the  time  of  Joan  from  France  Proper. 


A.  D.  1429.]  SHE  IS  DESPATCHED  TO  ORLEANS.  3  \  1 

which  she  had  practised  with  her  hrothcrs,  and  ahold  and  skilful  horse- 
woman*. These  qualities  and  acquirements  were  of  eminent  use  in  the 
design  Which  she  meditated ;  her  reveries,  although  springing  from  a 
diseased  Fancy,  by  no  means  deprived  her  of  s.elf-eontrol ;  and  however 
confident  she  might  feel  that  Heaven  had  called  her,  and  that  i;  would 
surely  perform  the  Work  for  which  it  had  selected  her  ngency,  she  was 
entirely  free  from  the  arrogance,  with  which  other  Enthusiasts  have  often 
claimed  the  possession  of  miraculous  power  f. 

It  was  at  length  resolved  to  despatch  her  with  relief  to  Orleans.  The 
King  presented  her  with  a  suit  of  armour,  and  it  is  stated  that  a  sword 
of  ancient  fashion  and  workmanship,  marked  on  the  blade  with  flcurs  de 
lys,  was  disinterred,  according  to  instructions  given  by  herself,  from 
behind  the  Altar  of  Ste.  Catherine  at  Fierbois  j.  A  Standard  also  was 
blazoned  at  her  direction,  in  which,  on  a  white  field  semi  with  fleurs  de 
lys,  was  pourtrayed  a  figure  of  the  Saviour  on  His  Judgment  Seat  in  the 
clouds  surrounded  by  Angels,  with  the  words  '  Jiiesus  Maria' embroidered 
beneath.  Round  her  neck  was  suspended  a  small  battle-axe;  and  when 
she  had  written  a  defiance  to  the  English  Commander,  7000  men  with  a 
large  convoy  of  provisions,  under  the  guidance  of  Sainte  Severe  and  La 
Hire,  were  ordered  to  accompany  her  to  Orleans. 

Infinite  pains  had  been  taken  during  her  residence  at  Chinon  to  cir- 
culate reports  which  might  excite  wonder ;  and  the  effect  produced  both 
upon  friend  and  foe  by  the  appearance  of  so  unwonted  a  champion  fully 
ecp_ialled  or  perhaps  far  exceeded  the  expectations  of  those  in  whose 
behalf  she  was  engaged.  The  Burghers  of  Orleans  acquired  new  spirit, 
and  believed  themselves  to  be  secure  under  celestial  guardianship  :  the. 
English  were  proportionately  depressed  with  a  gloomy  conviction  that 
the  Powers  of  Darkness  had  been  permitted  to  league  together  for  their 
destruction,  that  "  a  creature  in  the  form  of  a  Woman  "  fought  against 
them,  and  that  "  a  Fiend,  who  used  false  enchantment  and  sorcery," 
must  prove  invulnerable  §. 

*  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  58,  states  that  she  was  u  for  some  time  ostler  and  chamber- 
maid in  an  inn,  where  she  had  shown  much  courage  in  riding  horses  to  water,  and 
other  feats  unusual  for  young  girls."'  Mr.  Turner  shows  that  this  was  only  an  acci- 
dental occupation  during  a  short  residence  at  Neufchateau,  while  her  native  hamlet 
was  invaded  hy  a  party  of  Burgundians. 

f  To  these  qualities  is  generally  added  great  meekness ;  hut  we  know  not  how 
to  reconcile  the  existence  of  a  meek  demeanour  with  many  of  the  anecdotal  which 
have  heen  preserved.  One  cited  hy  Mr.  Turner  may  suffice.  When  the  Bastard  of 
Orleans  mentioned  that  the  English  expected  reinforcements  under  Sir  John 
Fastolfe,  she  replied,  "  As  soon  as  you  know  of  his  coming,  apprise  me  of  it  ;  for  if 
he  passes  without  my  knowledge,  I  promise  you  that  I  will  take  off  your  head.*' 
Dijtositton  d' Anion,  114,  in  Turner,  ii.  540.  Be  it  remembered,  that  the  interlocutors 
in  this  pithy  dialogue  were  a  Cottager's  daughter  and  an  acknowledged,  although  an 
illegitimate,  scion  of  one  of  the  noblest  Houses  in  France,  who  has  become  pro- 
verbial in  History  as  the  greatest  Captain  of  his  time. 

\  A  Tillage  of  Touraine,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Chinon,  in  which  Joan  rested 
for  one  night  upon  her  journey,  during  which  she,  no  douht,  ohtained  information 
of  the  sword. 

I  Letter  from  the  Duke  of  Bedford  to  the  English  Council.    Rymer,  x.  408. 


342  SIEGE  OF  ORLEANS  RAISED.  [CH.  XIV. 

In  spite,  therefore,  of  the  circumvallation,  the  troops  penetrated  by 
Sologne  to  Orleans,  and  the  convoy  passed  up  the  Loire. 
.  April  30.    The  besiegers,  who  were  in  least  force  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  River,  abandoned  a  redoubt  at  Joan's  approach,  and 
she  entered  the  City  without  resistance,  amid  the  enthusiastic  shouts  of 
the  inhabitants ;  a  few  days  afterwards  a  second  convoy 
May  3.     arrived   in  equal  safety,  escorted   along   the    right    bank 
through  Beauce.     In  repeated  sallies,  conducted  by  herself 
and  the  Bastard,  Joan  exhibited  distinguished  bravery;  and  although 
she  was  twice  wounded  (on  the  second  occasion  severely  by  an  arrow, 
which  she  plucked  with  her  own  hands  from  her  neck),  she  led  her  fol- 
lowers to  victory.     A  cannon-shot  struck  the  drawbridge  of  the  Tour- 
nelles  at  a  moment  at  which  it  was  crowded  with  English  soldiers ;   and 
300  men,  oppressed  by  the  weight  of  their  armour,  sank  into  the  Loire 
never  again  to  rise.    Among  them  was  an  officer  of  high  repute,  William 
Glasdale,  whom  the  French  Chroniclers  have  disguised  under  the  more 
euphonous  and  classical  name  of  Glaucidas*,  and  whom  they  describe 
as  not  less  noted  for  ferocity  than  for  courage. 

In  three  sorties,  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  had  been  driven  from  his  chief 
works,  and  had  lost  upwards  of  6000  men.     The  panic  which  had  occa- 
sioned these  reverses  was  increased  by  the  disasters  to  which  it  had  given 
birth,  and  the  English  General  prudently  resolved  to  withdraw  the  rem- 
nant of  his  force  while  he  retained  power  so  to  do,  and  to  abandon  an  en- 
terprise in  which  success  was  no  longer  to  be  expected.  "  The 
May  8.     Maid  (La  Pucelle)  of  Orleans,"  as  she  was  now  emphati- 
cally called,  had  commanded  only  eight  days  in  the  City, 
when  its  besiegers  broke  up  from  the  lines  which  they  had  occupied 
during  an  equal  number  of  months ;  and  the  first  part  of  her  original 
declaration  was  thus  fully  verified,  notwithstanding  its  manifest  oppo- 
sition to  probability.     She  was  received  with  marked  honour  at  Tours, 
to  which  City  she  was  summoned  in  order  to  report  her  own  success ; 
and  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  having  been  instructed  to  assist 
May  21.     her  in  the  pursuit  of  the  English,  stormed  the  town  and 
castle  of  Jargeau,  in  which  Suffolk  and  his  brother  the  Lord 
de  la  Pole  were  taken  prisoners. 

Beaugency,  on  the  Loire  below  Orleans,  was  next  invested ;  and  the 
Constable  Richemont,  unwilling  to  relinquish  the  share  of  triumph  to 
which  his  high  military  rank  entitled  him,  hastened  to  the  Camp,  not- 
withstanding the  jealous  prohibition  of  La  Tremouille.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  400  lances  and  twice  as  many  archers;  and  Joan,  who  con- 
sidered this  movement  as  an  express  violation  of  the  Royal  commands, 
and  therefore  as  an  open  act  of  rebellion,  strongly  urged  the  employment 
of  force  in  order  to  compel  his  retirement.  But  his  ancient  companions 
in  arms,  who  knew  the  importance  of  the  reinforcement  which  he  headed, 
*  Sir  Matthew  Gougli  lias  been  similarly  transformed  into  Matago. 


A.  D.   1489.]  CHARLES  VII.    CftOWKIO  AT   HHKIM-. 

Calmed  her  zeal,  find  received  liim  with  joy.  We  learn  much  of  the 
estimation  in  which  the  Maid  of  Orleans  vai  held  by  the  words  in  which 
the  Constable  addressed  her  in  their  first  interview.  "  Joan,"  said  the 
blunt  and  plain-spoken  soldier,  u  I  have  been  told  that  you  have  been 
inclined  to  offer  nie  battle.  I  have  yet  to  learn  whether  or  not  you  come 
from  God.  If  you  do  so,  I  fear  you  not,  for  God  knows  the  uprightness 
of  my  heart;  and  if  you  are  from  the  Devil,  1  fear  you  still  less."  Even 
to  the  cautious  and  practised  judgment  of  Richemont,  the  extraordinary 
nature  of  the  incidents  in  which  Joan  of  Arc  had  been  concerned  wore  a 
supernatural  appearance. 

Talbot,  Scales,  and  Fastolfe,  upon  whom  the  conduct  of  the  retreat 
devolved,  had  fallen  back  upon  the  village  of  Pataye,  where 
they  were  overtaken  and  defeated  with  the  loss  of  half  their    June  18. 
number  and  of  the  two  first-named  leaders,  who  were  cap- 
tured.    Sir  John  Fastolfe  escaped  by  galloping  from  the  field ;  and  he 
was  disgraced  by  exclusion  from  the  Order  of  the  Garter  till  he  obtained 
restoration  by  showing  that  the  battle  had  been  fought  contrary  to  his 
advice,  and  that  the  troops  had  fled  from  their  ranks  at  the  first  appear- 
ance of  the  Maiden's  banner*. 

The   King,  meantime,  had  advanced  to  Gien,  and,  encouraged  by 
these  repeated  successes,  he  no  longer  hesitated  in  complying  with  the 
wish,  still  strongly  urged  by  Joan,  that  he  would  march  with  her  upon 
Rheims  to  his  Coronation.     La  Tremouille,  having  again  secured  the 
absence  of  the  Constable,  did  not  object  to  the  enterprise,  and  the  Royal 
Army  having  passed  the  Loire,  received  the  submission  of  all  the  great 
towns  upon  its  route.     Troyes  was  the  only  fortress  which 
prepared  for  resistance ;  but  the  terror  which  had  been  ex-      July  9. 
cited  by  the  reports  from  Orleans  and  Pataye  was  irresistible, 
and  no  sooner  had  artillery  been  disposed  for  attack  under  the  direction 
of  Joan,  than  the  garrison  capitulated,  involving  Chalons  and  Auxerre 
in  the  same  fate  with  themselves. 

On  the  morning  after  his  peaceable  entry  into  Rheims,  Charles  cele- 
brated his  Coronation  with   as  much  solemnity  as  the  dis- 
turbed state  of  the  Kingdom,  the  rapidity  of  his  movements,     July  17. 
and  the  emptiness  of  his  Treasury  permitted.    Three  Princes 
of  the  Blood,  the  Duke  of  Alenqon,  the  Counts  of  Clermont  and  of  Ven- 
dome,  were  present ;  and  by  them,  in  conjunction  with  three  Gentlemen 
of  inferior  degree,  La  Tremouille,  Beaumanoir,  and  De  Maillv,  the  Lay 
Peers  were  represented  f.    The  Archbishop  of  the  See  placed  the  Crown 
on  the  Monarch's  brows,  and  the  Maiden,  during  the  ceremony,  stood 
by  the  Altar  bearing  her  Standard.     The  Chronicler  of  her  Life  relates 
that,  at  the  end  of  the  Act  of  Inauguration,  she  embraced  the  King's 
knees  with  many  tears,  declared  that  her  mission  was  accomplished,  and 
*  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  62,  f  Ibid.  c.  65. 


344  CHARLES  VII.  retires  to  chinon.  [ch.  XIV. 

solicited  leave  to  return  home  to  her  customary  occupations*.  But  suc- 
cess had  rendered  her  a  most  important  Political  instiument,  and  she 
yielded  to  the  earnest  intreaties  of  the  Ministers  of  Charles  that  she 
would  still  continue  with  the  Army. 

The  Regent  Bedford,  meantime,  had  received  personal  assurances  of 

support  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  and,  with  an  army 
July  10.     amounting  altogether  to  about  10,000  men,  he  advanced 

from  the  Capital  to  Montereau.  The  hostile  armies  manoeu- 
vred in  each  other's  presence  at  Mount  Epiloy,  near  Baron,  during 
two  days  and  two  nights.  Neither  party  could  obtain  sufficient  ad- 
vantage of  position  to  induce  it  to  resolve  upon  attack ;  and  although 
the  French  were  much  superior  to  the  English  in  their  number  of 
men-at-arms,  the  Maid  for  the  first  time  evinced  considerable  inde- 
cision, "  perpetually  changing  her  resolutions;  sometimes  being  eager 
for  the  combat,  at  other  times  notf."  After  very  brisk  skirmish- 
ing, in  which  all  quarter  was  refused,  and  a  loss  of  about  300  killed 
between  them,  the  enemies  separated  without  coming  to  any  general 
action. 

The  Duke  of  Bedford  having  strengthened  Paris,  by  throwing  into  it 
2000  English  soldiers,  proceeded  to  Normandy  which  had  been  attacked 
by  Richemont,  and  Charles,  taking  courage,  advanced  at  once  upon  his 
Capital.  Fixing  his  head-quarters  at  St.  Denis,  he  commenced  an 
assault  upon  the  City  early  in  the  forenoon  of  the  29th  of  August.  The 
contest  raged  principally  about  the  Gate  St.  Honore,  to  which  the  Maiden 
applied  ladders  and  fascines,  and  the  other  usual  implements  of  a  storm. 
The  breadth  of  the  ditches  and  a  well-directed  canonnade  repulsed  all 
efforts  of  the  assailants.  The  Maiden  herself  was  dangerously  hurt}; 
but  she  refused  to  quit  the  field,  and  having  been  sheltered  behind  a 
rising  ground,  she  remained  there  till  vespers,  when  the  French  Captains 
sounded  a  retreat.  Charles,  on  the  morrow,  w  very  melancholy  at  the 
loss  of  his  men,"  retired  to  Senlis  §. 

-  La  Tremouille,  whose  influence  had  declined  in  proportion  as  the 
King  had  emerged  from  inactivity,  profited  by  this  first  reverse  to  in- 
duce his  Master  once  again  to  seek  repose  in  the  distant  security  of 
Chinon.  The  willing  consent  of  Charles  was  most  disadvantageous  to 
his  interests;  and  the  English  re-occupied  most  of  the  strongholds 
which  they  had  lost  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  campaign.  The  Duke  of 
Burgundy  perceived  that  little  reliance  could  be  placed  on  a  fickle 
Prince  who  would  thus  easily  abandon  his  conquests  ;  and  he  confirmed 
his   alliance  with  England,   and  accepted  the  appointment  of  Regent, 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiii.  144,  refers  to  the  Chromque  de  la  Pucelle,  333,  in  proof 
of  this  assertion,  without  implying  any  doubt  respecting  it.  Mr.  Turner,  ii.  575, 
remarks  that  the  evidence  is  not  satisfactory.  If  we  are  to  believe  the  Chrcnique, 
which  Mr.  Turner  repeatedly  cites,  without,  misgiving,  for  other  facts,  the  evidence 
is  satisfactory. 

I  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  67.  1  Aux  deux  cuisses.     M.  de  Sismondi,  xiii.  152. 

§  lbid.,vi.  c.  71. 


A.  D.  1430.]  CAPTURE  OF  THE  MAIDEN.  3  1  ~, 

which  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  always  ready  to  make  any  private  sacrifice 
for  the  benefit  of  his  Country,  offered  to  resign  in  his  favour.  Their  in- 
terview in  Paris  was  more  than  friendly,  it  exhibited  the  affection  of 
kinsmen.  Bedford  retired  to  the  Government  of  Normandy,  the  admi- 
nistration of  which  he  still  retained  ;  and  the  new  Regent  agreed  to  an 
Armistice  with  Charles  until  the  ensuing  Spring. 

Charles  soon  again   resigned  himself  to  luxury  in  his  seclusion  at 
Chinon;  and  the   Maiden,  disgusted  hy  this  relapse   into 
apathy,   once  more  requested   dismissal.     It  is  pretended   a.  d.  1430. 
that  evil  omens  materially  increased  her  desire  to  resume  a 
private  station ;   that  the  sword  of  Fierbois  was  broken  in  her  hands, 
and  that  another  which  she  had  won  in  battle,  and  had  deposited  as  a 
trophy  on  the  Tomb  of  St.  Denis,  became  a  prize  to  her  enemies.     At 
the  close,  however,  of  the  Armistice,  she  was  prevailed  upon  to  take  the 
field  ;  but  she  was  ill  supported  by  troops,  and  her  former  enthusiasm 
had  subsided.     After  some  petty  operations  she  threw  herself  into  Com- 
piegne,  at  that  time  besieged  by  John  of  Luxemburg.     On  her  return 
from  a  sortie,  in  which  she  was  bravely  covering  the  rear  of  her  detach- 
ment, she  was  abandoned  by  her  comrades,  not  without 
some  suspicion  of  treachery.     A  Picard  Archer  unhorsed      May  24. 
her,  and  she  surrendered  at  the  approach  of  the  Bastard  of 
Vendume.     Thirteen  months  had  elapsed  since  her   first  triumphant 
march  from  Chinon,  when  after  a  career  of  unparalleled  glory  she  was 
conveyed  to  Marigny,  under  a  strong  guard,  as  a  prisoner.     The  shouts 
of  joy  which  announced  her  capture  summoned  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
from  his  quarters;  "  he  went,"  says  Monstrelet,  "  to  the  lodgings  where 
she  was  confined,  and  spoke  some  words  to  her,  but  what  they  were  I  do 
not  now  recollect,  although  I  was  present*."     Who  is  there  who  would 
not  readily  commute   more  than  half  the  pages  of  this  valuable  but 
most  unimpassioned  Chronicler,  for  a  dozen  sentences  of  the  single  con- 
versation which  he  has  neglected  to  record  ? 

Would  that  the  sequel  of  this  most  detestable  History  were  equally 
unremembered,  or  rather,  would  that  it  were  not  disgraced  by  a  crime 
meriting  everlasting  infamy  !  Only  three  days  had  elapsed  from  the 
capture  of  Joan,  when  the  Vicar-General  of  the  Inquisition  demanded 
her  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  in  order  that  she  might  be  tried  by  a 
Spiritual  Court.  Several  months,  however,  passed,  during  which  she 
was  considered  in  her  rightful  character  as  prisoner  of  war,  and  sub- 
jected at  Beaurevoir,  at  Arras,  and  at  Crotoy,  from  which  she  more  than 
once  attempted  escape,  to  not  more  rigid  confinement  than  was  usual 
under  those  circumstances.  But  meantime  a  negotiation  was  pending 
for  her  deliverance  to  the  merciless  hands  of  Pierre  Cauchon,  Bishop  of 
Bcauvais,  who  claimed  her  as  taken  within  his  Diocese,  and  offered 
10,000  francs  in  the  name  of  Henry  VI.,  the  sum  at  which   the  Kings 

*  Monstrelet,  vi.  c.  07. 


346  TRIAL  OF  JOAN  OF  ARC.  [CH.  XIV. 

of  France  affirmed  that  they  had  the  privilege  of  ransoming  from  a  sub- 
ject any  enemy  of  their  Crown.  Cauchon  bitterly  hated  Charles,  by 
whom  his  revenues  had  been  sequestered,  and  he  considered  Joan  as  the 
authoress  of  his  disgrace.  In  October,  the  money  having 
October.  been  paid,  Joan  was  transferred  to  the  custody  of  the  Eng- 
lish in  Rouen.  Early  in  the  following  year,  the  Process 
commenced  before  the  Bishop  of  Beauvais  and  the  Vicar-General,  sup- 
ported by  nearly  a  hundred  Lay  and  Clerical  assessors. 
a.  d.  1431.  Her  accusation  involved  charges  of  sorcery  and  heresy ;  the 
Jan.  12.  adoption  of  male  attire,  an  abomination  which  was  pro- 
nounced to  be  contrary  to  the  Law  of  God  ;  and  the  asser- 
tion of  Divine  support,  by  which  imposture  she  had  misled  the  vulgar. 
In  the  Public  Library  at  Geneva  are  still  preserved  all  the  Records  of 
this  odious  Trial,  and  the  fifteen  examinations  to  which  the  Maiden  was 
subjected  occupy  more  than  two  hundred  folio  pages  in  double  columns*. 
Power,  station,  talent,  subtilty,  and  learning  were  marshalled  against  an 
uneducated  and  unfriended  Girl ;  yet  some  of  her  replies  must  have 
triumphed  over  this  most  unequal  array.  When  asked  why  she  car- 
ried a  Banner,  she  answered  that  it  supplied  the  place  of  a  spear,  and 
prevented  the  necessity  of  bloodshed,  for  that  even  in  battle  she  had 
never  killed  a  foe.  To  an  inquiry  why  she  stood  bearing  it  near  the 
Altar  during  the  Coronation  at  Rheims,  she  explained  that  as  she  had 
shared  the  danger,  she  thought  that  she  deserved  to  partake  in  the 
honour  also.  "  Are  you  in  God's  grace  ?"  asked  the  insidious  accuser. 
"  To  answer  such  a  question  is  no  light  matter,"  was  the  meek  reply, 
which  so  far  interested  one  of  the  Judges,  that  he  argued  in  her  behalf. 
The  Bishop  of  Beauvais,  furious  at  this  merciful  intervention,  sternly 
repeated  the  question,  and  received  an  answer  not  to  be  exceeded  for 
readiness,  for  piety,  for  humility,  and  for  soundness  of  comprehension. 
"  If  I  am  so,  may  God  keep  me  in  it ;  if  I  am  not  so,  may  He  admit 
mc  to  it !" 

Resort  was  had  to  the  basest  espionage  in  the  hope  of  attaining  some 
private  avowal ;  and  a  vile  Priest,  named  Nicolas  Loiseleur,  was  placed 
in  her  cell,  who  described  himself  as  a  Lorrainer  condemned  to  impri- 
sonment for  adherence  to  Charles  VII.  But  the  secrets  which  this  foul 
hypocrite,  having  deceived  her  confidence,  obtained  under  the  seal  of 
Confession,  and  which  he  sacrilegiously  revealed  in  violation  of  the  duty 
of  his  Order,  tended  not  to  establish  the  guilt,  but  to  confirm  the  purity 
of  Joan.  When  it  was  afterwards  proposed  to  place  her  on  the  rack, 
and  the  majority  of  the  Court  felt  satisfied  thut  her  answers  had  been 
explicit,  and  that  torture  was  not  to  be  employed  except  in  cases  of  wilful 
obscurity,  only  two  out  of  one  hundred  assessors  persisted  to  the  last  in 
urging  its  application,  and  one  of  them  was  the  very  traitor  who  had 
thus  abused  the  privileges  of  Religion. 

The  several  Interrogations  and  the  prisoner's  replies  had  been  sub- 
*  M,  de  Sismondi,  xiii,  183. 


A.  P.  1431.]  HER  TENANCE  AND  RECANTATION.  341 

milted  to  the  decision  of  the  Sorbonnc,  which   decreed  that  her   pre- 
tended  revelations  were  superstitious,  proceeding  from  Evil 
Spirits,  and  diabolical;  that  her  Visions  were  improbable,     May  19. 
lying,  and  presumptuous;  and  that  her  persisting  to  wear 
the  habit  of  a  man,  even  at  the  reception  of  the  Holy  Sacrament,  was 
a   contemptuous  tri  >n  of  the   Divine  Law,  and  of  Canonical 

Ordinances.  Her  judges,  as  they  expressed  themselves,  earnestly  desir- 
ing to  save  her  both  in  body  and  soul,  recommended  a  correction  of  these 
scandals,  and  an  unconditional  submission  to  the  Church.  Persever- 
ircd  her,  would  expose  her  soul  to  eternal  damnation,  and 
would  most  probably  end  in  her  bodily  destruction  also. 

At  first  the  Maid  was  unshaken,  and  contemplated  her  approaching 
sentence  with  firmness.  But  the  love  of  Life  is  strong  in  youth ;  her 
spirit  was  impaired  by  severe  and  lengthened  imprisonment;  she  had 
been  perplexed  by  artful  examinations  ;  and  above  all  she  saw  opposed 
to  her  the  whole  Ecclesiastical  body,  whose  decisions  she  had  been 
trained  to  reverence  as  infallible.  Thus  overcome,  she  consented  to  affix 
her  mark  to  a  Recantation,  in  which  she  admitted  that  her  pretended 
interviews  with  x\ngels  and  Saints  were  delusive.  This 
Paper  was  publicly  read,  while  she  did  Penance  on  a  scaffold  May  23. 
in  the  Burial  ground  of  St.  Olier,  and  she  then  received  a 
definitive  sentence  from  the  Bishop  of  Beauvais,  condemning  her  to 
immurement  for  the  remainder  of  her  life,  in  which  "  she  might  weep 
for  her  sins,  while  eating  the  bread  of  grief,  and  drinking  the  water  of 
affliction." 

But  her  imprisonment  was  not  of  long  duration,  for  the  Bishop  of 
Beauvais  by  no  means  intended  that  she.  should  escape  with  life.  "We 
are  told  of  outrages  offered  to  her  in  the  solitude  of  her  cell,  and  of  vio- 
lence worse  than  death  itself  to  which  she  was  exposed  by  the  brutality 
of  her  persecutors ;  but  of  these  deeds  of  darkness  (if  such  really  oc- 
curred) it  is  manifest  that  the  sufferer  and  the  perpetrator  are  the  only 
persons  qualified  to  speak  ;  and  that  the  silence  of  each,  although  from 
very  different  motives,  is  equally  secured.  The  facts  which  are  fully 
developed  do  not  require  any  addition  by  which  sympathy  may  be  ex- 
cited. A  few  mornings  after  Joan's  Act  of  Penance,  the  Gaoler  on 
entering  her  dungeon  found  her  again  habited  in  her  former  attire.  A 
suit  of  man's  clothes  had  purposely  been  left  with  her  in  the  hope  that 
she  might  be  betrayed  into  their  adoption,  and  the  stratagem  succeeded 
but  too  well.  At  sight  of  the  garb  associated  with  so  many  recollec- 
tions of  Glory,  her  past  illusion  revived  in  all  its  strength,  and  she 
fancied  that  her  Patrons  Ste.  Caterine  and  Ste.  Marguerite  descended 
to  reproach  her  apostasy,  and  to  encourage  her  to  repentance.  "  I  am 
prepared,"  she  said,  "to  die  rather  than  any  longer  to  endure  the  misery 
of  imprisonment."  The  Bishop  of  Beauvais  joyfully  received  the  intel- 
ligence which  he  had  anticipated;  informed  a  Synod,  hastily  convened 


348  JOAN  OF  ARC  BURNED  AT  ROUEN.  [CH.  XIV. 

at  his  Palace,  of  the  Maiden's  relapse,  and  obtained  their  approval  for 
committing  her  to  the  Secular  arm.  On  the  morrow,  at 
May  30.  nine  in  the  morning,  she  was  carried  in  a  female  dress  to 
the  Old  Market  Place  in  Rouen  ;  and,  having  heard  the 
usual  lying  sentence,  which  adjudged  her  to  be  cutoff  from  the  Church, 
as  an  unsound  Member,  and  which  expressed  a  hope  that  the  justice  to 
which  she  was  delivered  might  treat  her  gently  and  humanely,  without 
injury  to  either  life  or  limb,  she  was  chained  to  a  stake  by  the  English 
magistrate  of  the  City,  and  slowly  burned  alive,  upon  a  scaffold  of  which 
the  fresh  plastering  prolonged  her  torture.  The  English  Archers  who 
surrounded  the  place  of  execution  testified  impatience  at  the  delay  of 
her  Confessor;  savagely  asked  whether  he  intended  to  keep  them  waiting 
till  dinner-time ;  and  kindled  the  faggots  before  he  had  completed  his 
sad  office.  Joan  had  requested  him  to  hold  his  Crucifix  aloft,  so  that 
it  should  be  the  last  object  upon  which  her  eyes  might  rest,  and  as  her 
head  drooped  amid  the  flames,  the  name  of  Jesus  was  the  parting  word 
which  was  audible  from  her  lips. 

The  fate  of  the  Maid  of  Orleans  has  led  us  a  few  steps  too  forward 
in  strict  Chronological  arrangement.     The  Duke  of  Bedford  received 
small  assistance  from  England.     The  Parliament  chiefly  occupied  by 
the  struggle  between  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester   and   the   Duke  of 
Gloucester,  denied  both  subsidies  and  reinforcements;  and   terror  at 
the  Maiden's  success  deprived  him  of  the  usual  influx  of  voluntary 
adventurers.     From  the  hope  of  re-animating  the  droop- 
a.d.  1430.   ing  courage  of  his  adherents,   and   more  especially  of  at- 
April  23.     taching  the  Normans,   he  advised  his  young  nephew  to  fix 
his  Court   at  Rouen,   which   accordingly  during  eighteen 
months  was   the  resort   of  many  Nobles   from   England. 
The  following  Summer  witnessed  the  Siege  of  Compiegne,  and  the  cap- 
ture of  the  Maiden,  soon  after  which  latter  event  the  Duke 
August.        of  Burgundy  withdrew  with  little  reluctance,  to  take  pos- 
session of  Brabant,  which  had  devolved  upon  him  by  in- 
heritance. 

Philip's  ambition  had  no  doubt  been  gratified   by   the   cession   of 

the  Regency,  but  he  soon  perceived   that  the  unnatural   part  which 

he  had  taken   against   his   own  Country  was   unfavourably  regarded 

by  the  Parisians  so  long  devoted  to  his  Family;  and  in  a  short  visit 

which  he  paid  to  the  Capital  little  sagacity  was  required  to  discover 

that   he   had   become   a  mark  for   popular   hatred.     The  resentment 

excited  by  his  father's  murder  had   subsided  during  the  lapse  of  time ; 

doubts,  at  first  hastily  dismissed,  relative  to  the  participation  of  Charles, 

were  now  allowed  their  full  weight;    no   motive  of  interest   tempted 

Burgundy  to  prolong  Civil  War;    and  he   was,   perhaps, 

a.  d.  1431.    seeking  an  honourable  method  of  disengaging  himself  from 

Sept.  8.      alliance  with  England,  when  he  agreed  to  a  separate  Truce 

for  two  years  with  their  common  enemy. 


A.  D.    1  133.]  'NATION  OF  MFNRY  VI.  IN   PARIS. 

This  arrangement  was  not  unjustly  viewed  by  the  Duke  of  Bedford 
as  most  injurious  to  the  English  interests.  lie  could  no  longer  conceal 
from  himself  the  conviction  that  Burgundy  was  wavering;  and  that  the 
French,  whenever  they  felt  sufficiently  powerful,  would  throw  off  the 
>kc  to  which  under  his  influence  they  had  submitted.  One 
experiment  presented  itself  which  might  terminate  advantageously.  The 
young  King  had  not  as  yet  been  crowned,  and  it  seemed  by  no  means 
improbable  that  the  exhibition  of  him  to  the  Capital  in  the  trappings  of 
Royalty  might  revive  that  Faction  by  which  his  father  had  been 
elevated  to  the  Throne.  Henry  accordingly  proceeded  from  Rouen 
with  a  brilliant  retinue  of  Nobles  and  an  armed  train  of 
3000  soldiers.  The  preparations  for  his  entry  into  Paris  Dec.  2. 
were  conducted  with  great  magnificence;  but,  in  spite  of 
these  attractive  shows,  the  Coronation  itself  afforded  little  Dec.  16. 
satisfaction.  The  Crown  was  placed  upon  the  Royal  Brows 
by  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  who  also  cliaunted  Mass,  sorely  to  the 
displeasure  of  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  who  asserted  the  right  of  performing 
both  services ;  and  after  the  Offertory,  a  rich  silver  gilt  Chalice  which 
the  Canons  of  Notre  Dame  claimed  (and  in  the  end  obtained)  as  their 
perquisite,  was  seized  by  some  rapacious  Court  attendants.  Certain 
customary  largesses  to  the  populace  were  omitted  either  from  neglect  or 
from  ignorance  ;  and  the  predominance  of  English  habits  during  the 
whole  course  of  the  Ceremony  disgusted  all  classes  of  French  spectators. 
After  a  very  short  residence  in  his  Capital,  which  by  no  means  tended  to 
conciliate  the  good  will  of  its  inhabitants,  Henry  returned  to  Nor- 
mandy. 

The  Court  at  Chinon  also  witnessed  a  Political  revolution  most  disad- 
vantageous to  the  English,  by  the  removal  of  a  Minister  who 
fostered  the  King's  indolence.  The  pride  shown  by  La  Tr£-  a.  n.  1433. 
mouille  had  created  numerous  enemies,  and  the  Constable 
Richemont  easily  found  agents  to  undertake  a  project,  which  although  it 
involved  assassination,  was  not  esteemed  by  him  derogatory  to  his  honour. 
The  Favourite  was  carried  off  by  armed  men  at  night,  from  his  sleeping 
apartment,  and  after  receiving  a  dangerous  wound,  purchased  life  by  the 
surrender  of  ambition.  He  paid  largely  for  his  ransom,  and  engaged  never 
again  to  enter  the  presence  of  the  King*.  Charles,  as  on  similar  occa- 
sions in  times  past,  after  a  short  burst  of  indignation,  forgot  his  Coun- 
sellor, and  admitted  Richemont  to  full  confluence. 

The  condition  of  France,  however,  was  most  utterly  deplorable ;  for 
long-continued  internal  discord  had  rendered  violence  habitual  ;  almost 
every  man  was  armed,  and  the  armed  subsisted  only  by  plunder.  Ad- 
venturers spread  themselves  over  the  Provinces  under  a  name,  the 
Skinners,  Les  Ecorcheurs,  which  sufficiently  betokens  the  savage 
nature  of  their  outrages,  if  we  trace  it  to  even  its  mildest  derivation, 
*  Monstrc'.et,  vii.  c.  4  J. 


350  CONGRESS  OP  ARRAS.  [CH.  XIV 

stripping  shirts,  not  skins  *.  The  Soldiers  regularly  engaged  in  the 
Burgundian  service,  finding  themselves  prohibited  from  warfare  by  the 
Truce,  assumed  the  Red  Cross  of  St.  George  as  a  badge  under  which 
they  might  pillage;  and  Charles  was  powerless  to  enforce  obedience 
from  even  his  own  Generals.  Few  names  are  more  frequently  men- 
tioned with  distinction  in  these  Wars  than  that  of  La  Hire ;  yet  we 
read  of  his  violating  a  hospitable  reception  offered  by  the  Lord  of 
Auffemont  in  his  Castle  ;  seizing  his  unsuspicious  host  at  the  moment 
in  which  he  was  regaling  on  his  wine;  throwing  him  heavily  ironed 
into  a  loathsome  dungeon ;  aud  although  the  King  remonstrated  and 
wrote  frequent  Letters  to  state  that  he  was  well  satisfied  with  the 
captive  Noble's  services,  detaining  him  in  confinement  until  he  paid 
an  immoderate  ransom  for  liberty  f. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  found  employment  for  his  arms  in  a  private 

feud  with  the  Count  of  Clermont;  but  when  the  latter  suc- 
Aug. — .    ceeded  to  the  Duchy  of  Bourbon   on  the   demise  of   his 

father,  who  had  remained  prisoner  in  England  since  the 
Battle  of  Azincourtj  a  reconciliation  was  effected  between  the  Princes 
who  were  linked  by  private  connection  +.  Every  hour  indeed  tended  to 
confirm  Philip  in  his  pacific  intentions,  and  he  at  length  openly 
announced  to  the  Parisians  that  negociation  with  Charles  was  at  hand. 
Little  as  the  community  of  interests  and  the  mutual  connection  of 
States  was  as  yet  understood  in  Europe,  it  seemed  as  if  the  general 
voice  of  Christendom  powerfully  remonstrated  against  the  continuance 
of  that  War  by  which  France  had  been  so  long  distracted ;  and  a 
Congress  which  the  mediation  of  Rome  at  length  assembled  at  Arras 
was  thronged  by  a  diplomatic  train  brilliant  and  numerous  beyond 
all  precedent.  Rome  and  the  Council  of  Basle  respectively  despatched 
the  two  Cardinals  of  Santa  Croce  and  of  Cyprus  as  Presidents,  at- 
tended by  about  eightscore  Masters  in  Theology.  The  Emperor,  the 
Kings  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  of  Portugal,  of  Navarre,  of  Naples, 
of  Sicily,  of  Cyprus,  of  Poland  and  of  Denmark,  the  Dukes  of  Bretany 
and  of  Milan  were  represented  by  their  several  ambassadors.  Deputies 
arrived  from  the  University  of  Paris,  from  the  chief  towns  of  France 

*  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  12. 

f  "  It  was  all  in  van,"  says  the  Chronicler,  li  the  Lord  d'Auffemont  lay  a  whole 
month  in  prison,  insomuch  that  his  limbs  were  greatly  bruised  and  benumbed,  and 
he  was  covered  with  all  sorts  of  vermin."  His  ransom  was  fixed  at  1000  saints  rfW 
and  a  horse  valued  at  20  tons  of  Wine.  The  salut  was  a  coin  struck  by  Charles  VI. 
and  by  Henry  V.,  and  so  named  because  it  was  impressed  with  Gabriel's  Salutation  to 
the  Virgin.  Three  saluts=one  florin=two  crowns=twenty-five  sous.  D'Auffemont 
revenged  himself  in  1437,  when  he  captured  La  Hire  at  Beauvais,  carried  him  off 
from  a  stable  in  which  he  sought  concealment,  and  did  not  release  him  till  the  Duke 
of  Burgundy  interfered  in  his  behalf.  The  ransom,  however,  which  he  obtained  was 
much  less  than  that  which  he  had  paid.  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  8.  JV1.  de  Sismondi, 
xiii.  28G. 

\  The  Duchess  of  Bourbon  was  a  sister  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy. 


A.  D.  1435.]  QUITTED  BY  THE  ENGLISH.  351 

and  of  the  Netherlands.     England  commissioned    the  Archbishop   of 
York  and  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  who  counted  in  their  retinues  200  gentle- 
men of  birth.     The  Duke   of  Burgundy  was    accompanied  by  many- 
Nobles,  and  by  300  Archers  of  his  own  Body-guard  gorgeously  clothed 
and  equipped.    Charles  VII.  sent  eighteen  envoys,  of  whom 
the  chief  were  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  the  Constable  Riche-    a.  d.  1435. 
mont,  the  Count   of  Vendome,    and   the   Archbishop    of     Aug.  5. 
Rheims ;   and  when   the    first  Session   commenced   in   the 
Chapel  of  St.  Vaast*,  more  than  500  illustrious  personages,  and  above 
10,000  strangers  were  assembled  in  the  City. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  State  interests  super- 
seded diversion,  and  projects  of  general  pacification  were 
seriously    debated.     The  English  demanded   a  renewal  of    Aug.  19. 
the  Treaty  of  Troyes,  the  French  denied  that  the  sense  of 
the  Nation   had  ever  been  expressed  by  that  Treaty,  which  they  re- 
cognized only  as  the  act  of  a  deranged  King  at  the  close  of  an  unsuc- 
cessful War.     The  Truce  concluded  with  Richard  II.  in  1395,  or,  yet 
earlier,  the  Peace  of  Paris  with  Edward  III.  in   1327,  were  offered 
as  presenting  a  more  equitable  basis.     Some  further  concessions  were 
added  at  the  instance  of  the  Cardinal  Presidents.     Aquitaine  might  be 
held  as  of  old  in  Fief;  the  Dioceses  of  Bagneux,  of  Avranches  and  of 
Evreux  might  be  annexed  to  the  ancient  Duchy  ;  the  ransom  demanded 
for  the  Duke  of  Orleans  might  be  paid ;  and  even  Normandy  itself  might 
be  abandoned.     But  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  obstinately  persisted  in 
his  objections.     He  would  sign  a  Truce  for  twenty,  thirty,  or  even  for 
forty  years  consolidated  by  a  marriage  of  Henry  VI.  with  a  daughter  of 
Charles  VII.,  during  which  period  each  party  should  retain  its  actual 
possessions ;  or   he  would  agree  to  a  definitive  Peace  by 
which  Paris,  the  Isle  of  France,  and  Normandy  were  to  be      Sep.  6. 
absolutely  vested  in  the  Crown  of  England.     When  these 
proposals  were  rejected,  the  Cardinal,  accompanied  by  all  the  English, 
without  further  delay  quitted  Arras. 

The  evil  feeling  generated   by  these  exorbitant  and  impolitic  pre- 
tensions, which  the  English  were  by  no  means  in  a  condition  to  enforce, 
was  much  increased  by  the  death  of  Bedford,  whose  wisdom, 
energv  and  uprightness  had  hitherto  greatly  contributed  to     Sep.  3  4. 
prevent  the  approaching  rupture.     He  died  at  Rouen,  in 
which  City  he   had  languished  for  some   months,  and  his  decease  re- 
moved the  only  scruple  which  still  deterred  Burgundy  from 
renouncing  his   alliance   with    England.      The   Treaty    of     Sep.  21. 
Arras  which  reconciled  this  most  powerful  of  the  French 
Peers  with  his  native  King  was  received  with  general  joy ;  and  the  con- 
ditions which  Charles  accorded  demonstrated  the  high  price  at  which  he 
was  willing  to  purchase  Civil  union.     He  declared  that  the  death  of  the 
*  Monstrelet,  vii.  c.  77,  80,  81. 


332  TREATY  OF  ARRAS,  [cil.  XIV. 

late  Duke  bad  been  iniquitously  and  treacherously  caused  through 
wicked  counsels  which  bad  always  been  displeasing  to  him.  Tbat  if 
be  bad  been  of  sufficiently  mature  age  at  tbe  time  of  its  occurrence  to 
judge  of  tbe  consequences,  be  would  bave  prevented  it;  but  that  be  was 
then  in  truth  very  young,  inconsiderate,  and  possessed  of  little  know- 
ledge. These  admissions,  which  imply  at  least  privity  to  the  assassi- 
nation, were  concluded  by  an  entreaty  that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
would  henceforward  lav  aside  whatever  hatred  and  rancour  he  mi^ht 
have  conceived  on  account  of  his  father's  murder.    "m 

The  King  next  engaged  to  use  all  diligence  to  apprehend  the  perpe- 
trators of  the  said  wicked  deed,  in  order  that  they  might  be  punished  in 
body  and  goods.  If  they  should  escape  seizure,  he  banished  them  from 
his  dominions  irrevocably,  with  confiscation  of  their  effects  ;  and  the 
more  completely  to  ensure  the  inclusion  of  all  who  were  guilty,  he 
required  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  furnish  him  both  now,  and  from  time 
to  time  hereafter,  as  he  might  happen  to  obtain  more  complete  in- 
formation, with  lists  of  the  persons  concerned,  against  whom  the  King 
undertook  to  proceed  in  the  most  summary  manner.  A  Chapel  was  to 
be  founded  and  endowed  by  Charles  in  the  Church  of  Montereau  in 
which  the  Duke  had  been  first  buried,  where  a  requiem  should  be  daily 
chanted  for  the  Soul  of  the  deceased,  and  the  presentation  to  it  was  to 
be  vested  in  Philip  and  his  successors  for  ever.  A  Church  and  Convent 
of  Carthusians,  u  with  cloisters,  hall,  refectory,  granges,  and  all  other 
necessary  buildings,"  were  to  be  erected  and  endowed  in  the  Town.  On 
the  Bridge  itself  was  to  be  raised  a  handsomely  sculptured  Cross,  and  a 
daily  Mass  was  to  be  celebrated  at  Dijon  over  the  Tomb  in  which  the 
body  was  finally  deposited.  For  these  religious  purposes  very  ample 
sums  were  assigned  in  the  Treaty. 

Thus  far  provision  was  made  to  satisfy  tbe  Duke's  honour,  the 
remaining  Articles  stipulated  for  very  substantial  advantages.  Fifty 
thousand  golden  crowns  were  to  be  paid  as  a  compensation  for  tbe 
jewels  stolen  or  lost  at  Montereau  ;  and  the  Duke  in  consequence  of  this 
allowance  was  not  to  be  at  all  impeded  from  persevering  in  his 
researches  after  the  valuables,  especially  "  the  rich  collar  of  his  .late  Lord 
and  father;"  all  of  which,  if  he  should  recover  them,  were  to  be 
retained  by  him  exclusively  of  the  money.  The  Counties  of  Macon  and 
of  St.  Jangon,  the  Cities  of  Auxerre  and  of  Bar  were  granted  to  him  in 
Fief.  Sundry  castles,  townships,  and  rights  of  revenue  were  guaranteed, 
and  by  a  very  remarkable  clause,  Philip  during  the  lifetime  of  Charles 
was  exempted  from  any  performance  of  personal  homage.  In  case  of  a 
War  between  Burgundy  and  England,  Charles  pledged  himself  to  active 
alliance  with  the  former.  Oblivion  of  all  acts  arising  out  of  the  divisions 
of  the  Realm  (excepting  those  connected  with  Montereau)  was  pro- 
claimed ;  and  as  if  the  King's  degradation  had  been  incomplete,  even 
after   these   numerous   subtractions   from   his   authority,    he    solemnly 


A.  D.   1435.]  DEATH  OF  [SABSLLI  OF  BAVARIA,  353 

released  all  his  subjects  from  allegiance  in  case  he  should  violate  any  of 
the  foregoing  conditions;  and  if  lie  should  so  fail  hereafter  he  enjoined 
his  vassals  no  longer  to  obey  himself,  but  to  assist  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy and  his  successors  against  him.  Few  Treaties  were  at  that  time 
considered  to  be  binding  until  cemented  by  intermarriages,  and  it  was 
therefore  agreed  that  the  Princess  Catherine  of  France  should  bestow 
her  hand  on  Philip's  heir,  the  Count  de  Charolois. 

Three  days  after  the  ratification  of  this  Treaty  *,  Isabelle  of  Bavaria, 
to  whom  the  Peace  of  Troyes  was  mainly  attributed,  expired 
at  Paris.     She  had  long  resided  in  the  Capital,  in  poverty    Sept.  24. 
and  neglect,  and  it   is  reported  that  she   wept  abundantly 
as  Henry  VI.  saluted  her,  on  passing  her  window  to  the  ceremony  of  his 
Coronation.     Her  remains  were  interred  with  little  pomp  among  the 
Royal  Tombs  at  St.  Denis.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy  endeavoured   to 
atone  for   this  want  of  respect  by  the  performance  of  a  magnificent 
Service  at  Arras,  which  he  attended  clad  in  deep  mourning,  and  sup- 
ported by  many  "  great  Lords  "  in  similar  attire  f. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
From  a.  d.  1435  to  a.d.  1461, 


Dissatisfaction  of  the  English — The  French  recover  Paris — Failure  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  at  Calais — Public  Entry  of  Charles  into  Paris — Famine  and  Pestilence 
— The  Pragmatic  Sanction — Conference  at  Gravelines — Change  in  the  Character 
of  Charles  VI  I. — Military  Reforms — Discontent  of  the  Aristocracy — La  Pmguerie 
—  Headed  by  the  Dauphin  Louis — Suppressed — The  English  capture  Ilarfleur — 
Release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans— Charles  punishes  the  Ecorcheurs — Besieges  and 
captures  Pontoise — Continued  successes  of  the  French — Remonstrance  of  the 
Princes  from  Nevers — Activity  of  the  Dauphin  —  Armistice  —  Marriage  of 
Henry  VI.  with  Margaret  of  Anjou — Dissolution  of  the  Ecorcheurs — Establish- 
ment of  the  Companies  of  Ordonnance — And  of  the  Franc  Archers — The  Dau- 
phin Louis  withdraws  toDauphine — Hostilities  against  England  renewed — Siege 
and  Capture  of  Harfleur — Death  of  Agnes  du  Sorel — Defeat  of  the  English  at 
Fourmigny — Fall  of  Cherbourg — Expulsion  of  the  English  from  Normandy — 
And  from  Guyenne — Affairs  of  Bretany — Murder  of  Prince  Giiles — Death  of  the 

*  Monstrelet,  vii.  90.  Historical  writers  are  greatly  divided  concerning  the 
character  of  Isabelle  of  Bavaria,  air.  Hallatn  considers  her  to  be  "the  most  infamous 
of  women."  M.  de  Sismondi  is  very  far  from  condemning  her.  Villaret  affirms 
that  after  330  years  no  true  Frenchman  can  hear  her  odious  and  ill-omened  name 
pronounced  without  a  shudder. 

f  The  Treaty  is  printed  at  length  by  Monstrelet,  vii.  c.  88,  who  has  also  recorded 
a  just  but  most  severe  remark  made  by  the  Lord  de  Launoy  on  swearing  to  it. 
"  Here  am  I  who  have  heretofore  taken  oath  for  the  preservation  of  Peace  five 
times  during  this  War,  not  one  of  which  has  been  observed,  but  I  now  make  promise 
to  God  that  this  shall  be  kept  on  my  part,  and  that  I  will  not  in  any  degree  infringe 
it."  Mr.  Ilallam  ingeniously  conjecture*  that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  stipulated 
for  exemption  from  personal  homage  to  Charles  VII.  in  consequence  of  some  vow  ; 
for  he  tendered  his  services  to  Louis  XL  on  his  Accession.   Midd'e  Ages,  i.  88,  4to. 

2  A 


354  THE  ENGLISH   EXPELLED  FROM  PARTS.  [CH.  XV. 

Duke — Injustice  of  the  French  Tribunals — Disgrace  of  Jacques  Coeur — Marriage 
of  the  Dauphin  with  Charlotte  of  Savoy — Revolt  of  Guyenne — Suppressed— 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy  vows  a  Crusade — Process  against  Armagnac — The  Dau- 
phin Louis  retires  to  Flanders — Hungarian  Embassy — Process  against  the  Duke 
of  Alencon  —  Persecution  at  Arras — Affairs  of  Italy — Sickness  and  miserable 
death  of  Charles  VII. 

The  news  of  the  Peace  of  Arras  was  received  in  England  with  as 
many  signs  of  resentment  as  if  it  had  been  wholly  unexpected.  The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  hoped  to  recruit  his  exhausted  finances,  and  to 
lighten  some  of  the  burden  of  debt  with  which  he  was  oppressed, 
by  remaining  neutral  in  the  future  contest ;  for  although  Charles  had 
become  bound  to  assist  him  in  case  of  War,  Philip  had  left  himself  un- 
shackled by  any  reciprocal  pledge.  But  the  English  were  too  deeply 
piqued  by  his  abandonment  to  allow  the  fulfilment  of  these  pacific 
intentions.  They  gave  open  encouragement  to  insurgents  awaiting 
opportunity  for  Rebellion  in  the  Netherlands ;  they  made  attempts  upon 
some  of  his  garrisons,  and  the  Duke  of  York,  who  succeeded  Bedford  in 
the  Regency,  declined  all  overtures  for  negociation.  Each  Party  felt 
that  War  was  inevitable,  and  employed  itself  in  strengthening  its 
frontiers. 

While  Philip  meditated  an  attack  upon  Calais  which  required  much 
time  for  preparation,  he  despatched  a  small  auxiliary  force 
a.  d.  1436.    to  join  the  Constable  Richemont  and  the  Bastard  of  Orleans, 
who  were  marching  upon  the  Capital.     The  Duke  of  York 
had  not  yet  arrived,  and  Lord  Willoughby,  who  commanded  a  garrison 
of  about   2000  English,  was   straitened   by  want   of  provisions,    and 
surrounded  by  a  discontented  populace.     New  oaths  of  allegiance,  and 
even  a  resort  to  executions,  by  no  means  repressed  the  growing  spirit  of 
revolt ;  and  his  troops,  impatient  of  scanty  food  and  of  deferred  pay- 
ments, broke  through  the  rules  of  discipline ;  scattered  themselves  over 
the  suburban  districts  in  hope  of  plunder,  and  lost  many  of  their  num- 
ber by  surprise.     The  besieged  were  soon  aware  of  the  weakness  of  the 
force  to  the  control  of  which  they  had  hitherto  submitted, 
April  13.       and  having  made  arrangements  with  Richemont,  tliey  bar- 
ricaded the  streets,  and  assisted  the  Marechal  L'Isle  Adam 
with  ladders  when  he  approached  the  ramparts.     The  gates  were  soon 
forced,  and  the  French  and  Burgundians  poured  into  the  city.     Lord 
Willoughby  prepared  for  the  defence  of  the  Bastile,  into  which  he  had 
thrown  himself,  but  he  was  permitted  to  transport  to  Rouen  his  little 
garrison  and  all  the  Citizens  who  chose  to  accompany  his  retreat. 

Vigour  on  either  side  would  have  greatly  tended  to  abridge  this 
lamentable  contest,  but  Charles  and  Henry  were  equally  devoid  of 
energy.  We  are  assured  that  the  permanent  force  of  the  English 
in  France,  even  during  the  season  of  their  highest  ascendency,  never 
exceeded  15,000  men  ;  it  was  now  reduced  to  less  than  a  fourth  of  that 


A.D.  1436.]        PUBLIC  ENTRY  OF  CHARLES  VII.  355 

number*;  but  regular  troops  were  wanting  to  oppose  even  this  scanty 
band,  and  the  Adventurers  and  the  Ecorchears  preferred  the  chance  of 
enrichment  by  plunder  in  forays  to  any  effort  for  national  deliverance. 
Instead  of  profiting  by  the  capture  of  Paris,  Charles  still 
lingered  in  the  South ;  in  the  Summer  indeed  he  advanced    June  — . 
to  Tours,  but  it  was  only  to  be  present  at  the  nuptials  of  his 
eldest  son  Louis  with  Margaret  of  Scotland  j\     Gratitude  for  the  faithful 
services  which  he  had  received  from  that  Northern  Court  when  deserted 
even  by  his  native  subjects,  in  part  contributed  to  the  alliance ;  in  part 
it  might  be  intended  to  cement  a  closer  interest  for  the  future;  but  the 
assassination  of  their  King,  James  I.,  a  few  days  after  his  daughter's 
marriage  J,  engrossed  the  Scots  too  closely  with  domestic  feuds  to  allow 
their  pursuit  of  a  designed  invasion  of  England. 

Charles  however  was  more  deficient  in  activity  than  in  courage,  his 
disposable  force    amounted  to  at  least  7000  men  "  well  tried  and  well 
equipped;"  and  with  these  and  a  brilliant  Staff  of  Nobles  he  at  length 
commenced  the  Siege  of  Montereau.     A  little  garrison  of  300  or  400 
English  bravely  defended  themselves  for  six  weeks,  during  which  period, 
Charles,  as  we  are  told  by  Monstrelet,  did  not  spare  himself 
in  military  labours  §.     At  the  end  of  that  time,  the  Town     Oct.  11. 
was  carried,  and  about  a  fortnight   afterwards  the  Castle 
surrendered.     Not  more  than  thirty  of  the  besieged  were  killed  in  the 
storm ;  and  some  precautions,  which  reflect  credit  on  the  humanity  of 
Charles,  prevented  much  of  the  guilt,  bloodshed  and  abomination,  which 
too  frequently  accompany  a  successful  assault. 

The  route   to   Paris   was   now   uninterrupted,    and   the    King   was 
persuaded  to  show  himself  in  the  Capital,  of  which  he  entertained  most 
ungrateful  remembrance,  on  account  of  the  many  savage  events  which 
he  had  witnessed  in  it  during  childhood.     His  public  entry 
was  conducted  with  pomp  very  similar  to  that  which  had     Nov.  13. 
distinguished  the  recent  visit  of  Henry  VI. ;  for  magisterial 
processions  and  the  noisy  shouts  of  the  rabble  are  to  be  procured  in  a 
Metropolis  under  every  change  of  Masters.     We  hasten  therefore  over 
the  enumeration  of  Provosts  and  Pageants,  and  Fountains  of  Hippocras, 
with  the  single  notice  that  as  Henry  was  accosted  by  the  Nine  Worthies, 
so  a  still  more  fantastic  allegory  presented  itself  to  Charles,  when  he  was 
saluted  by  the  Seven  Virtues,  and  the   Seven  Deadly  Sins  on  horse- 
back ||. 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiii.  283. 

t  Margaret  of  Scotland,  a  Princess  of  elegant  tastes  and  pursuits,  versed  in  the 
Poetry  and  Literature  of  her  day,  deserved  and  acquired  great  popularity.  She  died 
)f  a  Pleurisy  in  the  autumn  of  1445,  much  to  the  regret  of  her  father-in-law,  who 

garded  her  with  confidence  and  affection. 

\  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  1.  §  viii.  c.  5. 

!|  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  9.  Although  the  title  of  this  motley  ^roup  (les  neuf  Preux) 
in  its  aggregate  ia  familiar,  few  perhaps  can  name  the  individuals  hy  whom  it  was 

2  a2 


356  THE  PRAGMATIC  SANCTION.  [CH.  XV. 

A  very  short  residence  in  the  Capital  sufficed ;  and  scarcely  had 
Charles  retired  to  Tours,  when  the  two  heaviest  scourges  of  mortality 
wasted  the  Isle  of  France  and  the  adjoining  Provinces.  Nearly  fifty 
thousand  sufferers  perished  within  the  walls  of  Paris  from  Famine  and 
its  usual  concomitant  Pestilence ;  and  seldom  have  any  darker  pictures 
of  human  misery  been  sketched,  than  those  which  pourtray  this  most 
fearful  visitation.  The  English  might  easily  have  recovered  a  Town  thus 
stripped  of  defence,  but  they  wisely  avoided  the  City  of  death,  and  even 
evacuated  some  posts  in  its  neighbourhood. 

The  Ordinances  promulgated  by  Charles  since  his  accession  had  been 
hitherto  few  and  unimportant,  but  an  Edict  issued  by  him  during 
the  Summer  following  his  visit  to  Paris  is  always  considered  to  be  the 
main  foundation  of  what  are  called  the  Liberties  of  the  Gallican  Church. 
During  the  discussions  arising  out  of  the  Council  of  Basle  (which  it 
WGuld  be  remote  from  our  purpose  to  detail,  and  which  must  be  sought 
for  in  Ecclesiastical  Annals),  the  French  Clergy  became  keenly 
awakened  to  the  arrogance  of  Papal  usurpation,  and  in  several 
meetings,  the  first  of  which  was  contemporary  with  the  assembly 
of  the  Council  itself,  they  showed  a  resolution  to  reject  the 
a.  d.  1438.     slavery  of  vassalage  to  Rome.     Charles  VII.  presided  over 

July  7.  the  most  important  of  these  Synods,  in  which  Legates  at- 
tended at  Bourges,  both  from  Eugenius  IV.  and  from  the 
Council  which  at  the  time  was  disputing  his  supremacy,  and  which 
afterwards  proceeded  to  his  deposition.  The  French  Prelates  at  once 
perceived  the  great  advantage  which  they  might  derive  from  an 
espousal  of  the  principles  supported  by  the  Council;  the  Jesuits  also 
foresaw  in  them  an  increase  of  the  authority  of  the  Crown,  so  that  with 
the  joint  approval  of  both  his  Secular  and  his  Spiritual  advisers,  the 
King  signed  an  Ordinance  for  future  Ecclesiastical  regulation,  framed 
expressly  upon  certain  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basle  favourable  to 
independence,  and  known  in  History  as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  *. 

Of  the  twenty-three  Articles  into  which  this  celebrated  Statute  is 
divided,  only  a  few  heads  demand  our  notice.  The  superiority  of 
(Ecumenical  Councils  over  the  Popes  was  distinctly  recognized,  and  the 
Holy  See  was  declared  bound  to  summon  one  such  Council  after  the 
lapse  of  every  ten  years.  The  nomination  of  Bishops  with  very  few- 
composed  :  they  were  Joshua,  Gideon,  Samson,  David,  Judas  Maccabeus,  Alex- 
ander, Julius  Caesar,  Charlemagne  and  Godfrey  of  Bulloin. 

*  No  two  words  convey  less  distinct  meaning  to  English  ears  than  those  which 
form  this  Title  :  nor  are  we  at  all  prepared  to  furnish  an  equivalent.  Perhaps  a 
veil  considered  Ordinance  may  in  some  degree  represent  them :  i.  e.  an  Ordinance 
which  has  been  fully  discussed  by  men  practised  in  State  Affairs.  But  we  are  very 
far  from  either  recommending  or  being  satisfied  with  such  a  substitute.  The  Title 
was  used  in  the  Lower  Empire,  and  Ducange  ad  v.  describes  Pragmaticum  Rescriptum 
sen  Pragmatica  S audio  to  be  that  which  adhibi/d  diligente  causa?  cognitiotie,  ex  omnium 
Procerum  consensu  in  modum  sentential  lecto,  a  Principe  conceditur.  See  also  Mr.  Hal- 
lam,  Middle  Ages,  ii.  75  (4to.)  for  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  ot  Louis  IX.  and  p.  120 
above. 


A.  D.    1439]  NEGOTIATION  WITH  ENGLAND.  357 

ptionfl  was  entirely  denied  to  the  Pontiff,  and  their  election  by  their 
respective  Chapters,  subject  to  the  Royal  approval,  was  established  on 

the  authority  of  the  Primitive  Church.  The  Court  of  Rome  was 
no  longer  allowed  to  interfere  in  the  disposal  of  inferior  Benefices.  The 
abuse  of  "  expectatives  "  or  promises  in  reversion  while  incumbents  were 
yet  living  was  abolished  ;  and  by  this  one  curtailment  half  the  undue 
influence  of  the  Vatican  was  swept  away.  The  reception  of  Annates 
was  stigmatized  as  Simoniacal,  and  the  occasions  on  which  appeals  were 
permitted  to  Rome  were  very  strictly  limited.  These  last  two  enact- 
ments seriously  affected  Revenue;  for  the  succession  to  Benefices 
afforded  a  regular  average  influx  to  the  Pontifical  coffers,  and  the  sale  of 
judgments  by  the  Sacred  College  had  become  so  proverbial,  that  the 
venality  which  the  Satirist  of  old  ascribed  to  the  Pagan  City  was 
now  a  far  more  just  reproach  against  Her  who  affected  to  be  the  Metro- 
polis of  Christendom. 

This  Edict,  as  may  be  supposed,  was  received  with  widely  different 
feelings  by  the  Fathers  at  Basle  and  by  Eugenius.  To  the  former  it 
appeared  a  signal  approval  of  their  legislation,  by  the  latter  it  was 
esteemed  sacrilegious  rebellion  against  an  authority  derived  from 
Heaven,  and  the  Pontiff,  although  degraded  and  exiled,  assumed  a  tone 
of  remonstrance  to  Charles  VII.  not  less  haughty  nor  less  indignant 
than  had  been  employed  by  his  predecessors  during  the  fulness  of  their 
power.  In  one  point,  however,  both  the  Council  of  Basle  and  the  Pope 
altogether  coincided,  and  each  Party  strenuously  urged  the  conclusion  of 
Peace  with  England.  This  advice  was  pressed  also  by  the  two  most 
illustrious  Houses  in  France.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  entertained  no 
other  hope  of  terminating  his  long  captivity,  (which  had  been  endured 
during  the  five  and  twenty  years  which  had  elapsed  since  the  Battle  of 
Azincourt,)  but  by  a  reconciliation  of  the  belligerents  ;  and  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  influenced  by  an  hereditary  taste  for  pageants  and  festivities, 
coveted  a  season  of  repose  which  might  permit  the  indulgence  of  this 
favourite  passion.  Well  aware,  however,  that  Charles  continued  to  regard 
him  with  jealousy,  he  discreetly  avoided  the  invidious  office  of  actual 
mediation,  and  when  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  was  instructed  to  open 
Conferences  on  the  frontier  between  Calais  and  Gravelines,  'Philip 
deputed  his  Duchess  Isabella  to  attend  in  his  behalf.  Isabella  was 
a  woman  of  talent,  of  spirit,  and  of  address,  and  as  grand-daughter  of 
John  of  Gaunt,  she  was  niece  to  the  Cardinal,  with  whom 
her  negociation  was  principally  to  be  conducted.  Henry  of  a.  d.  1439. 
Beaufort,  who  far  outshone  the  other  ambassadors  "  in  the  June  — . 
splendour  of  his  tents  and  pavilions,  and  the  richness  of 
his  gold  and  silver  plate,"  received  his  fair  kinswoman  with  marked 
distinction  and  feasted  her  nobly  *,  but  the  diplomacy  proved  altogether 

*  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  33.  Isabella  of  Portugal,  third  wife  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
was  daughter  of  John  I.  of  Portugal  by  Philippa  daughter  of  John  of  Gaunt  by  his 


358         CHANGE  IN  THE  CHARACTER  OF  CHARLES  VII.      [CH.  XV. 

unavailing,  for  the  English  were  not  inclined  to  relax  from  their  former 
demands. 

Hostilities  had  by  no  means  been  suspended  during  these  Con- 
ferences, which  form  a  remarkable  Epoch  in  the  History  of  France.  In 
themselves,  as  we  have  seen,  they  were  wholly  nugatory,  but  during 
their  occurrence  a  change  appeared  in  the  conduct  and  disposition 
of  Charles  VII.,  of  which,  since  contemporary  writers  have  left  it 
unexplained,  it  is  idle  to  expect  that  we  at  present  can  afford  any 
solution.  We  must  be  content  to  repeat  the  simple  facts,  that  the  King 
having  arrived  at  the  mature  age  of  six  and  thirty,  and  having  adminis- 
tered the  Royal  functions  for  seventeen  years,  during  which  period  he 
had  been  lost  in  indolence,  commenced  a  life  of  energetic  action,  which 
astonished  both  friends  and  enemies ;  which  conferred  inestimable  Civil 
benefits  upon  his  dominions,  and  by  sweeping  from  them  the  foreign  in- 
vaders by  whom  they  had  been  so  long  occupied,  obtained  for  him,  not 
undeservedly,  the  title  of  "  the  Victorious,"  an  appendage  too  often  the 
reward  of  ambition,  but  in  his  case  of  much  less  doubtful  value  *. 

When  the  Constable  Richemont  undertook  the  investment  of  Meaux, 

the  recovery  of  which  Town  he  considered  necessary  for  the 
Aug.  10.     maintenance  of  Paris  itself,  he  little  anticipated  that  his 

ultimate  success  would  result  from  the  vigour  with  which 
the  King  furnished  troops,  supplies,  and  breaching  batteries  f.  Charles 
meantime  passed  three  weeks  in  his  Capital,  and  he  there  obtained  such 
information  of  the  state  of  his  armies,  the  want  of  discipline  in  the 
ranks,  and  the  consequent  necessary  severity  of  the  Officers,  as  induced 

him  to  make  an  important  proposition  for  military  reform 
Nov.  2.      to  the  States  General  which  he  had  summoned  to  meet  at 

Orleans.  A  standing  army,  always  at  the  command  of  the 
Crown,  and  regularly  paid  from  funds  especially  assigned  to  its  support, 
doubtless  mainly  contributed  to  the  confirmation  of  that  absolute  autho- 
rity which  the  Kings  of  France  exercised  at  a  later  period ;  but  it  is  far 
from  equally  certain  whether  either  Charles  himself  or  any  of  his  Coun- 
sellors was  sufficiently  acquainted  with  Political  Science  to  foresee  this 
not  very  remote  result,  at  the  time  at  which  they  conceived  the  project; 
and  they  were  most  probably  actuated  by  a  sincere  and  honest  wish  to 
relieve  their  suffering  Country  from  the  lawlessness  of  the  Ecorcheurs, 
who  drew  the  sword  at  pleasure,  and  exacted  compensation  for  service 
according  to  their  own  estimate  of  its  value. 

first  wife  Blanche.  The  Cardinal  of  Winchester,  son  of  John  of  Gaunt,  was  there- 
fore half-uncle  to  Isabella. 

*  Some  clue,  perhaps,  is  afforded  by  another  title  which  Charles  VII.  bore,  le 
bien-servy ;  but  everything  cannot  be  attributed  to  his  Ministers.  See  M.  de  Sis- 
mondi,  xiii.  399. 

f  Jasper  Bureau  was  the  first  Master  of  the  artillery,  who  about  this  time 
suggested  the  employment  of  cannon  to  batter  in  breach.  The  firing  hitherto  had 
been  entirely  at  random.  His  brother  John  also,  Treasurer  to  the  King,  was  ex-, 
pert  in  the  science  of  Gunnery.  They  jointly  directed  the  batteries  at  the  siege  of 
Harfleur.    Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  1 1. 


A.  D.   1439-]  Li  PRAQUKRIE. 

-hull  have  occasion  by  and  by,  when  we  notice  its  final  establish- 
ment, more  fully  to  explain  the  new  military  constitution  which  Charles 
first  proposed  at  Orleans.  The  States,  which  strongly  recommended 
Peace,  and  arranged  the  opening  of  a  new  Conference  with  the  English 
for  that  purpose,  at  the  same  time  cordially  adopted  the  proposed 
changes;  and  they  agreed  that  the  King  alone  should  nominate  his 
Officers,  and  fix  the  number  of  their  respective  followers.  These  were 
to  be  chosen  from  among  the  many  who  actually  professed  arms  at  the 
moment;  but  free  trade  in  War  was  peremptorily  forbidden,  and 
restrained  by  severe  penalties  for  the  future.  The  Captains  were  made 
responsible  for  the  good  behaviour  of  the  troops  under  their  command. 
Cases  of  pillage  and  violence  were  subjected  to  the  ordinary  tribunals, 
the  Parliament  of  Paris  being  the  Court  of  ultimate  appeal ;  and  when- 
ever legal  redress  was  not  immediately  at  hand,  the  sufferers  were 
authorized  to  employ  force  in  order  to  avert  injury. 
v  These  regulations  were  far  from  being  agreeable  to  the  marauding 
bands,  whose  licentiousness  they  were  designed  to  control,  and  they 
greatly  tended  to  frustrate  an  enterprise  against  Avranches,  to  which 
Town  Richemout  advanced  after  storming  Meaux.  The  common  men 
deserted  in  masses,  and  the  Chiefs  by  no  means  endeavoured  to  dis- 
courage their  spirit  of  mutiny.  Nor  was  it  among  the  inferior  classes 
only  that  disaffection  prevailed.  Numerous  members  of  the  higher 
Aristocracy  also  manifested  unwillingness  to  relinquish  any  portion  of 
their  former  power,  and  complained  of  tyranny  in  the  Crown,  because 
it  prevented  themselves  from  being  tyrants*.  The  Dukes  of  Bourbon 
and  of  Alencon,  the  Count  of  Vendume,  and  the  Bastard  of  Orleans, 
now  invested  with  the  title  of  Count  of  Dunois  f,  talked  loudly  of  the 
disorganization  of  the  Army,  and  of  the  consequent  peril  to  which  the 
Country  would  become  exposed  from  the  English.  The  Sire  de 
Chabannes,  de  Blanchefort  a  Bastard  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  J, 
La  Tremouille  still  fired  with  resentment  against  the  Constable,  and 
many  other  not  unimportant  personages,  were  active  in  a  Cabal,  which 
assumed  or  received  the  name  of  La  Praguerie,  from  a  remembrance 
of  the  popular  commotions  in  favour  of  John  Huss,  which  by  attracting 
the  notice  of  all  Europe  to  Prague,  had  afforded  a  general  insurrectionary 
title.  The  Dauphin  Louis  was  easily  persuaded  to  enrol  himself  among 
the  malecontents,  by  an  assurance  that  having  arrived  at  the  age  of 
seventeen,  he  was  far  more  capable  of  Government  than  a  weak  father, 
who  after  a  slothful  career  was  now  awakened  to  mischievous  activity 

*  M.de  Sismondi,  xiii.358. 

f  The  Bastard  of  Orleans  had  greatly  assisted  in  procuring  the  redemption  of  the 
Duke  his  brother,  who,  in  return,  presented  him  with  the  County  of  Dunois  in  an 
interview  at  Calais,  July  21,  143!>.  According  to  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  5,  Dunois  was 
"  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men  in  all  France." 

X  Alexander,  a  natural  son  of  John  the  late,  and  a  half-brother  of  Charles  the  ex- 
isting, Duke  of  Bourbon. 


360  THE  ENGLISH  CAPTURE  HARFLEUR.  [CH.  XV. 

under  the  guidance  of  artful  Ministers.  With  the  young  Prince  at  their 
head,  the  rebellious  Faction  withdrew  to  Niort,  in  the  hope  of  exciting 
a  tumult  throughout  the  Kingdom,  which  might  compel  Charles  to 
abdicate,  or  at  least  might  reduce  him  under  their  control  to  the  con- 
dition of  one  of  the  former  Rois  faineants. 

Fortunately  for  the  Monarchy,  this  revolutionary  feeling  was  very  far 

from  being  general.  The  peasantry  at  once  perceived  that 
a.  d.  1440.    the  new  Ordinances,  if  earned  into  effect,  must  afford  them 

relief,  and  the  majority  even  among  the  Nobles  had  a  strong 
wish  for  the  suppression  of  the  Ecorcheurs.  Nor  were  the  soldiers 
themselves  united  in  support  of  the  Praguerie.  Some  were  honourably 
influenced  by  sentiments  of  loyalty ;  the  certainty  of  pay  or  the  hope 
of  promotion  weighed  strongly  with  others.  The  Constable  hastened  to 
the  Royal  Banner,  and  Charles  no  longer  needed  any  excitement  to 

alertness.  When  he  entered  Poitou  with  his  army,  and 
March  — .    was  received  by  the   inhabitants  with  marks  of  affection 

instead  of  discontent,  the  situation  of  his  opponents  became 
critical,  and  they  eagerly  tendered  submission,  which  the  Court  was  by 
no  means  reluctant  to  accept.  The  Duke  of  Alenc^n  was  permitted  to 
retire  to  his  own  apanage ;  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  was  received  at  Cusset, 
and  pardoned  after  a  stern  rebuke.  To  La  Tremouille  and  the  minor 
agents  amnesty  was  granted,  although  they  were  forbidden  the  Royal 
presence;  and  the  Dauphin  who,  for  once  in  his  hateful  life,  remained 
true  to  his  engagements,  made  his  peace  after  hearing  from  his  father 
that  he  was  at  liberty  to  withdraw  if  he  so  wished,  "  for  under  God's 
pleasure  we  will  find  some  of  our  Blood  who  will  assist  us  in  the  main- 
tenance of  our  honour  and  power  with  more  firmness  than  you  have 
hitherto  done*." 

After  some  futile  attempts  at  the  renewal  of  negociation  during  this 

insurrection,  the  English  had  besieged  Harfleur.  Six  thou- 
April  — .      sand  men,   commanded  by  the  Earl  of  Somerset,   having 

under  him  the  Lords  Dorset,  Falconbridge,  and  Talbot,  in- 
trenched themselves  so  strongly  under  the  walls,  that  when  Dunois, 
after  the  Peace  of  Cusset,  attempted  to  relieve  the  besieged  Town,  he 
found  the  lines  of  circumvallation  impregnable.  So  confident  were  the 
besiegers  of  success,  that  "  the  Countess  of  Somerset  and  other  Ladies 
and  Damsels  were  present  at  the  Camp  to  witness  the  conclusion  of  the 
investmentf."  The  French  succours,  consisting  of  picked  men,  led  by 
experienced  Captains,  withdrew  after  eight  days  of  reconnoissance,  and 
the  garrison  capitulated. 

The   Duke  of  Burgundy  had  avoided  all   open  connexion  with  the 
Praguerie  ;  not  assuredly  from  any  greater  love  of  Charles  than  was 

*  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  35.     The  King  discharged  all  the  Officers  of  the  Dauphin's 
household,  except  his  Cook  and  his  Confessor, 
f  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  37- 


A.  D.  1441.]  CHARLES  VII,  BESIEGES  rONTOlSE.  3r)l 

entertained  by  the  Princes  who  bad  been  most  actively  engaged  in  it, 
but  from  a  prudent  distrust  of  their  means  of  success.  He  was  cm- 
ployed,  however,  in  cementing  an  alliance  by  which  he  hoped  to  obtain 
strength  sufficient  to  counterbalance  the  increasing  power  of  the  Crown, 
and  in  spite  of  the  incessant  opposition  of  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  who 
forcibly  reminded  the  English  Council  of  the  dying  injunction  of 
Henry  V.,  Philip  at  length  obtained  the  release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 
The  ransom  was  fixed  at  200,000  crowns,  80,000  of  which  were  paid 
down,  and  ample  pledges  were  given  for  the  discharge  of  the  remainder 
within  six  months*. 

Accompanied  by  the  Constable,  by  the  Dauphin,  and  by  a  brilliant  train 
of  Nobles,  who  either  from  long  confirmed  attachment  or 
from  recent  wavering,  were  ecpially  anxious  to  evince  their   a.  d.  1441. 
present  fidelity,   Charles    actively  directed  himself  to  the 
suppression  of  the  Ecorcheurs,    who    still  abounded  in    Champagne. 
Having  fixed  his  head-quarters  at  Troyes,  he  reduced  many 
strongholds  of  these  brigands,  and  in  order  to  strike  greater    March  — . 
terror  into   those  who   continued  to  defy  his  authority,  he 
resolved  upon  one  example  of  marked  severity.     The  Bastard  of  Bourbon 
had  been  among  the  most  active  of  the  insurgents,  but  having  tendered 
submission,  he  confidently  looked  for  pardon.     The  King,  however,  un- 
deterred by  the  illustrious  connexions  of  the  offender,  or  rather  indeed 
stimulated  by  a  remembrance  of  them,  after  receiving  incontrovertible 
proofs  of  a  late  act  of  pillage,  ordered  him  to  be  enclosed  in  a  sack,  and 
thrown  into  the  river  at  Bar-sur-Aube. 

Having  cleared  this  Province  of  marauders,  the  King  next  turned  his 
arms  against  the  English,  and  marched  with  a  considerable 
army  to  lay  siege  to  Pontoise.    The  garrison,  although  not     June  — . 
exceeding  800  men,  partly  composed  of  disaffected  French 
and  partly  of  regular  English  troops,  was  prepared  for  resolute  defence 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Clifford,  a  General  of  much  renown  and 
experience.     It  was  in  vain  that  the  Duke  of  York  and  Lord  Talbot 
attempted  to  provoke  the  King  to  a  battle,  by  which,  if  he  had  been  de- 
feated, the  Town  would  have  been  permanently  relieved.     They  were 
able  to  revictual  the  garrison,  to  strengthen  it  by  reinforcements  and  by 
the  removal  of  the  sick  and  wounded;  but  Charles,  having  manoeuvred 
so  skilfully  as  always  to  retain  a  choice,  declined  combat  although  four 

*  The  Duke  of  Orleans  amused  himself  during  captivity  hy  cultivating  a  Poeti- 
cal talent.  In  the  Mc  moires  de  f  Acad,  des  Ins.  xiii.,  are  some  Papers  by  the  Abbe* 
Sellier  on  those  Poems,  of  which  a  complete  Edition  was  published  at  Grenoble  in 
1803.  M.  de  Sismondi  has  characterized  them  briefly  and  ably,  xiii.  691  •  He  con- 
siders the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  hold  a  much  higher  rank  as  a  Poet  than  Rent*  of 
Anjon.  Hume  mentions  54,0D0  nobles  as  the  ransom,  which  he  estimates  at 
£30,000  of  present  sterling  money,  or  as  equal  to  two-thirds  of  all  the  extraordinary 
subsidies  granted  by  the  English  Parliament  during  seven  years  for  the  support  of 
the  war. 


362  REMONSTRANCE  FROM  NEVERS.  [CH.  XV. 

times  offered.     On  the  retirement  of  the  English  he  recommenced  the 
siege,  till  the  Town  was  carried  by  assault.     Half  of  the 
Sept.  16.     garrison  was  put  to  the  sword  on  the  spot,  and  by  an  atro- 
cious act  of  cruelty,  400  of  the  English   prisoners  were 
dragged  to  Paris,  u  paraded  naked  and  in  chains  through  the  streets,  and 
thrown  afterwards  into  the  Seine*." 

After  this  great  success,  for  it  was  one  which  had  not  been  achieved 
without  infinite  cost  to  both  parties,  and  much  importance  was  therefore 
attached  to  it,  the  King  remained  for  a  short  time  in  Paris.  The  winter 
was  passed  by  him  in  Poitou  and  Saintonge  in  concerting  measures  for 
the  extermination  of  the  remaining  Brigands,  and  before  the 
A.  d.  1442.  following  Midsummer  he  delivered  Tartas  in  Gascony  by 
June  23.  keeping  his  day  before  it  t,  a  condition  which  the  Sire 
d'Albret  had  reserved  in  agreeing  to  its  provisional  capitu- 
lation. The  English  were  unable  to  take  the  field  against  the  force 
which  had  been  gathered  to  meet  them,  "  the  greatest  army  which  had 
been  raised  during  the  reign  of  Charles;''  their  scattered  bands  were 
daily  reduced  by  hardships  of  service ;  Henry  VI.  evinced  the  utmost 
imbecility,  and  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester  had  triumphed  in  the 
Cabinet  over  his  nephew  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  hitherto  the  chief  ad- 
vocate for  War,  but  who  was  now  broken  in  spirit  by  the  disgrace  of  his 
ambitious  Duchess.  Charles  terminated  a  brilliant  campaign  by  an 
Assembly  of  the  States  of  Languedoc  at  Eeziers. 

But  during  these  continued  successes  over  the  foreign  enemy,  the 
Kingdom  was  still  under  the  excitement  of  Civil  dissension,  and  the 
ashes  of  the  Praguerie  although  smothered  were  not  yet  extin- 
guished. The  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  of  Orleans,  having  again  met, 
had  arranged  projects  of  resistance,  and  the  former  invited 
March  — .  the  Princes  of  the  Blood  to  assemble  at  Nevers  for  the 
express  purpose  of  constructing  a  Representation  of  Griev- 
ances. The  meeting  was  numerously  attended,  notwithstanding  the 
politic  absence  of  the  chief  mover  by  whom  it  had  been  summoned. 
Among  its  members  were  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Orleans,  the  Duke 
and  Duchess  of  Bourbon,  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  and  the  Counts  of 
Etampes,  of  Dunois,  and  of  Vendome.  The  King  himself  so  far  respected 
the  Congress  as  to  depute  his  Chancellor  and  other  Counsellors  to 
represent  him  at  its  sittings. 

The  Remonstrance  was  presented  to  Charles  during  a  residence  of  the 
Court  at  Limoges.     Monstrelet  briefly  states   that  it  advised  the  con- 

*  The  account  given  by  Villaret,  viii.  155,  is  most  piteous.  He  says,  on  the  au- 
thority of  a  contemporary  whom  he  does  not  name,  and  his  marginal  reference  is 
only  to  Monstrelet,  that  the  prisoners  were  dragged  through  the  streets,  like  dogs 
in  couples,  and  that  all  who  could  not  furnish  ransom  were  drowned.  But  MciJdt- 
strelet,  in  his  narrative  of  the  siege  and  capture  of  Pontoise,  does  not  mention  this 
subsequent  cruelty,  viii.  c.  51.  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiii.  386,  refers  to  a  host  of  autho- 
rities. 

f  Monstrelet,  viii.  c.  55. 


A.  D.  1442.]  TRUCE   OF  TOURS.  363 

elusion  of  Peace  and  the  keeping  of  the  appointment  at  Tartas,  but  the 
King's  answer,  which  he  details  at  considerable  length,  shows  that 
it  embodied  some  very  factious  propositions,  and  that  it  was  far  from 
being  dictated  by  a  pure  spirit  of  Patriotism. 

Demands  for  the  restoration  of  certain  forfeited  Towns,  and  for  the 
continuance  or  allotment  of  pensions  to  individual  complainants,  formed 
the  conclusion  of  this  Remonstrance,  which  the  King  answered  with  so 
much  truth,  dignity,  and  moderation  that  the  Nobles,  hopeless  of  in- 
teresting the  Country  in  their  behalf,  abandoned  all  further  opposition 
and  dissolved  the  Praguerie.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  among  the  first 
who  notified  submission ;  and  in  a  gracious  audience  at  Limoges  he 
received  a  liberal  contribution  towards  the  defrayment  of  his  arrears  of 
ransom. 

Peace  was  still  unattainable;  but  Suffolk  concluded  at  Tours  an 
Armistice  for  two  and  twenty  months,  which  appeared  likely  to  ripen 
into  more  permanence  when  it  was  prolonged  shortly  afterwards  for  the 
betrothment  of  the  King  of  England  to  Margaret,  youngest  daughter  of 
Rene  of  Anjou.  Saving  her  commanding  intellect,  her  beauty  which 
was  highly  celebrated,  and  her  illustrious  descent  from  the  Pretender  to 
three  Crowns,  the  titular  King  of  Naples,  of  Sicily,  and  of  Jerusalem, 
the  Bride  was  portionless ;  but  Suffolk,  who  in  leading  her  to  his 
Master's  arms  anticipated  the  consolidation  of  his  own  influence,  not 
only  closed  his  eyes  upon  the  improvidence  of  the  alliance,  but  even 
bribed  Charles  of  Maine,  the  new  Queen's  uncle,  into  approbation  of  the 
marriage  by  the  promised  surrender  of  Mans  the  Capital  of  his  apajiage. 
The  condition  was  secret,  for  the  Diplomatist  well  knew  that  its  fulfil- 
ment would  render  him  most  unpopular  in  England. 

The  Truce  of  Tours  *  enabled  Charles  to  pursue  his  long  contemplated 
measure  of  relieving  France  from  the  oppression  of  the  Ecorcheurs. 
This  salutary  project  had  been  interrupted  by  the  outbreak  of  the 
Prarjuerie ;  and  there  were  still  many  obstacles  to  its  completion, 
chiefly  arising  from  the  great  numbers  which  it  was  requisite  to  control. 
Without  exterminating  almost  all  the  members  of  the  race  it  was  diffi- 
cult, perhaps  it  was  impossible,  to  divert  them  from  pursuits  in  which 
they  had  been  educated.  But  Prudence  not  less  than  Humanity  forbade 
the  exaction  of  punishment  from  the  many  thousands  whose  violence 
had  been  encouraged,  nay  had  been  employed,  by  the  State  whenever 
its  exercise  appeared  to  promise  even  a  temporary  advantage. 

From  this  embarrassment  Charles  was  relieved  by  a  fortunate  and 
most  unexpected  occurrence.  Frederic  III.  of  Austria,  anxious  to 
repulse  the  Swu*s  who  were  besieging  the  Imperial  City  of  Zurich, 
despatched  an  Embassy  to  request  a  subsidiary  force  from  the  nation  of 

*  The  Articles  of  this  Truce  are  given  atleng.h  by  Monstrelet,  viii.  c  65.  It  ex- 
pired on  April  13  1440' ;  but  was  prolonged  first  for  six  months,  afterwards  for  a 
year. 


364      THE  ECORCHEURS  EMPLOYED  ON  FOREIGN  SERVICE.    [CH.  XV. 

most  warlike  repute  in  Europe.  The  application  would  at  any  time 
have  gratified  the  pride  of  France  ;  at  the  moment  at  which  it  arrived  it 
especially  accorded  with  the  wishes  of  her  Government ;  and  the  King 
utterly  careless  as  to  the  legitimacy  of  the  cause  which  he  was  required 
to  assist,  promised  the  desired  aid,  and  adopted  a  policy  very  similar  to 
that  practised  by  Charles  V.  when  engaging  the  Free  Companies  in  the 
Wars  of  Castile.  The  Ecorcheurs  eagerly  snuffed  the  scent  of  pillage  in 
a  new  Country,  and  they  enrolled  themselves  with  joy  under  the  Dau- 
phin who  was  appointed  to  command.  Others  of  their  band  were  at  the 
same  time  engaged  by  the  King  himself  to  assist  in  the  reduction  of 
Metz,  one  of  the  Free  Cities  of  Lorraine  which  Rene  of  Anjou  wished  to 
incorporate  with  his  Duchy,  and  which  had  furnished  Charles  with  a 
pretext  for  aggression. 

We  need  not  closely  follow  these  expeditions,  which,  however  impor- 
tant in  their  ultimate  results  to  France,  scarcely  affected  her  fortunes  in 
their  immediate  course.     Fifty  thousand  men  were  mustered  in  the  two 
armies.      Of  these,  it  is  affirmed  that  not  less  than  8000 
Aug.  26.     fell  in  the  ten  hours'  combat  on  the  field  of  St.  Jacob  on 
the  Birse,   when  the  1600  Swiss  who  were  engaged  were 
slain  to  the  very  last  man  *.     Louis  had  not  been  present  during  the 
Battle,  but  he  learned  from  it  fully  to  appreciate  the  valour  of  the  Swiss, 
which  in  his  future  reign  he  artfully  turned  to  his  account,  and  he  re- 
solved also   not   to   expose  himself  to  further  hazard.     The   nominal 
object  of  the  campaign  was  indeed  accomplished,  for  the  Swiss  after 
their  discomfiture  hastily  raised  the  Siege  of  Zurich  ;  and  the  Dauphin, 
contented  with  this  success,    quitted   the  Helvetian   Mountains,    and 
spread    his    troops   over   Upper  Alsace   and  Suabia.      The    German 
peasantry  groaned,    but  not  without  revenge,  under  the  depredations 
of  these  unwelcome  visiters ;  and  Frederic  too  late  perceived  that  he 
had  invited  a  scourge  which  was  to  be  wielded  forjiis  own  punishment. 
"  It  is  against  Germany  not  against  Swisserland  that  you  are  warring, " 
was  his  just  remonstrance  ;  and  no  Party  was  more  rejoiced 
Oct.  28.     than  the  Emperor  Elect  when  Louis  signed  at  Ensisheim  a 
Treaty  with  the  Swiss  Communes,  and  at  the  approach  of 
Winter  led^  back   to  Lorraine  the  remnant  of  his  greatly  diminished 
army. 

Charles  meantime  had  personally  conducted  the  Siege  of  Metz,  till 
wearied  with  the  more  than  usual  ferocity  which  disgraced  its  operations 
on  both  sides,  he  adjourned  with  Rene  to  Nancy,  and  devoted  the 
Winter  to  festivity.  The  Germans  had  been  provoked  by  the  outrages 
of  the  Ecorcheurs  to  a  formal  declaration  of  War;  but  the  dispute  was 
adjusted  when  the  French  retired ;  and  the  Citizens  of  Metz,  alarmed  by 

*  Ten  Swiss  were  unable  to  cross  the  river,  and  returned  home,  nine  of  them 
being  wounded.  The  one  unhurt  was  received  by  his  Countrymen  with  execrations. 
M,  de  Sismoudi  and  the  authorities  cited  by  him,  xiii.  432. 


A.D.  1445.]       INSTITUTION  OF  THE  COMPANIES  OF  ORDONNANCE.  365 

the  concentration  of  force  under  their  walls  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Dauphin,  purchased  safety  hy  remitting  a  debt  of  100,000  florins  due  to 
them  from  Rent',  and  by  paying  200,000  Crowns  to  the  King  of  France. 
Neither  of  the  campaigns  had  been  productive  of  military  reputation; 
but  they  completely  fulfilled  the  object  of  Charles,  for  the  Ecorcheurs, 
lessened  in  numbers  and  humiliated  by  losses,  were  henceforward 
easily  restrained,  and  by  their  submission  justified  the  boast  of  the 
King  "  that  he  had  at  length  found  an  issue  for  the  bad  blood  of  his 
armies. " 

The  proposition  originally  approved  by  the  States-General  at  Orleans 
was  finally  embodied  in  a  Decree  promulgated  at  Chalons- 
sur-Marne,  and  the  future  National  Military  Force  was  a.d.  1445. 
arranged  in  fifteen  Companies  of  Cavalry*.  Each  Company 
comprised  100  Lances,  and  as  every  Lance  consisted  of  six  persons,  a 
Man-at-Arms,  a  Page,  three  Archers,  and  a  Couiiller  or  short-swords- 
man, the  whole  presented  nine  thousand  horse-soldiers.  The  Men-at- 
Arms  were  furnished  with  greaves,  cuirasses,  salades  (light  helmets), 
swords  and  spears,  all  for  the  most  part  ornamented  with,  silver,  and 
the  spears  were  carried  by  the  Pages.  The  Archers  wore  salades, 
greaves,  and  pliant  brigandines  of  scale  armour.  The  Coutillers  were 
clad  in  salades,  brigandines,  or  haubergeons  consisting  of  only  mailed 
sleeves  and  gorget,  and  besides  their  knives  or  short  swords,  they  bore 
for  offence  battle-axes  or  guisarmes  (long-handled  and  long-headed 
pikes).  The  pay  of  the  Men-at-Arms  was  ten  livres  per  month,  that  of 
the  Archers  four.  The  Coutiller  received  100  sous.  A  permanent  im- 
post (taille)  was  levied  by  monthly  assessments,  and  set  apart  for  the 
maintenance  of  this  band,  which,  although  apparently  small,  was  the 
most  powerful  instrument  which  had  ever  yet  been  at  the  command  of 
any  King  of  France  f.  The  Officers,  named  by  himself,  selected  those 
men  whom  they  knew  to  be  the  most  brave,  the  most  orderly,  and  the 
best  mounted  and  equipped;  and  the  entire  body,  controlled  by  a  single 
hand,  was  far  more  efficient  than  twenty  times  its  number  when 
dispersed  under  numerous  Chieftains  uncompacted  by  mutual  union. 
Discipline  was  so  rigorously  enforced  that  robbery  and  disorder  soon  be- 
came almost  unknown ;  and  the  soldiery,  instead  of  being  cursed  as  the 
chief  perpetrators  of  outrage,  were  welcomed  as  protectors  in  every  dis- 
trict which  was  fortunate  enough  to  afford  them  quarters. 

*  Villaret,  viii.  100. 

fit  seems  very  doubtful  whether  two  or  three  archers  were  attached  to  each  man- 
at-arms  ;  if  there  were  only  two,  the  total  of  9000  was  made  tip  hy  the  addition  of  a 
gros  varlet  to  each,  lint  the  original  authorities  contradict  one  another. 
Jacques  de  Berry  (Iltruut  on  Roy  (Farmcs  de  Fr**Ct\  p.  427j  '/"«*  /«  Smpp&meni  a, 
r Hutoirt  de  Charles  VII.  par  Jean  Chartier  (1661);  .Matt,  de  Coney,  id.  .">  [&  :  M,  „i. 
dr  La  Marche,  1G1  (15G2);  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  23,  and  also  Villaret,  viii.  188,  and 
Mr.  Hallam,  Middle  Jjes,  i.  83,  224  (4to.)  " 


366  THE  FRANC-ARCHERS.  [CH.  XV. 

The  military  arrangements  were  completed  by  the  organization  of  a 
National  Infantry.     Each  Parish  in  the  Kingdom  was  called 
a.d.  1448.  upon  to  provide  a  man  well  skilled  in  the  long  or  cross 
April  28.     bow,  and  to  furnish  him  with  salade,  haubergeon,  sword, 
dagger,  bow  and  quiver.     He  was  to  be  exercised  on  Sun- 
days and  Feast  days,  to  be  ready  for  service  at  the  Royal  Summons,  and 
to  receive  four  livres  per  month   as  pay  while  in   the   field.      These 
Franc-Archers,  as  they  were  called,  owed  that  name  to  their  freedom 
from   certain   imposts  and  subsidies,    and   to  the  possession  of  other 
immunities  beyond  their  Parochial  brethren,  privileges  accorded  by  the 
policy  of  Government  in  order  to  render  the  appointment  covetable ;  but 
we  are  told  that   the  experiment  failed,  and  that  the  Franc-Archers, 
like  most  other  armed  Bodies   not  purely  military,  became   only  half 
Soldiers. 

The  repose  of  the  Palace  was  interrupted  by  dissensions  between 
Charles  and  the  Dauphin.  It  was  not  difficult  to  arouse  jealousy  in  the 
King,  and  the  qualities  of  the  Heir  apparent  were  calculated  to 
strengthen  suspicion  when  once  excited.  After  disgusting  all  his 
father's  Ministers  by  pride  and  violence,  which  the  subtilty  of  his  dis- 
position had  not  as  yet  taught  him  to  dissemble,  and  after  having  been 
implicated  (we  know  not  how  justly)  in  a  conspiracy  which  was  to  de- 
prive the  King  of  freedom,  Louis  was  permitted  or  perhaps  was  enjoined 
to  withdraw  to  his  Government  of  Dauphine. 

The  Truce  with  England  was  very  ill  observed.     The  garrisons  of 

Nantes,  of  Verneuil  and  of  Lagny  infested  the  high  roads  between  Paris 

and  Orleans,  and  committed  robberies  under  the  protection  of  frightful 

masques  and  disguises,  by  which  the  wearers  acquired  the  name  of  Les 

Vizards  *.     But  a  more  immediate  cause  of  the  renewal  of  hostilities 

arose  from  the  demand  of  the  surrender  of  Mans  by  Charles  du  Maine. 

That  town,  as  we  have  already  mentioned,  was  secretly  abandoned  to  the 

French  Prince  by  the  Duke  of  Suffolk  when  he  negociated  the  marriage 

of  Margaret  of  Anjou ;   and  the  King,  irritated  by  the  long  delay  which 

had  occurred  in  executing  this  Treaty,  formally  undertook  a  siege  at  the 

commencement  of  1448.     Francois  Surienne  its  Governor, 

March  16.  an  Aragonese  adventurer  engaged  in  the  English  service  f, 

capitulated,  with  permission  to  retire  at  the  head  of  his  gar- 

a.  d.  1449.  rison,  and  seeking  indemnity  for  the  post  which  he  had  lost, 

March  24.  he  commenced  a  predatory  War  on  the  frontiers  of  Bretany, 

and  at  length  established  himself  by  surprise  in  the  town 

and   Castle   of  Foug&res.     His   act   was   disavowed   by  the  Duke  of 

*  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  1. 

f  Surienne,  the  cause  of  this  fatal  war,  afterwards  abandoned  the  English  service, 
and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Charles  VII.  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  15.  He  was  an 
unworthy  Knight  of  the  Garter. 


A.  D.   1449.]  CAPTURE  OF  ROUEN  AND  OF  HARFLEUR.  367 

Somerset,  Lieutenant  of  Normandy,  but  the  English  Government  re- 
fused reparation  when  it  was  solicited  by  the  Duke  of  Bretany. 

Never  at  any  time  was  War  more  unnecessarily  provoked ;  never  was 
it  less  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  England  ;  and  never  was  its  pro- 
gress and  termination  more  disastrous.      Ample  employment  was  found 
at  home  for  all  the  troops  which   Normandy  might   otherwise   have 
received  for  its  protection ;  and  Dunois,  after  crossing  the 
borders,  spread  himself  over  its  interior  with  rapid  conquest.         Oct.  16. 
When  Charles  himself  appeared  before  Rouen,  he  mastered 
the  City  in  three  days,  and  the  very  names  of  the  ancient         Oct  19. 
artillery  which  composed  his  Park  strike  terror  into  unwar- 
like  ears.     He  had,  says  Monstrelet,  the  greatest  number  of  battering 
cannons  and  bombards,  veuglaires,  serpentines,  crapaudines,  culverins, 
and    ribaudequins    that   had   ever   been   collected   in   the 
memory  of  man  *.     The  Duke  of  Somerset  and  Lord  Talbot        Oct.  31. 
maintained   themselves    about   a   fortnight   longer   in    the 
Citadel,  and  after  they  were  compelled  to    surrender,  the  latter  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  as  security  for  the  fulfilment  of  the 
Capitulation.     During  the  triumphant  entry  which  Charles  made  into 
the  Capital  of  his  recovered  Provinces,  the  Pageant  was  viewed  from  one 
of  the  Gates  by  this  gallant  hostage  and  his  companions  ;  and  who  is 
not  moved  when  he  hears  that  they  "  were  very  pensive  and  hurt  at 
heart  on  witnessing  a  sight  so  disagreeable  to  their  inte- 
rests t."     After  a  month's  repose,  Charles  marched  on  to      Dec.  8. 
Harfleur ;  and,  in  spite  of  the  inclement  season,  he  broke 
ground  before  it  in  the  depth  of  Winter.     The  King  himself,  lightly 
armed,  often  appeared  in  the  trenches  ;  and  the  contrast  between  pomp 
and  misery  has  seldom  been  more  strikingly  exhibited  than   in  the  suf- 
ferings endured  by  the  mass  of  the  Soldiery  and  the  splendour  of  some  of 
their  Leaders.     Not  a  house  nor  even  a  tree  was  near  at  hand ;  frosts 
and  inundations  were  more  severe  than  usual ;  and  the  few  huts  thrown 
up  for  shelter,  composed  only  of  earth  thatched  with  juniper  branches, 
were  frequently  swept  away  by  the  sudden  rising  of  the  Sea.    Meantime 
the  Princes  of  the  Blood  were  magnificently  attired,  and  the  Count  de 
St.  P61  on  one  occasion  equipped  his  horse  with  a  tetier^  or  head  piece, 
valued  at  thirty  thousand  francs  %. 

Harfleur  capitulated,  and  the  King  having  determined  to  occupy  both 
banks  of  the  Seine  commanded  the  immediate  investment  of 
Honfleur  on  the  opposite  side.     During  the  preparation  for     Dec.  24. 
this  attack,  he  retired  to  the  Abbey  of  Jumieges,  and  there 

*  Ribaudequins  are  gigantic  cross-bows ;  the  others  are  various'  kinds  of  fire- 
arms which  it  is  impossible  to  distinguish  by  merely  verbal  description.  Monstrelet, 
ix.  c.  23. 

f  Monstrelet,  ix.  c  14.  {  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  1G. 


368  BATTLE  OF  FOURMIGNY.  [CII.  XV. 

he  was  visited  by  a  heavy  private  calamity.  Agnes  du  Sorel,  the  Lady  of 

Beaute  (so  called  both  from  her  charms,  and  from  an  estate 

a.  d.  1450.    near  Vincennes  with  which  the  King  had  presented  her,)  ex- 

'eb.  9.      pired  within  its  walls  after  a  few  days'  illness.     The  nature 

of  her  connexion  with  Charles,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  is  equi- 
vocal ;  but  contemporaries  universally  agree  in  praising  her  powers  of 
intellect  and  her  loveliness.  The  King,  it  is  said,  denied  the  paternity  with 
which  in  one  instance  he  was  charged  by  her :  but  it  seems  established 
beyond  doubt  that  Agnes  died  in  child-bed,  notwithstanding  the  rumour 
of  poison,  out  of  which  arose  a  most  unjust  Process  to  be  mentioned 
hereafter  *. 

The  English  Government  was  at  length  shamed  into  the  despatch  of 
reinforcements,  but  Sir  Thomas  Kyriel  did  not  arrive  at  Cherbourg 
with  his  three  thousand  men  till  more  than  a  month  had  elapsed  from 

the  capture  of  Honfleur.     He  was  joined  by  several  smaller 
April  15.     bodies  from  the  different  remaining  Norman  garrisons,  and 

he  probably  headed  more  than  twice  his  original  numbers, 
when  after  some  minor  successes  he  became  entangled  at  Fourmigny 
between  two  detachments,  to  which,  when  combined,  he  was  unequal. 
The  Count  of  Clermont  attacked  his  rear,  the  Constable  Richemont  his 
front.  The  position  of  the  English  was  strong,  covered  by  a  rivulet,  by 
gardens  and  by  vineyards,  but  from  this  advantageous  ground  they 
advanced  too  hastily,  impatient  of  the  galling  fire  from  a  field-battery 
which  the  Count  of  Clermont  had  thrown  forward;  and  after  three  hours 
of  bloody  combat  the  whole  line  gave  way.  The  survivors  fled  for 
refuge  to  Bayeux,  but  the  Commander  in  chief  and  forty-three  Gentle- 
men remained  prisoners,  and  "  the  Heralds,  Priests,  and  credible  per- 
sons "  reported  that  3773  slain  wrere  buried  in  fourteen  deep  trenches  on 
the  spot  f .  The  chief  honour  of  the  day  was  disputed  between  the  two 
French  Commanders,  and  the  King  decided  in  favour  of  the  Count  of 
Claremont.  The  victory,  as  may  be  supposed,  spread  universal  joy 
through  France,  and  it  was  celebrated  at  Paris  by  a  procession  which 
betokens  that  Education  was  much  encouraged  by  the  Citizens.  The 
Bishop  invited  "  all  the  children  as  well  male  as  female  that  were  at 
school,  from  the  age  of  seven  to  eleven  years,  to  return  thanks  to  God  " 
at  Notre  Dame.  They  walked  two  and  two,  each  bearing  a  lighted 
waxen-taper,  attended  by  their  masters  and  tutors,  and  this  youthful 
band  consisted  of  between   twelve  and  fourteen  thousand   suppliants. 

*  Manoires  sur  les  dernitres  arinees  de  la  vie  de  Jacques  Cceur  par  M.  Bonamy. 
Mem.  de  V  Acad,  des  Ins.  xx.  512.  The  place  of  Agnes  was  supplied  by  her  niece,  the 
wife  of  the  Seigneur  de  Villequier.  She  was  quite  as  handsome  as  her  aunt. 
Jacques  du  Clerc,  c.  29. 

t  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  18.  But  his  credibility  in  this  instance  may  be  doubted,  for 
he  says  that  the  French  lost  but  "  eight  men  at  most."  Hume  undervalues  tin's 
"  battle  or  rather  skirmish."  Perbaps  it  is  as  much  over-rated  by  M.  de  Sismondi, 
who  nevertheless  cites  numerous  authorities,  xiii.  502. 


A.  D.    1449.]  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NORMANDY.  369 

Mass  was  sung,  and  the  Bishop  preached  from  an  appropriate  text, 
11  Out  of  the  mouths  of  very  Babei  and  Sucklings  hast  Thou  ordained 
strength,  because  of  Thine  enemies,  that  Thou  mightest  still  the  enemy 
and  the  avenger'*."  Monstrelet  concludes  his  account  of  this  deeply 
interesting  ceremonial  with  a  praise  which  will  be  echoed  from  the 
bosom  of  every  reader.  "  It  was  a  fine  sight  to  see,  and  did  great 
honour  to  the  Bishop  f." 

The  succeeding  operations  in  Normandy  are  reduced  to  almost  a 
mere  catalogue  of  names.  Vire,  Bayeux,  Avranches,  Briccmebec, 
Valognes  and  Saint  Sauveur  le  Vicomte  capitulated  in  succession;  and 
among  the  calamities  of  War,  even  when  most  humanely  conducted, 
Monstrelet  has  presented  us  with  one  striking  instance  at  the  surrender 
of  Bayeux.  u  In  honour  of  Nobility,"  horses  were  supplied  for  the  con- 
veyance of  all  gentle  Ladies  and  Damsels ;  and  carts  "  for  the  most 
respectable  of  the  women  who  followed  their  husbands.  It  was  a 
pitiful  sight  this  to  see  from  three  to  four  hundred  women  (without  in- 
cluding children,  who  were  very  numerous)  some  carrying  their  infants 
in  cradles  on  their  heads,  others  swinging  them  round  their  necks, 
or  in  rolls  of  cloth  round  their  bodies,  and  in  a  variety  of  other 
ways  {."  When  the  King  presented  himself  before  Caen  22,000  men 
accompanied  his  march.  The  English  defended  themselves  bravely,  and 
not  till  the  walls  were  seamed  on  all  sides  with  practicable 
breaches,  and  burrowed  with  unnumbered  mines,  did  the  July  1. 
Duke  of  Somerset  listen  to  the  terms  proposed,  by  which  he 
was  allowed  to  withdraw  unmolested,  and  to  be  conveyed  to  England 
with  his  entire  garrison  and  their  property.  Cherbourg  was  the  last 
Town  exposed  to  attack,  and  among  other  means  employed  for  its 
reduction,  was  one  which  appears  to  have  excited  great  astonishment.  A 
battery  of  heavy  guns  was  constructed  on  the  shore,  so  much  below  high- 
water  mark,  that  at  every  return  of  tide  it  was  covered  by  the  Sea ;  but 
the  cannoneers  wrapping  their  artillery  in  greased  cloths, 
preserved  the  charges  dry,  and  recommenced  their  fire  as  Aug.  22. 
soon  as  the  waves  had  retreated.  The  fall  of  this  garrison 
completed  the  subjugation  of  Normandy,  in  the  short  period  of  a  year 
and  six  days.  The  War  had  been  conducted  with  great  comparative 
humanity,  and  is  free  from  the  many  sickening  massacres  of  prisoners, 
brave  men  who  had  fulfilled  their  duty,  which  it  has*  hitherto  been  most 
painful  to  record.  The  Chronicler  assures  us  that  so  large  an  extent  of 
Country  had  never  before  been  conquered  in  so  little  time,  and  with  less 
shedding  of  blood  or  damage  done  to  the  inhabitants.  He  attributes 
this  rapid  success  in  part  to  the  very  favourable  epoch  at  which  the  ex- 

*   Psalm  viii.  2. 

f  To  the  honour  of  the  metropolis  of  England  a  similar  exhibition  occ.irs  annually 
under  the  dome  of  St.  Paul's. 
I  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  19. 

2b 


370  CONTINUED  SUCCESS  OF  THE  FRENCH.  [CH.  XV. 

peclition  was  undertaken ;  and  we  are  not  sure  that  he  docs  not  intend 
to  ascribe  the  mildness  of  the  warriors  to  the  same  cause ;  "  it  was  the 
year  of  a  general  pardon  of  sins  at  Rome,  called  the  Jubilee  Year*." 

From  Normandy  the  King  hastened  to  attack  the  English  possessions 
in  the  South,  where  the  command  of  his  armies  was  intrusted  to 
Dunois.  The  turbulent  spirit  which  raged  in  England  had  shown  itself 
by  the  murder  of  Suffolk,  by  the  arrest  of  Somerset,  by  the  insurrection 
of  Jack  Cade,  and  by  the  suspicious  conduct  of  Richard  of  York  in  Ire- 
land. Succours  therefore  from  a  Country  so  distracted  were  hopeless,  and 
the  progress  of  the  French  in  Guyenne  and  Gascony  was  even  yet  more 
quickly  triumphant  than  it  had  been  in  Normandy ;  twenty  thousand 
soldiers  were  distributed  in  the  sieges  of  four  towns  at  once,  and  Dax, 
Riens,  Fronsacx  and  Castillon  surrendered  within  a  few  days  of  each 
other.  Bordeaux,  upon  which  the  yoke  of  England  had  pressed  lightly, 
and  which  under  the  protection  of  its  Crown  had  attained  high  commercial 
prosperity,  was  expected  to  be  obstinate  in  resistance,  but  the  wealthy 
Citizens  shrank  from  the  hazard  of  pillage,  and  consented  to  negociate 
for  the  surrender  of  the  whole  Province.  Bayonne  was  more  firm  in  its 
allegiance ;  the  inhabitants  burned  their  suburbs,  and  prepared  for  reso- 
lute defence  ;  but  their  fidelity  was  unavailing  and  exposed 
Aug.  1 8.  them  in  the  end  to  harder  measure  than  had  been  meted  to 
their  neighbours.  Their  walls  were  breached  within  twelve 
days  from  the  opening  of  the  trenches ;  and  Dunois  was  induced  to 
remit  the  horrors  of  a  storm,  only  upon  the  surrender  of  the  garrison  as 
prisoners  of  war,  and  the  payment  of  forty  thousand  crowns  by  the  resi- 
dents. 

In  the  conquest  of  Normandy  we  have  seen  that  Francis  t  Duke  of 
Bretany  deviated  from  the  neutrality  which  had  been  cultivated  by  his 
predecessors,  and  attached  himself  to  the  service  of  Charles ;  Gilles,  the 
younger  of  his  two  brothers,  was  devoted  to  that  of  England,  in  which 
Country  he  had  been  educated.  This  political  difference,  and  a  success- 
ful rivalship  for  a  rich  heiress  \  with  Arthur  de  Montauban  (an  odious 
Favourite  of  the  Duke)  exposed  Gilles  to  the  bitterest  enmity  at  Court ; 
and  Charles  VII.,  justly  suspicious  of  any  one  who  avowed  preference  for 
the  English,  lent  assistance  to  a  stratagem  by  which  he  was  arrested. 
The  Duke,  who  is  represented  to  have  been  utterly  devoid  of  affection, 
and  enslaved  by  avarice  and  the  most  degrading  voluptuousness,  had 
long  wished  to  escape  the  applications  made  by  his  brother  for  an 
increase  of  his  far  too  scanty  apanage  §  ;  and  unmoved  by  justice,  by 
pity,  by  remorse,  or  by  solicitation,  he  hurried  on  a  Process  supported  by 
false  testimony,  designed  to  sentence  Gilles  to  capital  punishment.  But 
the  States  of  Bretany,   and  the  Constable  Richemont,  uncle  to  both 

*  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  32.  f  Francis  I.  succeeded  his  father  John  V.  in  1442. 

X  Franqoise  de  Dinan,  lieiress  of  that  House  and  also  of  that  of  Chateaubriand. 
§  Some  Baronies  producing  an  income  of  not  more  than  C000  livres. 


A.  D.  1450.]  MURDER  OF  GILLES  OF  BRETANT.  371 

Princes,  demurred  against  the  committal  of  an  act  so  cruel  and  so 
illegal ;  and  even  when  the  English  surprised  Fougeres,  and  the  feelings 
of  the  whole  Province  were  strongly  roused  against  the  aggressors  and 
their  friends,  no  condemnation  of  Gilles  could  be  extorted  from  the  Tri- 
bunals. He  was  transferred  therefore  from  dungeon  to  dungeon,  in  a 
hope  that  he  might  be  forgotten ;  and  the  Duke  eluded  a  request  which 
Charles  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  address  for  his  release,  by  pretend- 
ing that  the  King  of  England  had  applied  for  the  same  purpose  at  the 
same  moment,  with  threats  to  which  it  would  be  dishonourable  to  con- 
cede. Olivier  de  Miel,  the  Gaoler  selected  for  the  prisoner,  undertook 
to  starve  him  to  death  in  the  Castle  of  Hardouinage,  but  the  grating  of 
the  captive's  dungeon  looked  into  the  ditch  of  the  fortress ;  and  through 
that  aperture,  a  poor  woman,  attracted  by  his  moans,  supplied  him  by 
night  from  time  to  time  with  enough  coarse  bread  and  plain  water  to 
support  nature  through  a  struggle  of  many  weeks'  duration.  Poison  was 
next  ineffectually  administered,  and  at  length,  when  a  more 
direct  attack  seemed  necessary,  Gilles  was  thrown  between  a.  d.  1450. 
mattresses  and  strangled  after  a  detention  of  three  years  and  April  26. 
ten  months.  His  murderers  proceeded  from  the  cell  in 
which  they  had  perpetrated  their  crime  to  a  hunting-match  which  they 
had  arranged  some  days  beforehand  ;  and  on  their  return  they  received 
with  well  feigned  surprise  the  announcement  of  the  death  of  their  prisoner 
by  apoplexy. 

The  Duke  was  engaged  with  the  army  besieging  Avranches,  when  he 
received  intelligence  of  his  brother's  murder  ;  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
instantly  awakened  to  a  sense  of  his  enormous  guilt.  On  the  route  to 
his  quarters  at  Mount  St.  Michel,  a  Cordelier  who  had  been  Confessor 
to  the  late  Prince*,  crossed  his  path  unexpectedly,  and  in  a  menacing 
tone  cited  him  in  the  name  of  Monseigneur  Gilles  to  appear  before  the 
Judgment  Seat  of  God  in  forty  days.  The  summons  haunted  the 
Duke's  imagination,  and  having  prepared  for  his  decease, 
and  adjusted  the  succession  in  favour  of  Pierre,  a  sur-  July  19. 
viving  brother,  he  expired  at  the  appointed  season. 

The  Tribunals  of  France  about  the  same  time  had  authorised  a  most 
flagrant  wrong.  On  the  justice  of  the  sentence  which  confiscated  the 
property  of  the  Financier,  Xaincoings,  although  it  appears  to  have 
been  unduly  obtained,  we  are  not  prepared  to  speak  with  so  much  cer- 
tainty as  on  that  which  disgraced  and  ruined  Jacques  Cceur.  To  that 
opulent  Banker,  whose  wealth  almost  realised  the  fabled  treasures  of 

*  M.  de  Sismondi  accounts  for  the  introduction  of  the  Confessor  to  Gilles  by  the 
intervention  of  the  same  poor  woman  who  saved  him  from  starvation,  xiii.  534.  It 
must  be  confessed  that  both  events  are  tinctured  with  Romance.  The  murderers 
were  executed  after  the  accession  of  Pierre;  hut  their  instigator  Arthur  de  Mon- 
tauban  having  assumed  the  habit  of  a  Celestin  at  Mareoussis,  was  in  the  end  pre- 
ferred to  the  Archbishopric  of  Bordeaux. 

2  b  2 


372  UNJUST  CONDEMNATION  OF  JACQUES  CGEUR.  [cil.  XV. 

Romance*,  and  wlio  rivalled  the  Florentine  Merchant-Princes  in  extent 
of  commercial  knowledge,  speculations,  and  success,  Charles  was  mainly 
indebted  for  his  recent  triumphs,  as  the  capital  and  the  credit  of  his 
Treasurer  at  Bourges  supplied  means  without  which  he  must  have  dis- 
continued his  warlike  operations.  The  spoil  of  Xaincoings  which  had 
been  distributed  among  the  Courtiers,  whetted  their  avidity  for  yet  more 
costly  pillage;  and  Antony  of  Chabannes,  Count  of  Dammartin,  who 
had  partaken  of  this  booty,  and  who  likewise  was  jealous  of  any  part- 
nership in  the  Royal  favour,  in  order  to  excite  prejudice 
a.  d.  1451.    in  the  mind  of  Charles,  brought  a  preliminary  accusation 

July  31.  against  Jacques  Cceur  of  having  poisoned  Agnes  du  Sorel. 
The  charge  was  supported  by  the  grossest  perjury  f,  and 
was  followed  by  the  immediate  imprisonment  of  the  accused,  and  the 
seizure  of  his  property.  Even  after  it  had  been  shown  that  so  far  from 
the  existence  of  enmity  between  the  chief  parties,  Agnes  had  always 
treated  Jacques  Cceur  with  marked  confidence,  and  had  appointed  him 
her  Executor,  his  release  by  no  means  ensued.  His  enemies  had  succeeded 
in  removing  him  from  personal  access  to  the  King,  and  Charles  seldom 
remembered  friends  who  were  not  in  immediate  communication  with 
him.  To  perplex  the  Books  of  a  public  accomptant  is  not  a  task  of  much 
difficulty ;  and  to  the  charge  of  default  next  preferred  was  added  another 
which  the  circumstances  of  the  East  rendered  particularly  hateful. 
Jacques  Cceur,  it  was  said,  had  supplied  the  Infidels  with  arms,  and 
had  sent  back  a  Christian  Slave  who  had  escaped  from  captivity.  The 
examinations,  during  which  he  was  frequently  menaced  with  the  Ques- 
tion, were  protracted  for  two  years,  at  the  end  of  which  period  the  pri- 
soner was  declared  guilty  and  condemned  to  death,  but  the  King's 
especial  favour  remitted  capital  punishment.  Inability  to  hold  any 
public  office,  condemnation  to  an  amende  honorable,  the  surrender  of 
all  his  movables,  the  payment  of  a  fine  of  400,000  crowns,  imprison- - 
ment  till  that  most  ruinous  mulct  was  discharged,  and  perpetual  banish- 
ment on  release,  was  the  final  sentence.  After  four  years'  confinement 
at  Beaucaire,  Jacques  Cceur  was  delivered  by  one  of  his  factors,  to  whom 
he  had  given  a  niece  in  marriage,  and  found  an  asylum  at 
a.  d.  1453.  Rome.     He  was  employed  by  Pope  Calixtus  III.  in  an 

May  29.      expedition  against  the  Turks,  and  he  died  while  holding 
military  command  in  the  Island  of  Chio  t. 
In  the  retirement,  to  which  his  perception  of  the  ascendency  of  Cha- 

*  The  legendary  report  of  the  time  affirmed  that  Raimond  Lully  had  communi- 
cated the  secret  of  the  Philosopher's  Stone  to  Jacques  Cceur,  to  whom,  while  he 
was  yet  but  a  youth,  the  Sage  had  taken  a  fancy. 

f  Jeanne  de  Vendome,  by  marriage  La  Demoiselle  de  Martaing,  was  the  chief 
witness.  She  was  afterwards  convicted  of  perjury  (calomnie)  and  sentenced  to  an 
amende  honorable,  and  not  to  come  within  ten  leagues  of  the  residence  of  the  Court. 

X  M  Bonamy.  in  paper*  before  alluded  to  in  the  Mem.  de  V Acad,  des  Ins.,  xx., 
has  cleared  the  history  of  Jacques  Cceur  of  much  falsehood. 


A.  D.   1453.]  REBELLION  IN  GUYENNE.  373 

banncs  and  his  own  consequent  danger  probably  contributed,  the  Dau- 
phin involved  himself  in  the  labyrinth  of  Italian  Politics  by  friendship 
with  Francesco  Sforza,  a  brave  Condottiere,  who  had  accpiircd  the  Ducal 
authority  at  Milan  on  the  death  of  his  father-in-law  Filippo,  last  of  the 
Visconti.  The  jealousy  of  Charles  was  excited  by  this  connexion,  but 
he  wisely  abstained  from  entanglement  in  the  complicated  interests  of 
Lombardy.  When  Louis,  however,  on  the  death  of  his  first  wife  Mar- 
garet of  Scotland,  demanded  the  hand  of  Charlotte  of  Savoy,  the  King 
of  France  became  alarmed  at  the  independence  which  must  accrue  to  so 
factious  a  son  from  the  rich  portion  which  he  was  about  to  obtain.  The 
Bride  was  in  only  her  sixth  year,  but  she  was  dowered  by  her  father 
with  200,000  crowns.  Charles  peremptorily  forbade  the  marriage,  but 
the  Herald,  who  arrived  at  Chambery  four-and-twenty  hours  before  its 
celebration,  was  denied  audience  till  after  the  nuptial  benediction  had 
been  given;  and  not  till  then  did  Louis  open  the  prohibitory  dispatch, 
with  the  contents  of  which  he  was  already  well  acquainted. 
The  King,  irritated  by  his  disappointment,  found  a  pretext  a.  d.  1452. 
for  declaring  War  against  the  Duke  of  Savoy;  but  the  Papal 
Court  interfered,  prevented  hostilities,  and  even  mediated  a  still  further 
alliance  by  the  marriage  of  Amadeus  Prince  of  Piemont*  with  Yolande, 
a  daughter  of  Charles. 

The  King  of  France  the  more  readily  allowed  himself  to  be  diverted 
from  his  project  of  vengeance  on  account  of  an  unexpected  revolt  in  the 
newly-conquered  Province  of  Guyennef.    In  defiance  of  the  capitulation 
of  Bordeaux,  he  had  proceeded  to  violate  many  of  the  ancient  privileges 
claimed  by  that  City,  and  to  oppress  it  heavily  with  the  arbitrary  taxation 
by  which  he   supported   his  standing   army.     .The  English  were   not 
wanting  in  readiness  to  foment  the  disaffection  thus  excited ;  Margaret 
of  Anjou  and  the  Duke  of  Somerset  were  in  ascendency  for  the  moment, 
and,  under  their  authority,  the  veteran  Talbot,  although  stooping  under 
the  weight  of  more  than  eighty  winters,  headed  an  expe- 
dition of  8000  men,  was  admitted  within  their  walls  by  the     Oct.  23. 
Bourgeois,  and  surprised  and  captured  the  astonished  garri- 
son J.     Before  the  close  of  Winter,  all  the  neighbouring  districts  had 
been  reconquered  by  him,  and  the  following  Midsummer  passed  with- 
out any  effectual  opposition  to  the  invaders.    But  the  death 
of  Talbot  and  of  his  son  Lord  Lisle  §,  both  of  whom  were    a.  d.  1453. 
killed  in  a  bloody  action  fought  under  the  walls  of  Cas-      July  17. 
tillon,  terminated  the  hopes  of  the  Gascon   insurgents  [|. 

*  Afterwards  Duke  of  Savoy  as  Amadeus  IX. 

f  The  causes  of  this  second  rebellion  in  Guyennc  are  well  explained  from  con- 
temporary writers  by  Mr.  Hallam.    Middle  Ages,  i.  84,  4 to. 

X  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  28. 

§  John  Viscount  L'Isle  (a  title  belonging  to  his  mother*!  family)  was  a  son  of 
Talbot  by  his  second  wife  Margaret,  daughter  of  Richard  Beauchanip  Earl  of 
Warwick.  H  Monstrelet,  ix.  c.  54. 


3*74 


THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  VOWS  A  CRUSADE. 


[CH.  XV. 


Their  fortresses  were  speedily  subdued,  and  Charles  unsparingly  pun- 
ished with  death  all  the  Commanders  who  fell  into  his  power.    Bordeaux 
owed  the  gentler  terms  which  it  obtained  to  the  approach  of  Autumn 
and  the  consequent  sickness  which  manifested  itself  in  the  Royal  camp  ; 
but  even  that  gentleness  exacted  the  payment  of  100,000  crowns,  the 
renunciation  of  all  the  boasted  immunities  of  the  City,  and  the  surrender 
of  twenty  of  its  most  active  defenders,  who  were  sentenced  to  exile  and 
confiscation  of  property*.     The  English,  after  the  aban- 
Oct.  19.     donment  of  their  prisoners  and  of  all  monied  claims  upon 
France,  were  permitted  to  re-embark ;  and  Charles,  having 
distributed  mV  troops  so  as  to  prevent  all  hazard  of  another  revolt, 
returned  to  pass  the  Winter  at  Tours. 

Calais  and  its  petty  dependencies  were  now  the  sole  possessions  re- 
maining to  the  English  in  France ;  but  Charles  could  not  approach  them 
without  crossing  the  neutral  territory  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy ;  if,  more- 
over, those  towns  should  be  conquered,  the  King  had  engaged,  by  the 
Treaty  of  Arras,  to  cede  them  in  Fief  to  Philip,  a  Master  more  likely  to 
injure  him  than  the  'one  whom  they  now  obeyed.  He  remained  there- 
fore motionless,  a  quiet,  but  by  no  means  a  disinterested,  spectator  of  a 
contest  between  the  Feudatory  whom  he  most  dreaded  and 
a.  d.  1 454.   the  Citizens  of  Ghent.    After  the  capture  of  Constantinople, 

Feb.  9.  an  event  which  filled  all  Christendom  with  dismay,  Philip 
solemnly  announced  his  intention  of  undertaking  a  Crusade 
for  its  recovery.  At  a  Banquet,  which  cost  him  every  remaining  Ducat 
in  his  Treasury ,  he  vowed  *?  before  God,  the  glorious  Virgin,  the  Ladies 
and  the  Pheasant,"  to  fulfil  the  conditions  of  a  sealed  packet  which 
Golden  Fleece  King  at  Arms  presented,  while  he  served  on  table  the 
Bird  appealed  to  in  the  Oath,  with  a  costly  garniture  of  jewels.  Each 
of  the  noble  guests  present  bound  himself  by  a  similar  pledge,  and  thus 
becameengaged  to  combat  the  Turkish  conqueror.  The  project,  how- 
ever, was  soon  forgotten,  or  only  so  far  remembered  as  it  afforded  a  pre- 
text, to  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to  advert  presently,  for  inter- 
ference in  a  quarrel  between  Charles  and  the  Dauphin. 

When  Charles  pardoned  the  Count  of  Armagnac  and  restored  his 
Fiefs,  he  judged  rightly  that  intimidation  would  prevent  any  renewal  of 
disobedience ;  but  the  Count's  son  and  successor,  John  V.,  bade  open 
defiance  to  all  Codes,  whether  Moral  or  Political.  A  detestable  incest 
with  one  of  his  sisters  was  unblushingly  avowed  by  him,  and  he  ob- 
tained, although  by  fraudulent  means,  a  Papal  Bull  authorising  his  most 
unnatural  marriage  with  her.  His  offence  against  Charles  VII.  was, 
however,  altogether  of  a  Civil  nature ;  the  appropriation  of  the  Patronage 


*  One  of  the  noble  Gascons  excepted  from  amnesty  was  the  Souldich  d'Estrades. 
The  title  Souldich,  peculiar  to  the  Bordelais,  was  retained  by  only  d'Estrades  and 
another  native,  the  Souldich  de  la  Trau.  It  is  explained  by  Ducange,  ud  v.  Syn- 
dicus,  to  which  it  is  synonymous. 


A.  D.   145G.]  ALARM  OF  THE  DAUrillN.  3*75 

of  an  Archbishopric  which  the  King  destined  for  another  Candidate. 
Chabannes,   the   Count  of  Dammartin,  who  at  that   time 
engrossed  the  Royal  ear,  easily  persuaded  his  Master  to   a.  d.  1 455. 
undertake  the  chastisement  of  Armagnac,  who,  on  the  ap-     May  — . 
pearance  of  the  French  army,  fled  together  with  his  sister- 
wife  to  the  Aragonese  dominions. 

His  Process  before  the  Parliament  did  not  take  place  till  145*7,  when 
he  demanded  a  safe-conduct  and  a  Trial  before  the  Chamber  of  Peers 
as  a  descendant  of  the  Blood  Royal.  Charles  granted  the  first  recmest, 
but  denied  the  second,  because  Armagnac  did  not  hold  any  Fief  or  Peer- 
age. In  spite  of  his  safe-conduct  he  was  imprisoned  in  1459,  and  ob- 
tained release  only  upon  an  agreement  that  he  would  never  absent  him- 
self more  than  ten  leagues  from  Paris.  That  agreement,  however,  he 
considered  to  be  annulled  by  the  previous  violation  of  his  safe-conduct, 
and  he  made  an  adventurous  escape  to  Brussels,  in  the  hope  of  finding 
protection  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Disappointed  in  that  expecta- 
tion, he  proceeded  to  Rome,  and  there  sought  and  obtained  asylum  from 
Pius  II.,  the  learned  .Eneas  Sylvius. 

The  fears  of  the  Dauphin  Louis  were  keenly  excited  by  this  expe- 
dition against  Armagnac ;  he  perceived  that  no  rank,  however  lofty,  fur- 
nished hope  of  immunity  for  those  who  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the 
Court ;  he  was  especially  jealous  of  the  influence  of  Dammartin,  whom 
he  suspected,  perhaps  not  without  probability,  of  a  design  to  secure  his 
person ;  and  he  felt  assured  that  entanglement  in  such  custody  would 
only  be  a  prelude  to  death.     His  younger  brother,  Charles,  was  but  ten 
years  old,  he  himself  counted  three-and-thirty ;  and  there  could  be  little 
doubt  that  a  minority  offered  a  far  more  grateful  prospect  to  an  aspiring 
Minister  than  the  succession  of  an  adult  and  an  avowedly  hostile  Prince; 
an  alternative  which  the  declining  state  of  the  King's  health  might,  at 
any  moment,  present  to  Dammartin.     Every  summons  therefore  which 
Louis  received  to  attend  his  father's  Councils  was  sedulously  evaded ; 
and  his  anxiety  was  increased  to  terror  when  the  troops, 
which  had  overrun  the  Fiefs  of  Armagnac,  were  ordered  to   a.  d.  145G. 
advance  upon  Dauphine.    Nor  was  the  disgrace  and  seizure 
of  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  which  occurred  nearly  at  the  same  time,  at  all 
calculated  to  diminish  his  inquietude.     That  illustrious  Noble,  one  of 
the  first  Princes  of  the  Blood,  was  justly  discontented  by  his  exclusion 
from  the  Royal  confidence ;  and  having  unadvisedly  provoked  the  Fa- 
vourite, whose  power  no  doubt  he  wished  to  overthrow,  he 
was  arrested  on  the  charge  of  a  treasonable  intrigue  with     May  27. 
the  English  Cabinet.     Louis,  beyond  measure  dismayed  at 
this  unusual  exercise  of  authority,  foresaw  the  approach  of  ruin  to  him- 
self if  he  continued  to  abide  in  France.     His  father-in-law,  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  possessed  neither  energy,  nor  indeed  power,  to  afford  him  safety, 


376  FLIGHT  OF  THE  DAUPHIN.  [CH.  XV. 

but  in  the  Court  of  Burgundy,  and  under  the  protection  of  Duke  Philip, 

he  anticipated  a  sure  asylum.     A  hunting-party  on  the  banks  of  the 

Rhone   presented  opportunity  for  escape,  and,  followed  by  a  suite  of 

not  more  than  six  attendants,  after  traversing  forty  leagues 

Aug.  31.     on  horseback   with  the  utmost  speed,  he  reached   Saint 

Claude*. 

On  his  arrival  in  the  Burgundian  territories,  Louis  wrote  to  his  father 

informing  him  that  he  had  engaged  in  the  projected  Crusade  as  Gonfa- 

loniere  of  the  Church.     The  Duke,  adopting  this  pretext,  invited  him  to 

Brussels,  received  him  there  with  the  honours  due  to  his  rank,  assigned 

three  thousand  francs  monthly  for  the  expenditure  of  his  household, 

and  presented  him  with  the  pleasant  Castle  of  Geneppe  on  the  Dyle,  for 

which  he  had  expressed  a  wish.      Meantime,  the  Royal 

a.  d.  1457.    army,  headed  by  Dammartin,  occupied  the  whole  of  Dau- 

x\pril  8.       phine,  which  Charles  re-united  to  the  Crown,  confiscating  to 

his  own  use  the  entire  revenues  of  his  fugitive  son  f- 

The  Court  of  Burgundy  was  a  prey  to  disunion  resembling  that  which 
prevailed  in  France;  and  Philip  was  scarcely  less  exasperated  against 
his  son  the  Count  of  Charolois,  than  was  Charles  against  the  Dauphin 
Louis.  The  causes  of  quarrel  also  were  similar;  the  strong  dislike  felt 
by  the  Count  to  the  Sire  de  Croye,  the  Minister  who  swayed  his  father. 
In  all  essentials  of  character  the  young  Princes  were  wholly  unlike  each 
other.  Louis  was  cautious,  easily  alarmed,  and  practised  in  dissimu- 
lation; Charles  of  Burgundy,  on  the  other  hand,  acted  solely  on  impulse, 
was  inflamed  by  a  blind  and  brutal  courage,  and  gave  unlicensed  rein  to 
passions  of  more  than  ordinary  violence.  On  one  occasion  he  provoked 
the  Duke  to  unsheathe  his  dagger,  and  an  unnatural  struggle  might  have 
ensued  if  the  Duchess  had  not  seasonably  thrown  herself  between  her 
son  and  her  husband.     ■ 

The  King  of  France  had  relapsed  into  the  indolence  which  he  loved ; 
and  the  efforts  of  Chabannes  to  provoke  him  to  War  with  Burgundy 
were  unavailing,  notwithstanding  he  was  powerfully  seconded  by  .the 
secret  agency  of  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  a  vassal  of  both  Crowns,  who  was 
'  disgusted  with  Philip.  Another  cause  for  hostility  seemed  to  arise  when 
an  intimate  connexion  was  meditated  with  Ladislaus  King  of  Hungary 
and  Bohemia.  That  Prince  demanded  the  hand  of  Madeleine,  one  of 
Charles's  daughters ;  and,  as  grandson  to  the  Emperor  Sigismund,  he 
pretended  to  the  Duchy  of  Luxemburg,  a  rich  territory  which  Burgundy 
was  by  no  means  willing  to  cede.  The  Embassy  which  he  despatched 
to  claim  his  Bride  astonished  the  French  by  its  Barbaric  pomp;  and  the 
treasure  conveyed  by  the  numerous  carriages  which  accompanied  it  was 
guarded  at  night  by  slaves,  chained  like  watch-dogs  to  the  axle-trees, 

*  In  Franche  Comte.  f  Monstrelet,  i*.  c.  67. 


A.  1).    1457]  mOCESn  AGAINST  THE  DUKE  OF  ALENCON.  377 

and  sleeping  on  the  bare  ground  in  the  open  air  during  an  intensely 
severe  Winter*.      The  nuptials  were  interrupted  by  the 
sudden  death  of  the  wooer,  and  the  claims  upon  Luxem-     Nov.  23. 
burg  became  extinguished  by  his  want  of  posterity. 

The  Ducal  Crown  of  Bretany  had  passed  some  little  time  earlier  to 
the  Constable,  Arthur  Count  of  Richemont,   who  exerted 
himself  to  bring  the  assassins  of  Gilles  to  justice,  and  who    Sept.  22. 
retained  his  office  of  Constable  of  France  even  after  it  had 
been   intimated  to  him  that  the  appointment  was  scarcely  compatible 
with  the  independence  of  sovereignty  ;  replying,  that  he  would  bestow 
honour  in  his  old  age  upon  that  dignity  which  had  given  him  honour  in 
his  youth.     The  animosity  which  he  had  always  entertained 
against  England  endured  to  his  latest  moment ;  and  pro-    a.  d.  1456. 
bably  at   his   suggestion  and  with    his   co-operation    some     Aug.  24. 
predatory  descents  were  made  upon  the  coast  of  the  Chan- 
nel.    The  town  of  Fowey,  in  Cornwall,  was   burned ;  as     Aug.  2S. 
was  also  Sandwich,  which  4000  marauders  occupied  during 
the  interval  between  two  tides  f. 

England,  however,  was  far  too  deeply  occupied  by  Civil  struggles  to 
attempt  retaliatitn ;  and  these  insults  and  sufferings  were  left  un- 
avenged. Meanwhile  the  Process  instituted  against  the  Duke  of 
Alencon  was  advanced,  and  the  Dukes  of  Bretany  and  of  Burgundy 
received  summonses  to  attend  the  Court  of  Peers  to  which  it  was  sub- 
mitted. The  former  denied  that  his  Fief  had  ever  formed  any  part  of 
France,  and  when  he  eventually  repaired  to  Montargis,  it  was  not  a3  the 
Judge  but  as  the  Advocate  of  his  nephew.  The  latter  who,  with  proud 
humility,  affected  a  double  claim  on  Peerage,  both  for  Burgundy  and 
for  Flanders,  but  who  well  knew  how  greatly  he  must  be  endangered  by 
the  enmity  of  Charles  if  he  trusted  himself  in  his  power,  replied  that 
the  Treaty  of  Arras  had  released  him  from  all  personal  service ;  never- 
theless, that  he  would  obey  the  King's  command,  and  would  attend  with 
a  suite  befitting  his  rank.  When  Charles  learned  that  the  arriere  ban 
of  the  Netherlands  had  been  convoked,  that  the  Flemish  Cities  were 


*  lis  avoient  gens  establi*  a  couchcr  dessus  leurs  chariots,  enchainez  de  grosses  chaines, 
quel  que  froideur  qtCil  fed,  qui  esioit  bien  nouvelle  chose,  et  estoient  fermez  a  serrttre  et  a 
clef  que  run  des  Gouverneurs  emportoit  ait  soir  quand  il  s'en  alloit  couchcr.  Mon- 
strelet  (1595),  torn.  iii.  p.  70.  The  ambassador's  train  consisted  of  700  horses  and 
-(J  waggon*.    M.  de  Sismondi,  torn.  xiv.  p.  11. 

f  The  French  disembarked  about  1800  men  at  two  in  the  morning,  at  a  spot  two 
leagues  distant  from  Sandwich,  on  Sunday,  Aug.  28.  They  marched  over  very  bad 
roads,  and  stormed  a  bulwark  in  fresh  repair,  with  wet  ditches  and  full  of  areliers. 
Here  they  were  joined  l»y  a  second  division,  and  the  English  retreated  partly  into 
the  town,  partly  into  some  vessels  in  the  port.  Tbe  latter  were  abandoned  on  a 
threat  of  burning.  After  six  hours'  hard  fighting  the  French  gained  tbe  town  ; 
but  the  English  rapidly  increased  in  numbers  ;  tbe  weatber  was  stormy,  tbe  con- 
querors were  fatigued,  and  many  of  them  were  overpowered  by  wine,  which  they 
had  drunk  profusely;  so  that  in  the  afternoon,  having  set  lire  to  the  town,  they 
withdrew  to  their  ships,  which  lay  in  the  roadsted  till  the  following  Wednesday. 
Monst.  ix.  Cy.    See  also  a  State  Paper  in  Kyrner,  iv.  483. 


378  CONDEMNATION  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  ALENCON.       [CH.  XV. 

gathering  their  Archers  and  Cross-bowmen,  and  that  a  Park  of  artil- 
lery was  in  readiness  to  accompany  their  march,  he  signified  through 
Golden  Fleece,  that  so  numerous  a  retinue  might  perhaps  occasion  in- 
convenience, and  that  he  was  therefore  willing  to  dispense  with  his 
Master's  company*. 

The  Trial  proceeded,  and  the  meetings  of  the  Parliament  were  held 
at  Vendome.  According  to  the  established  custom  of  the  times  the 
questions  under  discussion  related  far  less  to  Law  than  to  Theology,  and 
were  ornamented  with  apt  quotations  from  the  Scriptures. t 
a.  d.  1458.  After  two  months'  deliberation,  the  Duke  of  Alen^on  was 
Oct.  10.  pronounced  guilty  of  Treason,  and  sentenced  to  confiscation 
and  death.  At  the  prayer  of  the  Duke  of  Bretany,  Charles 
respited  the  capital  punishment  during  pleasure ;  and  the  Prince,  who 
had  defended  himself  chiefly  on  the  plea  of  concert  with  the  Dauphin 
(a  plea  the  examination  of  which  was  avoided  by  the  Court),  was  trans- 
ferred to  rigorous  confinement  at  Aigues  MortesJ.  Previously  to  this 
interference  in  behalf  of  Alenc^on,  Arthur  III.  performed  homage  for  his 
Fief,  with  a  protest  against  the  demand  of  the  Chancellor  of  France, 
that  the  service  should  be  deemed  Liege  Homage  §,  and  maintaining 
that  he  paid  it  only  in  such  manner  as  it  had  been  offered  by  his  pre- 
decessors. He  closed  his  brief  reign  two  months  afterwards, 
Dec.  26.  in  his  sixty-seventh  year,  leaving  a  reputation  in  which 
austerity  was  the  predominating  quality  ||. 

The  town  and  neighbourhood  of  Arras  were  exposed  to  a  cruel  per- 
secution in  the  course  of  the  year  1458,  from  which  both  private  en- 
mity and  avarice  derived  gratification.  A  charge  of  Vaudoisie  (as  the 
offence  was  called  from  an  obscure  remembrance  of  the  Yaldensian 
Heresy),  or  of  attendance  upon  nocturnal  meetings  of  Sorcerers,  was 
preferred  against  certain  individuals  ;  and  as  the  credulous  judges  list- 
ened with  eagerness  to  the  narrative  of  those  insane  and  abominable 
acts  with  which  the  Sabbath  of  the  Witches  is  reputed  to  be  accom- 
panied, denouncers  became  abundant  in  order  to  partake  of  the  harvest 
of  confiscation.  Lofty  rank  afforded  the  most  profitable  quarry;  and 
Prelates,  Nobles,  and  Governors  of  districts  were  named  as  engaged  in 
this  unholy  brotherhood.  The  fear  of  death  or  the  agony  of  the  rack  in 
many  instances  extorted  confession.     Some  of  the  most  wealthy  inha- 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  1.  f  Id.  ibid. 

X  Monstrelet,  x.  2.  It  was  requisite  that  a  Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece  should 
he  without  reproach  ;  and  at  the  grand  anniversary  of  that  Order,  on  May  1,  after 
the  condemnation  of  Alenqon,  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  on  observing  the  proxy 
of  the  absent  Prince,  said  publicly,  and  used  similar  language  during  tbe  three 
days  of  the  Feast,  that  he  held  him  to  be  a  Nobleman  of  untarnished  honour, 
whom  the  King  of  France  had  condemned  and  wrongfully  dismissed  through  the 
envy  and  wicked  insinuations  of  others.     Id.  ibid.  10. 

§  Liege  Homage  implied  an  obligation  of  service  to  the  Lord,  in  contradistinction 
to  Simple  Homage,  which  was  a  mere  symbol  of  Feudal  obedience.  Mr.  Hallain, 
Middle  Ages,  4tO.  i.  97. 

||  He  was  succeeded  by  a  nephew,  Francis  II.,  Count  d'Etampes. 


A.  D.  1461.]  REVOLT  OF  GENOA.  379 

bitants  fled  the  Country ;  a  few  established  their  innocence ;  nor  did 
the  fervour  subside  till  enough  persons  of  worth  had  been  destroyed  and 
disgraced,  "to  put  the  souls"  (of  the  perjured  witnesses)  "  in  imminent 
r  at  the  last  day*." 

The  hostile  feelings  between  the  King  of  France  and  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy  continued  to  increase;  but  they  evaporated  in  angry  corre- 
spondence or  in  undignified  harangues  to  Ambassadors.  The  Dauphin 
professed  unbounded  reverence  for  his  Father's  authority,  and  general 
submission  to  his  will ;  but  he  firmly  declined  every  invitation,  nay 
every  order  for  his  return  to  France.  The  jealousy  between  the  two 
Courts  might  have  been  heightened  into  absolute  war,  if  the  renewed 
pretensions  of  the  House  of  Anjou  to  the  Throne  of  Naples  had  not 
altogether  diverted  the  thoughts  of  Charles  to  Italy.  It  is  not  requisite 
that  we  should  pursue  the  struggle  maintained  in  that  Country  by  the 
titular  King  Rene  and  his  son  John  Duke  of  Calabria  with  Ferdinand 
of  Aragon ;  a  contest  of  which  Charles  hoped  to  partake  the  advantages 
without  exposure  to  its  perils  or  expenses.  For  a  whMe  the 
French  influence  again  became  dominant  in  Genoa,  and  the  a.  d.  1459. 
Doge  Fregoso  was  content  to  delegate  his  power  to  a 
Governor  appointed  by  Charles.  The  submission  of  the  Republic  was, 
however,  but  of  short  duration.  The  King  of  France  pressed  the  Genoese 
to  assist  his  niece  Margaret  of  England  with  a  fleet,  but  the  extent  of 
their  commercial  establishments  in  London  rendered  the  proposed  in- 
terference most  indiscreet,  and  it  was  at  once  declined.  In  the  dis- 
content which  ensued,  the  French  Governor  behaved  with  haughtiness, 
and  attempted  to  raise  some  unauthorized  levies  which 
pressed  heavily  on  the  lower  Orders.  He  was  expelled  from  a.  d.  1461. 
the  city  after  a  popular  insurrection,  notwithstanding  sup-  March — . 
port  afforded  him  by  the  Nobles;  and  in  an  attempt 
made  for  its  recovery,  he  was  repulsed  with  a  loss  which 
the  Genoese  Historians  estimate  at  scarcely  fewer  than  July  —  . 
3000  men. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Charles  inherited  a  taint  of  mental 
disease  from  his  Father.  That  he  laboured  under  insanity  is  not  in- 
deed directly  affirmed,  but  there  is  a  passage  in  Monstrelet  from  which 
we  think  it  may  not  unfairly  be  inferred.  While  the  Chronicler  is  re- 
lating the  death  of  Ladislaus  of  Hungary,  he  adds  that  it  was  concealed 
six  days  from  the  King,  "  lest  it  miyht  increase  his  disorder"  and 
that  it  was  thought  requisite  to  break  it  to  him  very  gentlyf.     Not  long 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  0.  In  the  following  chapter  is  an  account  of  a  Witch  buried 
alive  about  tbe  same  time  for  baring  poisoned  a  fanner,  bis  wife,  ajnl  one  of  tbree 
sons,  near  Soissons.  TluM'barm  wbicb  she  employed  was  a  decoction  made  from  a 
Toad  baptized  by  tbe  name  of  Jobn,  and  afterwards  fed  upon  consecrated  wafers. 
VYben  tbe  hell-broth  tbus  brewed  was  tbrown  under  tbe  peasant's  dinner-table, 
all  wbo  were  at  tbe  board  ii  felt  tbemselves  suddenly  taken  witb  qualms,  as  if  tbey 
bad  eaten  something  nauseous,"  and  died  within  a  few  days. 

t  Monstrelet,  ix.'  72. 


380  MISERABLE  DEATH  OF  CHARLES  VII.  [dl.   XVI. 

afterwards,  he  was  considered  sick  beyond  recovery,  and  although  his 
life  was  preserved  for  the  moment,  he  appears  to  have  lingered  during 
the  brief  remainder  of  his  miserable  days  in  a  state  of  perpetually  in- 
creasing jealousy  and  irritation.  The  Dauphin,  no  doubt,  had  given 
him  ample  cause  for  disgust  and  suspicion,  and  it  little  surprises  us  to 
be  told  that  Charles  entertained  a  strong  wish  to  disinherit  him,  which 
was  checked  only  by  the  sage  admonition  of  Pius  II.,  that  he  knew  not 
to  what  extent  such  an  act  might  scatter  the  germs  of  Civil  War.  But 
from  his  youngest  son  Charles  he  had  ever  received  tokens  of  the  most 
dutiful  affection ;  and  deeply  indeed  must  the  monomania  of  fear  have 
imbued  the  spirit  of  the  wretched  father  when  he  believed  that  this 
favourite  child  had  lent  himself  in  conjunction  with  his  medical  attend- 
ants to  the  ambitious  projects  of  the  Dauphin.  From  a  conviction  that 
lie  should  be  poisoned  if  he  consented  to  receive  food  at  their  hands,  he 
obstinately  declined  all  sustenance  ;  and  when,  after  seven  days  of  this 
suicidal  abstinence,  an  attempt  was  made  to  force  nourishment  down 
his  throat,  an  abscess  had  formed,  the  power  of  degluti- 
July  22.  tion  was  lost,  and  he  sank  from  exhaustion  in  the  fifty- 
eighth  year  of  his  age,  at  Melun-sur-Yevre,  in  Berri*. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
From  a.d.  1461  to  a.  d.  1475. 


Accession  of  Louis  XI. — Changes  in  the  Government — Personal  character  and 
unpopularity  of  the  new  King — Revocation  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction — Acqui- 
sition of  Rousillon  and  of  Cerdagne — Redemption  of  the  cautionary  towns  in 
Flanders — League  for  the  Public  Weal — Escape  of  Chabannes  from  the  Bastile 
— Illness  of  Philip  Dnke  of  Burgundy — Battle  of  Montlhery — Louis  retreats  to 
Paris — Visits  Normandy — Temporizes — Confers  with  Charolois — Defection  of 
Normandy — Peace  of  Conflans — Its  disgraceful  conditions — Louis  gains  over  the 
Duke  of  Bourbon — Foments  a  quarrel  between  the  Dukes  of  Berri  and  of  Bretany 
— Refuses  to  cede  Normandy — Insurgency  of  Flanders — Charolois  razes  Dinant 
to  the  ground — Death  of  Philip  the  Good — Accession  of  Charles  the  Rash  as 
Duke  of  Burgundy — He  is  wholly  occupied  by  troubles  in  Flanders — Treaty  of 
Amiens — Pacific  policy  of  Louis — The  Cardinal  Ballue  encourages  his  design  of 
conference  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy — Conference  at  Peronne — Insurrection  at 
Liege — Fury  of  Charles — Danger  of  Louis — He  swears  Peace  on  the  Cross  of  St. 
Laud,  and  accompanies  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  to  punish  Liege — Louis  returns  to 
Paris — Prevails  upon  the  Duke  of  Berri  to  accept  Guyenne  instead  of  Champagne 
— Treachery  of  Ballue — His  imprisonment  in  an  iron  cage — Meeting  between 
Louis  and  the  Duke  of  Berri — Transactions  with  England — Birth  of  a  Dauphin 
afterwards  Charles  VIII. — Convention  of  Notables  at  Tours — They  annul  the 
Treaty  of  Peronne — The  Constable  St.  Pol  persuades  Louis  to  declare  War — Peace 
of  Crotoy — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Guyenne — Louis  refuses  to  ratify  the  Peace — 
War  renewed  with  great  cruelty — Lescut  and  Commines  engaged  in  the  interests 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  9. 


A.  P.    1  161.]  CORONATION  OF   LOUIS  XI.  381 

of  Louis— Punishment  of  the  Duke  of  Alencon,  and  of  the  Count  of  Armagnac — 
St.  l\'»l's  destruction  negotiated — Postponed — His  Interview  with  Louis — The 
Duke  of  Burgundy  raises  the  Siege  of  Neuss — Kdward  IV.  invades  Prance — Want 
of  co-operation  —  Louis  negotiates  by  a  false  Herald — Peace — Large  disbursements 
of  Prance — The  English  soldiery  feasted  at  Amiens — Interview  between  the 
Kings  at  Pequigny — The  Duke  of  Burgundy  consents  to  Peace,  and  bargains  for 
the  surrender  of  St.  Pol — Execution  of  St.  P61. 

Louis  XI.  scarcely  dissembled  the  joy  occasioned  by  the  announcement 
of  his  accession.  For  twelve  years  he  had  been  estranged 
from  the  parent  whose  demise  had  now  placed  the  Crown  a.  d.  1461. 
upon  his  brows,  and,  even  if  he  had  been  differently  cir- 
cumstanced, intense  selfishness  was  the  ruling  passion  which  absorbed 
every  other  feeling  of  his  nature.  The  despatch  which  conveyed  intelli- 
gence of  his  father's  extremity,  at  the  same  time  convinced  him  that  the 
Faction  which  hitherto  had  opposed  his  own  interests  was  already  dissi- 
pated by  the  approaching  revolution  ;  that  each  member  of  it  anxiously 
sought  to  make  his  peace ;  and  that  the  Body  conjointly  had  determined 
upon  the  abandonment  of  Chabannes  as  the  sacrifice  most  likely  to  pro- 
pitiate. Thus  freed  from  all  dread  of  opposition,  it  was  by  no  means 
his  policy  that  he  should  appear  to  mount  the  Throne  of  France  as  a 
conqueror  by  the  power  of  Burgundy ;  and  when  Philip  therefore  as- 
sured him  that  one  hundred  thousand  men  would  be  ready  to  accompany 
his  progress,  Louis  earnestly  requested  that  he  would  bring  to  the  Coro- 
nation not  more  than  his  usual  suite,  and  such  great  Lords  of  his  Court 
as  might  increase  the  splendour,  of  the  solemnity  by  their  presence. 

An  intimate  knowledge  of  the  human  heart  (confined  perhaps  to  its 
worst  and  weakest  parts)  had  taught  him  how  cheaply 
debts  may  sometimes  be  defrayed,  if  the  repayment  be  Aug.  IS. 
adapted  to  the  particular  humour  of  the  creditor ;  and  on 
the  day  of  his  Coronation,  when  attired  in  the  Royal  habits  and  sup- 
ported by  the  Twelve  Peers  he  was  preparing  to  set  out  for  the  Cathedral 
of  Rheims,  he  drew  his  sword,  and  presenting  it  to  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, demanded  from  his  hand  the  accolade  of  Chivalry.  The 
compliment  was  equally  gratifying  and  unexpected  ;  for  all  the  Sons  of 
a  King  of  France  are  reputed  to  be  Knights  from  the  moment  of  their 
Baptism.  Philip  performed  the  office,  than  which  none  could  be  more 
agreeable  to  his  tastes,  first  to  Louis  himself,  and  afterwards  to  others 
who  made  similar  requests  *  until  he  was  weary;"  he  then  solicited 
and  obtained  amnesty  and  assurance  of  retention  in  their  posts  for  all 
the  late  King's  Officers  ;  paid  homage  with  a  right  good  will  for  the 
Fiefs  which  he  held  under  the  Crown  of  France,  and  promised  obedience 
and  service  for  all  others  even  which  he  did  not  so  hold  *. 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  12.     Seven  persons  were  excepted  from  the  amnesty;  M  but  I 
know  not,"  says  Monstrelet,  u  who  they  were." 


382  UNPOPULARITY  OF  THE  KING.  [CII.  XVI. 

On  the  public  entry  to  Paris  which  occurred  very  soon   after   the 
Coronation,  much  pomp  was  exhibited  by  the  Court,  and 
Aug.  30.     the  usual  pageants  were  displayed  by  the  Burgesses.     The 
reception  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  must  have  been  more 
gratifying  to  himself  than  to  the  King,  who  soon  manifested  that,  how- 
ever lavish  he  might  have  been  in  promises  of  forgiveness  to  his  enemies, 
he  regarded  friendship  to  the  past  Government  as  implying  enmity  to 
the  present*.     The  Duke  of  Alenc^on  and  the  Count  of  Armagnac 
received  not  only  pardon,  but  re-instatement  in  favour.     A  new  Chan- 
cellor, a  new  Marechal  of  France,  and  a  new  Provost  of  Paris  were 
substituted  in  lieu  of  the  Officers  who  held  those  important  Posts  under 
Charles  VII.     Pierre  de  Breze  was  stripped  of  all  his  charges,  and  legal 
Processes  were  commenced  against  Dammartin  and  some  inferior  Mem- 
bers of  the  late  Cabinet. 

These  changes  were  indifferent  to  the  People  at  large.  But  they  had 
loudly  testified  gratitude  for  assurances  that  they  were  to  be  relieved 
from  many  oppressive  imposts ;  and  their  discontent  therefore  was 
proportionate  on  finding  that  their  burdens  on  the  contrary  were  aggra- 
vated. It  required  but  a  very  short  experience  of  sovereignty  to  con- 
vince Louis  that  money  was  above  all  things  necessary  for  the  support 
of  power  ;  and  for  its  attainment  he  evinced  himself  to  be  not  less 
unscrupulous  in  breaking  his  engagements  than  he  had  been  facile 
in  contracting  them.  His  personal  expenses  were  iudeed  few,  and  his 
habits  were  niggardly  and  parsimonious.  He  was  very  careless  in  his 
dress,  and  was  generally  clothed  meanly  in  second-priced  cloth  and 
fustian  pourpoints,  mucli^tinbecoming  a  person  of  his  rank;  and  his  cap, 
always  distinguished  from  others  by  its  shabbiness,  was  ornamented 
with  a  leaden  image  of  some  Saint  stuck  in  the  band,  instead  of  the 
jewel  or  rich  brooch  which  usually  betokened  a  person  of  rankf.  The 
sole  extravagance  of  which  he  was  guilty  displayed  itself  in  field-sports 
of  which  he  was  immoderately  fond ; — "  To  huntsmen  and  to  falconers 
he  was  liberal  enough,  but  to  none  others  ;M — and  the  jealous  care  with 
which  he  enacted  game-laws  and  ordered  the  destruction  of  all  nets  and 
engines  whether  of  Noble  or  Peasant,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Royal 
residences,  so  as  to  confine  the  diversions  of  the  Chase  almost  entirely  to 
himself,  materially  contributed  to  increase  his  unpopularity.  During 
the  very  first  year  of  his  reign,  insurrections  which  broke  out  at  Rheims, 
at  Angers,  at  Alencon  and  elsewhere,  were  not  suppressed  without  most 
numerous  executions.  In  the  first-named  town  the  Royal  authority  did 
not  prevail  till  a  large  armed  force  had  entered  by  two  or  three  at 
a  time  in  the  disguise  of  labourers,  and  full  one  hundred  persons  were 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  13. 

f  Monstrelet,  x.  22.    Commines,  36. ' 

"  A  perjured  Prince  a  leaden  Saint  revere.' 

Pope.    Moral  Essays.    Ess,  i.  89. 


a.  d,  1462.]  nis  subtilty.  383 

then  delivered  to  the  headsmsn*.  One  of  his  earliest  measures  also  was 
the  repeal  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.  A  desire  to  strengthen  himself 
by  foreign  alliances  during  these  internal  discontents,  the  eagerness  of 
Pius  II.,  a  superstitious  deference  for  external  Religion  excited  by  fear 
of  Divine  punishment,  fear  which  always  harassed  Louis  without  pre- 
venting the  commission  of  atrocity ;  and  perhaps,  above  all,  an  obstinate 
determination  to  reverse  his  father's  Decrees,  induced  him  to  inform 
the  Pope  that  he  restored  the  Holy  See  to  its  ancient  prerogatives. 
The  value  of  those  prerogatives  may  be  estimated  by  a  Remonstrance 
which  the  Parliament  of  Paris  offered  in  1464,  showing  that  during 
the  three  years  which  had  elapsed  since  the  abrogation  of  the  Law, 
more  than  four  hundred  and  sixty-five  thousand  crowns  had  been  paid 
at  Rome  on  account  of  Gallican  Benefices  f.  Before  that  Remon- 
strance was  presented,  Louis  had  gained  the  point  at  which  he  had 
aimed  by  the  nominal  revocation,  and  he  therefore  permitted  his  Decree 
to  become  a  dead  letter. 

In  his  estimate  of  Political  ability,  Louis  possessed  a  rare  faculty 
of  generalizing;   and  the  value  of  a  service  skilfully  performed  was 
unabated  in   his  judgment,    even   if    he  himself  had  suffered   from 
its   performance,   or  rather   his   desire   to  secure   the   instrument  for 
his  own  future  benefit  was  increased  by  experience  that  he  was  endowed 
with  the  power   of  injury.     Gaston  IV.,  Count  of  Foix,  was    one    of 
his  father's  Ministers  to  whose   artful   representations   he  attributed 
much  of  his  want  of  favour   during  the   late   reign,   and  for  whom 
accordingly  he  felt  proportionate  respect.     In  order  to  bind  that  subtle 
agent  indissolubly  to  his  own  interests,  Louis  became  privy  to  the  crimes 
and  intrigues  by  which  he  was  labouring  to  transfer  the  succession  of  the 
Crown  of  Navarre  through  his  wife  Eleanor  to  his  own  Family.     The 
Kings  of  Aragon  and  of  Castile  espoused  opposite  sides  in 
this  dispute;  and  Louis  who  undertook  mediation,  and  held   a.  d.  1462. 
interviews  with  each  of  them,  not  only  obtained  for  himself     May  3. 
the  important  services  of  the  Count  of  Foix,  but  managed 
his  diplomacy  with  skill  so  consummate,  that  the  King  of  a.  d.  1464. 
Aragon,  in  consideration  of  a  temporary  loan  of  three  hun-     May  '24. 
died  thousand  crowns,  at  length  ceded  to  France  in  per- 
petuity the  Counties  of  Rousillon  and  of  Cerdagne. 

During  a  severe  attack  of  illness  under  which  Duke  Philip  laboured, 
the  King  of  France  thinking  to  profit  by  his  weakness  required  him 
to  break  off  an  alliance  with  Edward  IV.  of  England,  and  to  permit  the 
imposition  of  a  vexatious  tax  on  salt  on  the  Flemish  Provinces,  Philip 
resisted  both  these  arrogant  demands,  and  despatched  his  favourite 
Minister  John  de  Croy,  the  Sire  de  Chismay,  to  explain  his  objections. 
The  King  purposely  delayed  to  grant  an  audience,  but  De  Croy,  un- 
deterred by  this  wTant  of  graciousness,  waited  patiently  at  the  door 
*  Monstrelet,  x.  14.  t  Ordomuatcet  de  France,  xv,  195,  207. 


384 


DISCONTENT  AMONG  THE  ARISTOCRACY 


[cn.  XVI. 


of  the  Royal  chamber,  till  he  found  opportunity  to  present  his  Creden- 
tials. "  What  manner  of  person  is  this  master  of  yours  ?"  inquired 
Louis  sternly,  "  does  he  pretend  to  be  formed  of  different  metal  from  the 
other  Princes  of  my  Realm?"  "Assuredly,  Sire,"  was  the  resolute  and 
most  unexpected  reply,  "for  he  did  that  which  no  other  Prince  ventured 
to  do,  he  supported  you  against  your  late  father."  When  the  Count  of 
Dunois  asked  De  Croy  how  he  had  sufficient  daring  thus  to  address  the 
King,  he  was  not  a  little  surprised  by  his  continued  firmness.  "  Had  I 
been  fifty  leagues  off,  with  reason  to  suppose  that  his  Majesty  would  have 
so  spoken  concerning  my  Master,  I  would  have  returned  on  the  moment 
to  make  him  the  same  answer  *."  A  servant  thus  fearless  and  faithful 
was  worth  any  expense  of  purchase;  and  Louis  who  in  the  first 
instance  hastily  retreated  to  his  closet,  instead  of  manifesting  resent- 
ment at  De  Croy's  speech,  lavished  favours  upon  him  and  his  kinsmen. 
Even  if  he  failed  in  corrupting  the  Minister's  integrity,  he  succeeded  in 
creating  attachment,  and  in  increasing  the  suspicion  with  which  he  had 
long  been  regarded  by  the  Count  of  Charolois.  Louis  also 
a.  d.  1463.  felt  that  he  had  established  sufficient  influence  among  the 
Sep.  — .  Counsellors  of  Philip  to  justify  him  in  attending  a  Confer- 
ence at  Hesdin  where  he  negociated  the  redemption  of  the 
cautionary  Towns  on  the  Somme  which  Charles  VII.  had  left  in  pledge 
by  the  Treaty  of  Arras. 

Dammartin  encouraged  by  the  lenity  which  the  King  had  shown  in  so 
numerous  instances  to  his  former  enemies  threw  himself  at  his  feet ; 
and  when  asked  if  he  solicited  mercy  or  justice  boldly  demanded  the 
latter.  u  You  shall  have  it,"  replied  Louis,  "  I  banish  you  for  life 
from  my  dominions ;  but  I  give  you  fifteen  thousand  crowns  to  defray 
your  expenses  to  Germany."  Rhodes  was  aftewards  substituted  as  the 
place  of  exile,  and  upon  the  inability  of  Chabannes  to  give  bail  for  the 
fulfilment  of  his  promised  transportation,  he  was  imprisoned  in  the  Bas- 
tile  -f.  His  confinement  however  was  but  brief,  for  a  general  disaffec- 
tion pervaded  the  Aristocracy,  and  a  powerful  League  was  already  being 
concerted  against  the  Royal  authority.  Both  the  Count  of  Charolois 
and  the  Duke  of  Bretany  had  various  causes  for  anger  and  suspicion ; 
and  every  fresh  act  of  Louis  tended  to  convince  his  Nobles  how  little 
they  would  be  protected  by  lofty  birth  or  by  the  customary  ties  of  good 
faith,  if  they  should  happen  to  become  obnoxious  to  the  King  and  to  fall 
within  his  grasp.  Philip  Count  of  Bresse  J,  fifth  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  and  therefore  brother  of  the  Queen,  had  manifested  a  turbulent 
disposition  ;  but  he  little  anticipated  the  breach  of  a  safe-conduct,  under 
the  assurance  of  which  he  accepted  an  invitation  to  the  Court  of  Paris  ; 

*  Sir  Walter  Scott  assigns  this  speech  to  Crevecoeur,  and  the  word  of  Sir  Walter, 
like  that  of  Shakspeare,  will  be  received  as  genuine  History, 
f    Pre/ace  a  Menu,  de  Ph.  Commines,  108.     Monstrelet,  x.  22. 
J  The  small  Province  of  Bresse  now  forms  the  Department  of  Aisnc. 


A.  D.   1464.]  ASSOCIATION  FOR  THE  PUBLIC  WEAL.  335 

and  the  full  treachery  of  his  host  and  kinsman  first  burst  upon  him  in  a 
dungeon  of  the  Castle  of  Loches.  Charolais  had  strong  reason  to  believe 
that  a  similar  design  was  meditated  against  himself.  A  light  galley 
hovered  for  some  time  on  the  coast  of  Holland  with  a  picked  crew  under 
the  command  of  the  Bastard  of  Rubempre  *,  a  leader  well  adapted  to 
any  desperate  service,  and  wrho  it  was  believed  had  been  instructed  to 
watch  an  opportunity  for  the  Count's  arrest.  After  Ru- 
bempre had  been  seized  upon  suspicion,  his  release  was  a.  d.  1464. 
demanded  by  an  especial  embassy,  and  refused  by  the  Duke  Nov.  5. 
of  Burgundy  with  moderation  but  with  firmness.  His  reply 
evinced  that  he  at  least  had  not  forgotten  the  good  understanding  which 
gratitude  ought  to  have  made  Louis  also  prompt  to  remember.  He 
spoke  with  becoming  dignity  of  his  own  invariable  adherence  to  his 
word,  "  in  which,"  he  added  with  a  smile,  "  I  have  never  failed,  unless 
perhaps  sometimes  with  the  Ladies;"  and  in  answer  to  a  petulant 
remark  made  by  the  Chancellor  Mervilliers,  one  of  the  Envoys,  that 
a  Duke  was  inferior  to  a  King,  he  affirmed,  without  further  explanation, 
that  he  might  have  been  a  King  if  he  had  so  chosen  f.  The  Count  of 
Charolais  was  less  guarded  in  his  expressions,  and  taking  the  Archbishop 
of  Narbonne  aside,  he  desired  him  to  inform  his  Master  that,  notwith- 
standing the  good  dressing  which  he  had  administered  by  his  Chan- 
cellor, he  should  heartily  repent  his  imprudence  ere  twelve  months  had 
passed  \. 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  1464,  a  confederacy  had  been  negociated 
among  the  leading  Nobility,  and  more  than  five  hundred  of  their  agents 
exchanged  mutual  recognition  during  a  Religious  ceremony  which 
permitted  them  to  assemble  in  Notre  Dame  without  suspicion.  This 
association  for  the  Public  Weal  (le  Bien  Public),  as  it  styled  itself, 
escaped  detection  although  the  chief  names  in  the  Kingdom  were 
enrolled  among  its  members.  Some  indeed  might  justly  be  reproached 
by  Louis  with  ingratitude.  Not  only  were  the  Duke  of  Alen<jon  and  the 
Count  of  Armagnac,  both  of  whom  he  had  released  from  imprisonment, 
in  the  catalogue  ;  but  so  also  was  his  brother  Charles,  upon  whom  he 
had  bestowed  the  rich  apanage  of  the  Dukedom  of  Berri,  and  who  had 
not  any  real  grievance  of  which  he  could  complain.  The  Duke  of  Cala- 
bria took  offence  at  an  alliance  contracted  with  Sforza  of  Milan ;  the 
Duke  of  Bourbon,  although  seemingly  in  the  King's  confidence,  and  his 

*  Soh  of  Antony  II.  Lord  of  Rubempre  in  Picardy. 

f  We  are  unable  to  explain  this  transaction.  Charles  le  Ttmtraire  afterwards,  in 
1474,  obtained  a  promise  from  Frederic  III.  that  his  Duchy  should  be  erected  into  a 
Kingdom  under  the  title  of  La  Gaule  Belgique ;  and  Frederic  escaped  from  the  ful- 
filment of  this  promise  only  by  hastily  withdrawing  from  Treves  on  the  very  day 
before  he  had  engaged  to  complete  it. 

X  Recommandez  moy  tres  httmblement  a  la  bonne  grace  du  Roy,  et  luy  ditesqxCU  nCa 
bien  fait  laver  ici  par  ton  Chanccfier,  mait  qu'avant  qu'il  toil  un  an,  il  s'ert  repeidira. 
Commines,  c.  2. 

2c 


386  BATTLE  OP  MONTLH^RY.  ,  [CH.  XVI. 

brother  in  law  *,  were  deeply  implicated  in  the  conspiracy,  on  less  per- 
sonal grounds  than  its  other  members,  and  they  published  its  first  Mani- 
festo. Dunois,  Loheac,  de  Beuil,  d'Albret,  Tannegui  du  Chatel,  and 
other  prominent  advisers  of  Charles  VII.,  were  engaged  to  overthrow  his 
son ;  the  herd  of  inferior  Nobles  was  irritated  by  the  restrictions  which 
he  had  imposed  upon  the  chase  ;  and  the  enemy  whom  Louis  hated  and 
feared  more  than  any  who  had  ranked  against  him  in  earlier  life  escaped 

from  the  imprisonment  in  which  he  was  believed  to  be 
a.  d.  1465.  secure.  A  forcible  entrance  was  made  in  the  base  of  that 
March  — .    tower  of  the  Bastille  which  enclosed  Antony  of  Chabannes ; 

a  boat  conveyed  him  across  the  fosse ;  and  a  swift  horse 
was  in  waiting  to  expedite  his  farther  retreat. 

An  opportune  relapse  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  into  illness  too  acute 
to  permit  his  further  administration  of  power  transferred  the  virtual 
Government  of  his  dominions  to  the  Count  of  Charolais  at  the  moment 

at  which  this  Conspiracy  was  ripe  for  outbreak.     Paris  was 
July  4.      the  main  object  at  which  both  parties  aimed,  and  Louis  by 

promptness  compelled  the  Dukes  of  Berri  and  of  Bretany  to 
solicit  an  armistice  before  the  Burgundian  levies  had  commenced  their 

march.     Several  weeks  were  then  passed  in  manoeuvring, 
July  16.     till  the  two  armies  were  in  each  other's  presence  at  Mont- 

lhery.  The  Battle  which  ensued  was  most  complicated  in 
its  details  and  revolutions  of  fortune,  and  exhibited  on  both  sides 
far  more  personal  bravery  than  military  science.  The  Count  of  Cha- 
'rolais,  severely  wounded  f  and  cut  off  from  his  main  force,  passed 
the  succeeding  night  in  the  belief  that  he  had  been  defeated ;  and  was 
advised  at  one  time  to  set  fire  to  his  baggage  and  to  endeavour  to  with- 
draw. But  in  the  Royal  army  the  discomfiture  had  been  yet  more 
severe,  and  the  treacherous  and  cowardly  flight  of  the  Count  de  Maine 
with  the  entire  left  wing  prevented  Louis  from  following  up  the  advan- 
tage acquired  on  the  right  by  himself  over  the  Count  of  St.  P6l,  whom 
it  then  suited  to  appear  under  the  Burgundian  ensigns.  Commines, 
who  on  that  day  made  his  first  essay  in  arms,  never  quitted  attendance 
on  the  person  of  Charolais,  and  he  has  left  a  vivid  narrative  which  may 
be  read  with  equal  confidence  and  interest.  He  modestly  ascribes  his 
own  insensibility  to  danger  to  the  inexperience  of  youth,  and  to  the  mis- 
taken conviction  which  he  entertained  that  it  was  not  possible  for  any 
one  to  withstand  so  great  a  Prince  as  him  whom  he  served.  Yet,  he 
adds,  on  no  occasion,  in  which  the  Commanders  on  both  sides  remained 
on  the  field,  were  their  followers  so  needlessly  overwhelmed  by  panic. 
On  the  King's  part  a  man  of  some  note  galloped  to  Lusignan  without 

*  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  had  married  Jane,  a  daughter  of  Charles  VII. 

f  He  had  several  wounds,  one  especially  in  the  throat,  of  which  he  bore  the  scar 
till  his  death  (Commines,  c.  6.),  and  which,  as  we  shall  afterwards  perceive,  assisted 
the  recognition  of  his  body. 


A.  D.  1465.]  RETREAT  OP  TIIE  KING.  387 

drawing  bit,  and  a  Burgundian  Gentleman  in  like  manner  hurried  to 
Quesnoy  le  Comte.  "  Of  these  two  heroes  neither  could  pick  a  hole  in 
the  coat  of  the  other  V 

One  or  two  of  the  minor  incidents  which  Commines  records  of  this 
battle  are  worthy  of  transcription.  When  the  Count  of  Charolais  had 
staunched  his  wounds,  and  was  preparing  to  take  some  slight  refresh- 
ment, it  became  necessary  to  clear  the  spot  chosen  for  his  accommoda- 
tion. Two  bundles  of  straw  were  spread  on  the  ground  as  seats,  and 
five  or  six  naked  corpses  were  removed.  One  of  the  seeming  dead  be- 
trayed slight  signs  of  animation,  and  in  a  faint  tone  asked  for  drink. 
A  few  drops  remaining  in  the  Prince's  cup  were  poured  down  his  throat, 
he  was  recognized  as  an  Archer  belonging  to  a  band  of  distinguished 
bravery ;  and,  having  been  delivered  to  the  care  of  the  surgeons,  was 
quickly  healed.  "  I  myself,"  says  the  Lord  of  Argenton,  "  had  a  horse 
in  the  last  stage  of  exhaustion  after  the  battle.  By  some  accident  he 
dipped  his  muzzle  into  a  wine-skin,  which  from  mere  whim  I  allowed 
him  to  finish.  In  an  hour's  time  he  had  recovered  his  mettle,  and  was 
much  fresher  and  more  spirited  than  on  any  former  occasion  f.w 

About  2000  men  had  been  slain  on  each  side ;  but  Louis  was  not 
only  weakened  by  the  abandonment  of  the  Count  of  Maine,'  but  he  had 
received  certain  advices  of  the  approach  of  the  Dukes  of  Berri  and  of 
Bretany  with  untouched  troops,  and  wholly  regardless  of  the  armistice 
which  they  had  recently  concluded  J.  Never  at  any  time  willing  to 
encounter  hazard  which  might  be  avoided  by  delay,  he  broke 
up  a  few  hours  after  the  action,  and  retired  through  Corbeil  July  18. 
to  Paris,  with  an  escort  scarcely  exceeding  a  hundred 
men-at-arms.  During  the  fortnight  which  he  passed  in  the  Capital 
his  scattered  troops  were  rallied,  and  he  then  visited  Normandy  in 
person,  in  order  to  hasten  the  advance  of  some  reinforcements.  The 
Princes  after  their  junction  occupied  Etampes;  and  Charolais  there 
became  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  Duke  of  Berri 
to  ascertain  that  he  possessed  few  of  those  qualities  which  are  required 
for  the  stern  task  of  ambition.  Charolais  himself  was  utterly  careless 
of  human  suffering  if  it  contributed  to  his  own  aggrandizement ;  the 
more  youthful  Prince  on  the  other  hand  was  moved  to  compassion  by  the 
horrors  of  war  which  he  then  first  witnessed.     "  Have  you  heard  that 

*  Ces  deux  riavoyent  garde  de  se  mordre  fun  t  autre.  Id.  ibid.  Quesnoy  lies  twenty 
miles  E.  by  N.  from  Cambrai ;  Lusignan  in  La  Vienne  is  fifteen  miles  S.  W.  from 
Poitiers ;  each  place  is  therefore  more  than  one  hundred  miles  in  a  straight  line  from 
Montlh6ry. 

t  c.  7- 

X  On  the  meeting  at  Etampes  a  false  alarm  occurred  in  consequence  of  a  squib 
(fusees  qui  courent  parmi  lesgens  quand  elles  sont  tombl-es,  et  rendent  un  pat  de  jiamrne, 
el  s'appe/loit  (the  man  who  threw  them)  Muistre  Jean  Boute/eu,  ou  Maidre  Jean  det 
Serpens,  je  ne  say  lequel, — either  evidently  a  name  deduced  from  the  occupation,) 
which  an  idle  fellow  tossed  into  the  window  of  a  room  in  which  the  Duke  of  Berri 
and  the  Count  of  Charolais  were  conversing.  The  guards  of  each  Prince  ran  to  arms, 
and  some  hours  elapsed  before  the  consternation  subsided  into  ridicule.     Id.,  c.  9. 

2c2 


388  CONFERENCE  WITH  CHAROLAIS.  [CH.  XVI. 

man  talk  ?  "  observed  the  Count  sneeringly  to  some  of  his  attendants. 
V  He  is  troubling  his  head  about  700  or  800  wounded  whom  he  has  seen 
in  the  City,  with  whom  he  has  no  possible  concern  or  acquaintance. 
If  his  own  interests  were  once  really  touched,  he  would  be  off  in  a 
moment,  and  would  leave  us  in  the  mire*." 

The  confederates,  however,  had  at  their  disposal  50,000  well-disci- 
plined troops,  among  whom  were  particularly  distinguished  the  Italian 
Captains  forming  the  suite  of  the  Duke  of  Calabria;  and  500  Swiss 
infantry  in  the  pay  of  the  Count  of  Charolais,  the  first  of  their  Country- 
men who  served  in  France t.  The  Princes,  confident  in  this  powerful 
host,  summoned  Paris,  and  found  the  authorities  very  willing  to  treat 
during  the  King's  absence.  Louis,  however,  promptly  returned  to  the 
Capital,  by  no  means  assured  that  he  should  obtain  re-admission,  and 
prepared,  as  he  often  afterwards  informed  Commines,  in  case  he  should 
find  the  entrance  barred  against  him,  to  seek  an  asylum  from  Francesco 
Sforza,  whom  he  esteemed  his  best  friend  J,  and  who  at  the  moment 
indeed  was  making  an  effectual  diversion  by  attacking  the  Duke  of 
Bourbon  in  Dauphine.  The  King's  policy  at  first  induced  him  to  pro- 
tract the  campaign,  in  the  hope  of  profiting  by  dissension,  the  ordinary 
vice  of  all  Confederacies.  Not  a  day  therefore  passed  without  a  skirmish, 
unless  a  short  suspension  of  arms  was  proposed  for  some  frivolous  ne- 
gotiation. Often  as  Louis  exhibited  his  close  acquaintance  with  man- 
kind, never  perhaps  was  it  more  exemplified  than  in  a  Conference  of 
which  we  possess  a  minute  account.  One  morning,  accompanied  by  a 
suite  of  not  more  than  four  or  five  persons,  he  rowed  up  the  Seine  to 
the  Burgundian  quarters.  Masses  of  Cavalry  patrolled  the  river-bank, 
but  the  King  having  first  called  out  to  Charolais,  "  My  Brother,  do  you 
pledge  your  word  for  my  safety  ?"  on  an  assurance  that  he  did  so, 
sprang  to  land,  and  opened  a  conversation  in  a  manner  which  he 
knew  would  be  agreeable.  "  My  Brother,"  he  said,  again  addressing 
the  Count,  "  you  have  convinced  me  that  you  are  a  Gentleman,  and 
that  you  are  of  the  lineage  of  the  House  of  France." — "  How  so,  Mon- 
seigneur?"  inquired  Charolais;  and  Louis  then  reminded  him  of  the 
message  which  he  had  sent  by  the  Archbishop  of  Narbonne,  adding  that 
the  Count  had  fully  kept  his  word  much  within  the  twelvemonth ;  "  and 
with  such  persons,"  he  continued,  "  who  abide  by  their  promises,  it  is 
my  wish  to  deal," — "  All  this  he  said,  well  knowing  the  nature  of  him 
whom  he  was  addressing,  and  how  greatly  he  would  please  him  thereby, 
and  assuredly  he  did  please  him."  The  interview,  however,  proved 
fruitless,  for  although  the  demands  of  Charolais  himself  were  graciously 
admitted,  those  of  others,  especially  of  the  Duke  of  Berri,  were  rejected 
as  exorbitant  §. 

The  Duke  of  Berri  proposed  for  himself  not  less  an  acquisition  than 

*  Commines,  c  9.  f  Id.  c  11. 

I  Id.c.  15.  §  Id.c.20. 


A.  D.   1465.]  PEACE  OF  CONFLANS.  389 

Normandy,  and  to  this  dismemberment  of  his  Kingdom  Louis  would 
have  persisted  in  refusing  consent,  if  the  Provincials  had  not  unequivo- 
cally manifested  their  own  wishes  by  surrendering  Rouen  to  the  troops 
of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  and  by  taking  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
young  Prince  who  sought  their  sovereignty.  When  the  King  received 
intelligence  of  this  great  defection,  he  at  once  determined  upon  Peace, 
and  appointed  a  field  near  Conflans  for  another  interview  with  Charolais, 
to  whom  he  was  the  first  who  communicated  the  news  ;  remarking  that 
he  considered  Peace  to  be  already  made  ;  for  that  the  Normans  had  ex- 
torted an  acquiescence  which  he  never  would  have  voluntarily  tendered. 
So  deeply  were  both  parties  interested  in  their  conversation,  that  having 
turned  their  steps  in  the  direction  of  Paris,  they  were  already  within  one 
of  the  outworks  of  the  City,  before  the  Count  was  aware  of  his  danger. 
His  suite  consisted  at  the  utmost  of  half  a  dozen  persons,  and  he  was 
completely  in  the  King's  power ;  but  he  maintained  a  good  countenance, 
and  whether  Louis  was  equally  absorbed  with  himself,  whether  he  was 
touched  by  an  unusual  generosity,  or  whether,  as  is  more  probable  than 
either,  the  occurrence  was  so  wholly  unexpected  that  he  was  by  no 
means  prepared  to  gather  advantage  from  the  imprudence  of  his  enemy, 
he  reaped  the  honour  of  avoiding  the  great  guilt  of  his  detention. 
Charolais  arrived  in  his  camp  under  an  escort  of  French  Cavalry,  but 
not  until  his  associates  had  been  overwhelmed  with  consternation  by 
calling  to  mind  the  fatal  interview  at  Montereau,  and  by  drawing  a 
comparison  between  Louis  and  his  father  by  no  means  advantageous  to 
the  former.  The  Count  of  Neufchatel,  Marechal  of  Burgundy,  an  ex- 
perienced soldier,  had  harangued  the  Captains,  and  after  exhorting  them 
not  to  be  discouraged  by  this  rash  act  of  a  hot-brained  Youth,  had 
assured  them  that,  even  if  their  Prince  were  lost,  they  would  still 
be  powerful  enough  to  effect  their  retreat  unharmed.  So  far  was 
Charolais  from  being  offended  by  the  freedom  of  these  remarks  when  he 
was  informed  of  them  after  his  return,  that  he  begged  the  veteran  not  to 
scold  him  for  his  "great  folly,"  which  he  had  not  discovered  till  it  was 
too  late  for  amendment  *. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  Princes  being  received  by  Louis, 
paid  him  homage  in  the  Chateau  of  Vincennes ;  and  the  Articles  of  the 
Peace  of  Conflans  were  proclaimed  in  the  course  of  the  same  month. 
Well  may  Commines  exclaim  that  the  League  nominally  contracted  for 
the  Public  Weal  subsided  in  the  attainment  of  Private  advantage  t;  f°r 
the  only  interests  forgotten  in  the  Treaty  were  those  of  the  Nation.  To 
the  Count  of  Charolais  were  surrendered  the  cautionary  towns  for  the 
purchase  of  which  Louis  had  not  long  since  paid  the  final  instalment, 
a  provision  being  made  that  after  the  death  of  Charolais  they  might 
be  redeemed  on   the   further  disbursement  of  two  hundred   thousand 

*  Id.,  c.  22. 
f  Car  h  B>en  PubJique  ettoit  convcrte  en  Bien  Particular,  id.  c.  20. 


390  LOUIS  DISUNITES  THE  PRINCES.  [CH.  XVI- 

crowns.  Boulogne,  Guines,  Roye,  Peronne,  and  Montdidier  were 
abandoned  to  him  in  perpetuity.  The  King's  brother  received  Nor- 
mandy in  exchange  for  Bern,  to  be  transmitted  as  a  hereditary  male 
Fief.  Some  rich  Governments,  one  hundred  thousand  crowns,  and  six 
months'  pay  for  five  hundred  lances  satisfied  the  scruples  of  the  Duke  of 
Calabria.  The  Duke  of  Bretany  was  well  contented  when  Louis 
relinquished  all  claim  upon  the  Regale*  of  his  Province, the  original 
subject  in  dispute,  added  Etampes  and  Montfort  to  his  dominions,  and 
made  costly  presents  to  the  Lady  of  Villequier,  who  enjoyed  a  pre- 
eminence in  his  household  similar  to  that  which  she  had  lately  occupied 
in  the  establishment  of  Charles  VII.  Dignities,  pensions,  and  largesses 
proportioned  to  their  several  grades  of  rank  were  freely  dispensed  among 
the  remaining  members  of  the  League.  Saint  Pol  was  bribed  by 
the  Sword  of  Constable,  and  even  Dammartin  received  a  Pardon  and 
restoration  to  all  his  confiscated  property.  The  very  nature  of  the  con- 
cessions, and  the  language  in  which  they  were  conveyed,  might  have 
proved  to  men  not  rendered  blind  by  self-interest  that  Louis  never  de- 
signed their  fulfilment ;  and  there  are  few  transactions  in  History  more 
humiliating  to  all  the  parties  concerned  than  the  Peace  of  Conflans, 
whether  we  regard  the  abasement  of  the  King  before  his  rebellious 
Nobles,  the  prepense  fraud  with  which  he  deluded  them,  or  the  price  for 
which  they  sold  the  just  claims  they  might  have  enforced  for  the  benefit 
of  their  Country  f. 

Louis,  pursuing  his  usual  devious  policy,  endeavoured  to  gain  that  one 
among  his  late  enemies,  who  had  evinced  the  greatest  power  of  injuring 
him.  John  Duke  of  Bourbon  had  not  awakened  any  suspicion  till  the 
very  moment  at  which  he  appeared  in  the  field ;  he  had  afterwards 
unscrupulously  violated  the  Armistice  which  the  King's  early  success 
compelled  him  to  accept ;  and  by  the  influence  which  he  exercised  over 
the  Normans,  he  might  be  regarded  as  the  main  cause  of  the  necessity 
which  had  induced  the  Peace  of  Conflans.  Louis,  far  from  resenting  the 
evils  which  Bourbon  had  thus  inflicted,  coveted  the  services  of  an 
instrument  so  active  and  so  able ;  and  by  largely  increasing  his  autho- 
rity, by  investing  him  with  various  Provincial  Governments,  and  by 
adding  pensions  to  his  hereditary  wealth,  he  effectually  detached  him 
from  the  Princes  and  secured  him  as  an  important  coadjutor. 

His   next   object  was   to  separate   his  brother  from   the  Duke  »of 

Bretany,  and  the  grant  of  Normandy  to  the  former  readily  furnished 

groundwork  for   disunion.      In   the  science    of  engendering   division 

Louis  was  in  truth  an  adept  J ;  and  when  he  wished  either  to  disturb  the 

*  The  paramount  right  of  the  Crown  to  nominate  to  vacancies  in  the  Sees  of 
the  Duchy. 

f  Both  these  Treaties  are  given  in  the  Preuves  aux  Mem.  de  Commines,  pp.  20, 
35  (a  la  Haye,  1682).  That  with  the  Count  of  Charolais  hears  date  Oct.  5.  That 
with  the  League  in  general,  at  St.  Maur  des  Fossez,  Oct.  29. 

X  II  estoit  maistre  en  ceste  science,    Commines,  c.  25. 


A.  D.   1466.]  DESTRUCTION  OP  DINANT.  391 

harmony  between  principals,  or  to  win  servants  from  their  masters,  he 
spared  neither  time,  nor  pains,  nor  money  *.  Subtle  agents  were  found 
to  excite  a  mutual  jealousy  between  the  Princes,  which  increased  to  an 
open  rupture  when  the  disposal  of  the  Government  of  Rouen  began  to 
be  discussed.  The  Duke  of  Bretany  forcibly  resented  the  claims 
advanced  by  Charles,  marched  his  troops  to  occupy  the  chief  towns 
in  Lower  Normandy,  and  entered  into  a  Treaty  with  Louis 
at  Caen,  by  which  he  solemnly  renounced  his  alliance  Dec.  23. 
with  the  recent  League.  We  despair  of  copying  with 
adequate  force  the  simple  but  strong  picture  in  which  Monstrelet 
has  exhibited  the  complicated  diplomacy  of  Louis.  iC  Many  were  the 
embassies,"  he  says,  "  which  came  and  went  from  both  the  Dukes  to 
the  King,  and  from  the  King  to  the  Dukes,  and  from  them  to  the 
Count  of  Charolais  and  to  them  from  him,  and  from  the  King  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  and  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  in  return  to  the 
King.  Some  of  these  were  despatched  only  to  obtain  intelligence, 
others  for  purposes  of  bribery  f  and  for  every  sort  of  mischievous 
intrigue  under  the  semblance  of  good  faith."  Thus,  having  prevented 
the  only  co-operation  by  which  Charles  could  prove  dangerous,  the 
King  regained  the  whole  of  Normandy  without  opposition,  protesting 
before  the  Court  of  Parliament  that  the  Treaty  of  Conflans  had  been 
forced  upon  him,  and  that  he  did  not  legitimately  possess  the  power  of 
alienating  any  Province  which  had  been  united  to  the  Crown  by  his 
predecessors.  The  Chiefs  of  his  brother's  party  were  either  selected  for 
punishment,  or  bribed  into  a  change  of  allegiance,  according  to  the 
various  degrees  of  talent  which  they  had  manifested,  and  Louis, 
pretending  willingness  to  recompense  the  loss  of  the  Duchy]  by  con- 
ferring Guyenne  as  an  apanage  in  its  stead,  adjourned  even  this  settle- 
ment to  a  future  day  \. 

During  these  subtle  transactions,  ample  employment  had  been  found 
for  Charolais  in  the  insubordination  of  his  Flemish  towns ;  a  spirit  which 
Louis  stealthily  fomeuted  for  his  own  advantage.  Liege,  which  in  the 
first  instance  provoked  his  anger,  finding  itself  destitute  of  the  support 
which  France  had  promised,  submitted  to  acknowledge  the  Count  as  its 
Main-bourg  or  chief  Magistrate,  and  his  forces  were  then  directed  to 
the  chastisement  of  Dinant§,  at  that  time  the  second  City  in  the 
Bishopric.  A  manufacture  of  copper  utensils,  deriving  its  name  Dinan- 
derie  from  the  town  itself,  had  been  a  source  of  great  wealth  to  its 
inhabitants,  and  their  presumption  appears  to  have  increased  commen- 

*  Le  Roy  Louis  nostre  bon  maistre  a  mieux  sceu  entendre  cest  art  de  separre  ies  gent, 
que  nul  autre  Prince  cpte  f  aye  jamais  cogneu  :  et  ri 'espargnoit  I argent,  ni  ses  biens,  nisa 
peine,  et  non  point  seu/ement  envers  les  maistres,  mats  aussi  bien  envers  les  aervileurs.  Id 
c.27. 

f  x.  c.  26.  X  Preuves  aux  Mem.  de  Commines,  p.  46. 

§  The  catastrophe  of  Dinant  is  related  by  Commines,  c  27. 


392     ACCESSION  OF  CHARLES  THE  RASH,  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY.    [CH.  XV 

surately  with  their  riches.      Relying  upon  the  false  intelligence  that 

Charolais  had  been  totally  defeated  at  Montlhery,  they  hanged  him  in 

effigy  on  a  gibbet  near  their  walls,  with  many  coarse  reflections  on  his 

birth,  and  on  the  spotless  honour  of  his  mother*.     The 

A. d.  1466.   vengeance  of  Charles  was  merciless;  he  invested  Dinant 

Aug.  25.     with  30,000  men,  refused  to  grant  any  capitulation,  levelled 

its  houses  with  the  ground,  and  sold  its  wretched  inmates 

as  slaves. 

The  death  of  Philip  the  Goodf,  wrhich  occurred  not  many  months 
after  the  punishment  of  Dinant,  raised  Charolais  to  the 
A.  d.  1467.   Ducal   Throne  ;    and   an   unexpected  sedition  at  Ghent, 
July  15.     whither  he  had  repaired  to  receive  homage  on   his   ac- 
cession, exposed  him  to  imminent  personal  danger.     Louis 
no  doubt  had  secretly  instigated  this  explosion,  and,  by  awakening 
troubles  in  the  Netherlands,  he  for  many  months  diverted  the  attention 
of  Burgundy  from  France.     Even  when  the  Duke  of  Alencon  renewed 
war  by  openly  proclaiming  the  right  of  Prince  Charles  to  Normandy, 
and  took  the  field  in  company  with  the  Duke  of  Bretany  to  support  this 
claim,  a  new  defection  of  the  inconstant  Citizens  of  Liege  prevented 
Burgundy  from  marching  to  the  assistance  of  his  confederates.    Charles 
might  have  been  perplexed  if  Louis  had  not  tamely  preferred  negotiation 
to  the  sword;  and  the  Cardinal  of  BallueJ,  a  low-born  Favourite,  the 
son  of  a  tailor  of  Poitou,  whose  fidelity  by  no  means  equalled  his  talents, 
but  who  at  that  time  possessed  unlimited  influence,  exceeded  his  powers 
without  incurring  blame  from  his  master,  by  signing  a  Truce,  which 
pledged  the  French  to  abstain  from  any  military  attempt  during  six 
months,  and  gave  Charles  unlimited  freedom  to  proceed  against  the 
Liegois.     The  rebellious  Citizens  made  a  bold  stand  in  the 
Oct.  28.      field  of  Bruestein,  where  6000  slain  attested  the  sturdiness 
of  their  resistance.      But  the  Duke  prevailed,  numerous 
executions  followed  his  victory,  and  the  utmost  clemency  which  could 
be  obtained  by  a  deputation  of  300  Burgesses,  who  threw  themselves 
at   his    feet  in   a   state  of    almost   nakedness  §,   was  that   their   City 
should  be  spared  the  horrors  of   fire  and  pillage.     Charles,  with  un- 
usual gentleness,  was   satisfied  by  the   blood   of  a   few  hostages,  by 
razing  the  fortifications,  by  disarming  the  inhabitants,  by  abolishing 
their  privileges,  and  by  imposing  a  fine  of  120,000  florins. 

Charles,  now  disembarrassed  at  home,  might  have  directed  himself 

*  Monstrelet,  x.  c.  44. 

f  Ibid.  c.  55.  The  Letter  in  which  Charles  announced  his  father's  death  to 
Louis  is  given  in  the  Preuves  aux  Mem.  de  Commines,  p.  54. 

%  John  Ballue  was  successively  Bishop  of  Evreux  and  of  Angers  before  Pius  II. 
•levated  him  to  the  dignity  of  Cardinal.  So  highly  did  he  enjoy  the  confidence  of 
Louis  at  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing,  that  he  ventured  to  sign  this  Treaty 
upon  his  own  responsibility. 

§  En  chemise,  les  jambes  nues  et  la  teste.    Commines,  c,  30. 


A.  D.  1468.]  TREATY  OF  ANCENIS.   ,  393 

entirely  on  France,  but  Louis  was  still  willing  to  gain  time  by  sacrifices, 
and  he  continued  the  Truce  for  six  months  longer,  by  agreeing  to  pay 
his  brother  60,000  francs  for  the  defrayment  of  current  expenses,  and 
by  allowing  him  to  bear  the  title  of  Duke  of  Normandy  till  a  Congress 
appointed  to  meet  at  Cambrai  could  settle  his  apanage  and  adjust  the 
terms  of  a  general  Peace.     The  conduct  of  Louis  throughout  this  trans- 
action needs  further  explanation  than  we  are  ever  likely  to  possess ;  and 
we  know  not  whether  to  attribute  his  perseverance  in  avoiding  War  to 
constitutional  timidity   (not  to  personal   fear,    for   he  always  showed 
bravery  in  battle),  or  to  a  knowledge  that  his  resources  were  inadequate 
to  a  contest.    It  was  perhaps  with  the  design  of  appealing  to  his  People 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  Princes  of  his  Blood  that 
he  convoked  a  Meeting  of  the  States  General  at  Tours;  but  a.  d.  1463. 
although  infinite  pains  were  taken  to  procure  the  choice  of      April  1. 
Deputies  known  to  be  devoted  to  his  will,  the  Assembly 
separated  after  a  few  very  nugatory  debates.     A  strong  bias  indeed  ^in 
favour  of  Royal  authority  was  exhibited  by  its  Members,  but  the  secret 
of  the  power  of  Representative  Government  had  not  yet  been  developed 
in  any  European  Country,  and  nowhere  perhaps  was  its  progress  so  slow 
as  in  France.     The  Duke  of  Burgundy  meanwhile  thought 
to  increase  his  power  by  a  family  alliance  with  England,     July  2. 
and  he  obtained  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Margaret,  a  sister 
of  Edward  IV.,  who  had  engaged  to  assist  the  Duke  of  Bretany  in  the 
invasion  of  Normandy,  on  condition  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  retain 
whatever  strongholds  were  captured.     While  the  troops  of  the  confede- 
rates were  assembling,  Louis  however  anticipated  their  operations.     He 
pretended  to  be  wholly  engaged  by  watching  the  Burgundians  who  were 
gathering  at  St.  Quentin  ;    but  meantime  two  strong  divisions  were 
secretly  moved  upon  Bretany  and  Lower  Normandy,  and 
before  Duke  Francis  could  even  communicate  with  Brussels     Sept.  10. 
he  was  constrained  to  sign  a  Peace  at  Ancenis,  by  which  he 
engaged  to  renounce  his  alliance  with  Burgundy,  and  to  submit  the 
decision  of  Prince  Charles's  claims  to  arbitration. 

»  The  League  between  the  malcontent  Princes,  which  had  hitherto 
either  openly  or  secretly  disquieted  the  reign  of  Louis  XL,  was  dissolved 
by  this  Treaty  of  Ancenis ;  but  he  had  still  to  satisfy  the  resentment,  or 
to  diminish  the  power  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Dammartin  boldly 
advised  recourse  to  arms,  and  he  assured  the  King  that  the  Liegois,  at 
that  time  again  on  the  very  edge  of  revolt,  would  co-operate  powerfully 
with  any  force  which  he  might  advance  into  Flanders.  Louis,  however, 
still  averse  from  War,  and  not  unjustly  confident  in  his  peculiar  abilities 
as  a  negotiator,  preferred  the  counsel  of  the  subtle,  intriguing,  and  un- 
principled Ballue,  a  Minister  whose  progress  from  a  menial  station  to 
very  lofty  rank,  and  from  poverty  to  unbounded  wealth,  had  been 
achieved  by  craft,  faithlessness,  and  subserviency.     The  King,  who 


394  '  CONFERENCE  AT  PERONNE.  [CH.  XVI. 

understood,  appreciated,  and  employed  his  talents  with  utter  disregard 
for  his  vices  and  evil  reputation,  had  obtained  for  him  the  purple  which 
the  Court  of  Rome  was  willing  to  accord  out  of  gratitude  for  support 
afforded  in  the  abolition  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction.  Ballue,  either 
suggesting  the  project  or  sagaciously  discovering  and  seconding  the  in- 
clination of  his  Master,  strenuously  recommended  a  personal  Conference 
with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy ;  and  Louis,  relying  upon  that  intellectual 
ascendency  of  which  he  was  conscious,  and  remembering  with  compla- 
cency the  advantage  similarly  obtained  at  Conflans,  believed  that  he 
might  reap  equal  benefit  from  a  second  interview. 

Charles,  on  the  other  hand,  cared  little  for  an  amicable  settlement. 
He  had  expended  great  sums  in  equipping  his  armament,  and,  as  he 
bluntly  expressed  himself,  his  chief  desire  was  to  have  the  quarrel  out 
at  once.  The  King  of  France,  however,  pressed  his  point,  tendered 
money  for  the  payment  of  the  troops  raised  against  himself,  and  stated 
that  he  should  be  satisfied  with  even  a  parole  assurance  of  safe-conduct. 
Ballue  and  Tannegui  du  Chatel,  who  were  despatched  on  this  mission, 
returned  with  a  written  assurance  upon  the  honour  and  faith  of  the 
Duke,  that  since  it  was  the  pleasure  of  Louis  to  visit  Peronne,  he  might 
come  thither,  stay  there,  and  return  thence  freely  and  securely  without 
any  let  or  hindrance  to  himself  or  to  his  retinue.  On  this  guarantee, 
which,  if  he  had  been  the  granter  instead  of  the  receiver,  would  have 
weighed  as  nothing  in  comparison  with  even  a  slight  advantage,  a  Prince 
who  has  become  a  very  Proverb  for  faithlessness  did  not  hesitate  to 
confide  himself  to  the  bitterest  of  his  enemies.  A  slight  escort  of 
his  Scottish  guard  and  a  few  Knights,  sufficient  perhaps  for  display  but 
wholly  inadequate  to  defence  if  it  were  needed,  formed  his  suite ;  and 
he  was  accompanied  by  the  Constable  St.  Pol,  the  Cardinal  of  Ballue, 
the  Duke  of  Bourbon  and  two  of  his  brothers,  the  Confessor  of  the 
Household,  and  the  Bishop  of  Avranches.  Philip  de  Crevecceur,  at  the 
head  of  the  Archers  of  Burgundy,  advanced  to  meet  the 

Oct.  9.  Royal  cavalcade.  Charles  himself  awaited  the  King  on  the 
banks  of  the  Doing,  and  the  two  Princes  entered  the  City 
in  conversation,  which  Louis  affected  to  encourage  by  placing  his  hand 
familiarly  from  time  to  time  on  the  shoulder  of  his  companion.  The 
Castle  of  Peronne  was  an  ancient  fortress,  little  adapted  for  the  comfort- 
able reception  of  so  illustrious  a  visiter,  and  the  house  of  one  of  the 
chief  Magistrates  was  therefore  assigned  for  the  residence  of  Louis ;  but 
no  sooner  had  he  reached  this  abode  than  he  received  information  which 
induced  him  anxiously  to  solicit  permission  to  exchange  it  for  the  Castle. 
Of  the  good  faith  of  the  Duke  himself  he  entertained  undoubted  assur- 
ance, but  in  the  numerous  and  powerful  army  by  which  he  was  sur- 
rounded were  many  Exiles  from  France  and  other  leaders  of  distinction 
complaining  of  personal  wrongs,  and,  among  them,  Philip  of  Bresse, 
whom  he  had  entrapped  into  imprisonment,  and  the  Count  of  Neuf- 


A.D.   1468.]  GREAT  DANGER  OF  LOUIS,"  '  395 

chatel,  whom  he  had  aggrieved  by  the  seizure  of  a  Fief/  In  order  to 
protect  himself  from  any  vengeance  which  these  enemies  might  medi- 
tate, he  transferred  his  lodging  to  the  Castle  in  which  the  Scottish 
Guards  were  disposed  as  sentinels. 

The  Treaties  of  Conflans  and  of  Arras  were  proposed  by  Louis  as  the 
basis  of  negotiation  which  he  wished  should  also  embrace  a  general 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance.  Some  heat  attended  the  discussions, 
and  they  were  abruptly  terminated  by  the  arrival  of  intelligence  from 
Liege,  which  moved  Charles  to  fury,  and  exposed  his  guest  to  jeopardy, 
even  of  life.  The  fickle  Burgesses  of  that  City,  excited  by  the  secret 
agents  of  France,  whose  instructions  Louis  had  either  neglected  or  had 
thought  it  unnecessary  to  countermand,  had  again  risen  in  arms,  and, 
having  surprised  Tongre3  by  night,  had  captured  the  Bishop  and  Him- 
bercourt  the  Burgundian  Representative.  In  a  tumult  which  ensued 
during  the  conveyance  of  these  important  prisoners  to  the  Capital,  some 
Priests  had  been  killed ;  others  who  escaped  to  Peronne  announced  the 
sedition  with  many  circumstances  of  exaggeration,  and  expressly  declared 
that  Himbercourt  had  been  torn  in  pieces,  and  that  they  had  recognised 
certain  Frenchmen,  whose  names  they  mentioned,  by  whom  the  populace 
was  stimulated  to  outrage  *.  The  first  effect  produced  upon  Charles  by 
this  news  was  most  terrific ;  he  believed  that  Louis  had  planned  the 
interview  at  Peronne  in  order  to  lull  his  suspicions  to  slumber ;  he  swore 
that  he  would  exact  full  vengeance  for  this  detestable  treachery,  and,  as 
a  preliminary  to  some  deed  of  greater  violence,  he  marched  into  the 
Castle  a  garrison  of  his  own  Archers.  During  two  whole  days  he  re- 
mained in  gloomy  deliberation,  and  the  nights  were  spent  by  him,  for 
the  most  part,  in  pacing  his  chamber  with  a  troubled  step.  At  one  time, 
a  Courier  whom  he  had  resolved  to  despatch  for  the  Duke  of  Normandy 
was  already  in  waiting,  and  the  arrival  of  that  Prince  would  probably 
have  sealed  the  fate  of  his  brother  f.  On  the  third  night,  during  which 
Charles  never  undressed,  his  choler  appeared  to  increase,  and  there  was 
one  moment  at  which,  after  uttering  bitter  menaces,  he  seemed  engrossed 
by  some  hideous  fancy.  Towards  morning,  his  passion,  which  had 
amounted  almost  to  frenzy,  in  some  degree  subsided,  and  he  told  Corn- 
mines  (who  had  been  in  attendance  throughout,  and  who  had  thrown  in 
a  few  conciliatory  words  whenever  opportunity  permitted)  that  he  should 
be  contented  if  Louis  would  swear  to  Peace,  and  would  then  accompany 
him  to  punish  the  Liegois.  The  King  meantime  had  ordered  the  dis- 
tribution, among  the  Burgundian  Counsellors,  of  15,000  crowns  which 
he  fortunately  had  carried  with  him  in  his  cabinet  J.  He  preserved 
deliberate  calmness  during  this  fearful  interval  of  uncertainty,  and  he 

*  Commines,  c.  35.  f  Id.  c.  37. 

X  Commines  (c.  37)  informs  us  that  the  age*nt  employed  in  this  matter  retained 
part  of  the  money  for  his  own  use,  which  fraud  the  King  afterwards  learned.  Was 
it  Ballue,  or  Oliver  le  Dain  ? 


396  LOUIS  ACCOMPANIES  THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  [CH.  XVI. 

did  not  evince  any  apparent  emotion  even  when  warned  that  the  ad- 
joining Keep  had  been  employed  by  Count  Heribert  for  the 

Oct.  14.  imprisonment  of  Charles  the  Simple.  Some  friend,  ob- 
tained by  his  seasonable  largesse*,  informed  him  that  the 
Duke  was  already  on  his  way  to  visit  him,  that  if  he  consented  to  the 
propositions  then  offered  he  would  be  safe,  but  that,  if  he  refused,  no 
danger  could  be  greater  than  that  to  which  he  would  become  exposed. 
Charles,  on  entering  the  apartment,  was  so  far  able  to  exercise  self- 
control,  that  he  inclined  himself  respectfully  and  paid  obeisance,  but 
his  following  gestures  and  speech  were  rough,  and  his  voice  trembled 
with  anger.  To  a  brief  demand  whether  the  King  would  swear  to  and 
abide  by  the  Peace  as  already  written  and  accepted,  a  prompt  affirmative 
was  returned ;  and  a  second  inquiry  whether  he  would  join  the  expe- 
dition to  punish  Liege  for  the  treachery  committed  through  his  insti- 
gation was  not  less  satisfactorily  received.  "  I  will  accompany  you," 
said  Louis,  "  after  we  have  sworn  to  the  Peace,  which  I  very  greatly 
desire,  with  as  many  or  as  few  troops  as  you  wish  should  be  in  attend- 
ance." The  Duke  expressed  great  joy  at  this  ready  compliance,  and 
the  oath  of  Peace  was  sworn  on  the  moment.  Louis  took  from  his 
coffers  a  relic  which  always  formed  part  of  his  travelling  equipage,  and 
which  he  regarded  with  superstitious  reverence,  believing,  as  is  averred, 
that  the  breach  of  any  oath  which  it  had  been  employed  to  sanction 
would  expose  the  perjurer  to  certain  death  within  twelve  months  from 
commission  of  the  offence.  Each  Prince  touched  this  fragment  of  the 
true  Cross  which  had  been  found  among  the  treasures  of  Charlemagne 
(the  Cross  of  Victory  as  it  is  named  by  Commines,  of  Saint  Laud  as  it 
is  more  generally  termed  from  the  Church  at  Angers  in  which  it  had 
been  preserved),  and  their  oaths  having  been  attested  and  the  Treaty 
countersigned  in  duplicate,  the  bells  of  the  City  announced  their  Pacifi- 
cation. 

On  the  morrow  they  commenced  their  march  to  Liege.  The  citizens, 
reduced  to  desperation,  and  well  aware  that  no  place  was  now  left  for 
repentance,  resolved  upon  obstinate  defence,  and  during  the  first  night 
of  investment  they  put  more  than  800  of  the  besiegers  to  the  sword  in 
a  vigorous  sally.  The  Burgundians  were  distressed  for  provisions, 
many  among  them  had  not  tasted  food  for  thirty-six  hours,  heavy  rains 
had  obstructed  their  advance  and  rendered  their  encampment  difficult, 
and  they  were  encumbered  by  numerous  wounded,  among  whom  was 
not  less  a  personage  than  the  Prince  of  Orange.  In  another  sortie  the 
Liegois  penetrated  to  the  very  quarters  of  the  King  and  of  the  Duke, 
which  adjoined  each  other,  and  almost  surprised  both  of  them  in  bed 
and  defenceless.  The  valour,  and  perhaps  also  the  shrewdness,  of  the 
Scottish  Guards  were  distinguished  in  this  action.     "  They  budged  not 

*  Perhaps  Commines  himself,  whom  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Louis  enticed, 
to  his  service  during  this  visit  to  Peronne. 


A.  D.  14C8.]  TO  ruNisn  LIEGE.  397 

a  foot  from  their  master,"  says  Commines,  "  and  they  shot  their  arrows 
stoutly.  I  vknow  not  how  it  was,  but  they  wounded  far  more  Bur- 
gundians  than  Liegois."  Resistance  was  protracted  through  eight  days, 
although  the  walls  of  [the  City  had  been  levelled  after  a  former  insur- 
rection, and  the  ground  was  too  hard  and  rocky  ever  to  have  allowed 
a  fosse.  At  length  an  assault  was  undertaken  much  against 
the  opinion  of  Louis;  and  so  little  were  the  Burghers  ac-  Oct.  31. 
quainted  with  the  usages  of  War,  notwithstanding  their 
repeated  seditions,  that,  believing  its  operations  would  be  suspended  by 
the  return  of  Sunday,  they  had  quitted  their  posts,  and  were  at  their 
morning's  repast  when  they  learned  that  40,000  men  were  in  possession 
of  their  streets.  The  slaughter  at  the  moment  was  by  no  means  great, 
for  few  attempted  unavailing  opposition ;  but  the  majority  of  the  fugi- 
tives who  became  scattered  over  the  neighbouring  country  perished 
miserably  by  destitution,  or  were  surrendered  by  the  peasants  among 
whom  they  sought  refuge.  Charles  spared  no  personal  exertion  to 
secure  the  Churches  from  pillage;  and  Commines  relates  that  in  his 
own  sight  the  Duke  himself  killed  one  of  bis  household  who  had  dis- 
obeyed an  order  to  that  effect.  The  King  was  loud  in  extolling  the 
bravery  of  his  ally,  and  he  condescended  to  this  flattery  even  in  his 
presence.  So  unfastidious  was  the  appetite  to  which  he  ministered,  or 
so  agreeable  was  the  food  which  he  prepared,  that  Charles  banqueted 
upon  it  with  greediness;  and  he  hesitated  but  little*  when  Louis,  four 
or  five  days  after  the  assault,  insinuated  a  wish  to  return  to  Paris  in 
order  that  he  might  give  full  validity  to  the  Treaty  of  Peronne  by  re- 
gistering it  in  his  Parliament.  At  parting,  the  King  asked  with  a  care- 
less tone,  and  as  if  the  inquiry  had  been  merely  accidental,  what  he 
should  do  in  case  his  brother  refused  to  accept  the  territory  to  be  offered 
to  him  out  of  love  to  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  ?  "I  care  not  what  you 
do,"  was  Charles's  reply,  "  provided  he  is  satisfied ;  settle  it  between 
yourselves."  Louis  never  asked  a  question  without  having  in  view  some 
well-defined  object,  nor  did  he  ever  receive  an  answer  which 
he  turned  to  better  account  than  that  which  he  had  thus  Nov.  2. 
obtained. 

On  the  King's  departure,  Liege  was  abandoned  to  the  flames.  All 
the  Churches,  and  about  three  hundred  houses  reserved  for  the  lodging 
of  the  Clergy,  were  spared  from  the  conflagration,  and  these  formed  a 
nucleus  round  which  the  City  speedily  rose  from  its  ashes.  The  Bur- 
gundian  army  wasted  the  Country  as  it  withdrew ;  and  the  inhabitants 
suffered  grievously  both  from  military  excesses  and  from  an  unusually 
severe  winter.  Commines  does  not  indulge  a  diseased  taste  by  need- 
lessly detailing  human  misery,  but  the  brief  notice  which  he  affords  of 
some  most  distressing  incidents,  of  which  unhappily  he  was  eye-witness, 

•    *  Tousjours  un  petit  murmurant.      Commines,  42.    But  this  perhaps  was  always 
his  way  even  wheu  best  pleased. 


398  PUNISHMENT  OF  BALLUE.  [CH.  XVI. 

amply  proves  the  wretchedness  which  Franchemont  underwent  during 
this  invasion. 

There  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  the  overweening  confidence  with  which 

Louis  regarded  his  own  diplomatic  talents,  joined  perhaps 
a.  d.  1469.   to  an  exaggerated  contempt  for  the  intellect  of  his  rival,  had 

betrayed  him  into  a  gross  political  blunder  when  he  rashly 
ventured  to  Peronne ;  but  even  if  his  presence  of  mind  and  self-posses- 
sion in  a  moment  of  infinite  peril,  his  sagacity  in  discovering  and  his 
dexterity  in  applying  a  remedy  to  a  case  which  minds  of  inferior  stamp 
might  have  thought  beyond  the  reach  of  cure,  fail  to  excite  our  sympathy 
and  approbation,  they  must  extort  our  admiration  and  surprise.  By  the 
Treaty  just  concluded  he  had  engaged  that  his  brother  should  be  remu- 
nerated for  the  cession  of  Normandy  by  the  immediate  possession  of 
Champagne  and  Brie.  It  was  far  from  his  intention  to  violate  that 
Treaty  to  which  he  had  sworn  by  the  only  oath  which  he  feared  to 
infringe ;  it  was  equally  remote  from  his  policy  to  surrender,  especially 
to  a  doubtful  friend  whom  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  obliged  and 
would  control,  two  Provinces  which  opened  a  path  from  the  Nether- 
lands to  the  very  gates  of  the  Capital.  Charles  of  France  was  a  weak 
Prince,  incapable  of  deciding  for  himself,  and  wholly  guided  by  those 
around  him ;  the  King  found  means  to  influence  a  Gascon  Gentleman, 
Odet  of  Aydie,  who  possessed  his  brother's  confidence ;  and  through  his 
agency  he  successfully  proffered  the  Duchy  of  Guyenne,  an  apanage  far 
more  considerable  in  territorial  extent  than  that  which  he  had  origi- 
nally named,  but  sufficiently  remote  from  the  Burgundian  dominions  to 
prevent  all  fear  of  dangerous  union.  Ballue  endeavoured  to  dissuade 
Charles  from  this  exchange;  and  Louis,  who  speedily  discovered,  never 
forgave,  and  unrelentingly  punished  the  treachery  of  the  Cardinal.  His 
despatches  were  intercepted,  and  clear  evidence  of  his  guilt  having  been 
afforded  by  them,  he  was  thrown  into  one  of  those  odious  dungeons 
which,  it  is  said,  owe  their  invention  to  himself,  a  cage  of  iron  eight  feet 
square,  within  which  he  languished  during  ten  years  at  Onnain  near 

Blois*.     The  Royal  brothers  met  on  a  bridge  of  boats  near 
Sept.  24.     the  mouth  of  the  Sevre :  the  most  jealous  precautions  were 

taken  on  both  sides  to  obviate  perfidy ;  a  barrier  separated 
the  two  midmost  vessels,  and  a  spring-tide  was  chosen  for  the  interview 
because  the  waters  were  then  highest.  So  powerful,  however,  was  the 
ascendency  which  Louis  exercised  over  less  able  spirits,  that  but  a  few 
minutes  had  passed  in  conversation  before  Charles  was  at  his  feet  and 

*  Philip  de  Commines  attributes  the  invention  of  those  engines  of  refined  cruelty 
to  the  Bishop  of  Verdun,  who,  as  a  participator  in  Ballue's  treachery,  was  enclosed 
in  one  of  them  during  fourteen  years.  Commines  speaks  with  entire  knowledge  of 
their  dimensions,  for  Charles  VIII.  afterwards  sentenced  him  to  eight  months  of 
this  confinement.  It  is  quite  needless  to  contract  them  within  their  real  scanti- 
ness ;  but  they  are  usually  although  falsely  represented  to  have  been  so  framed  as  to 
prevent  the  miserable  inmate  from  either  standing,  upright  or  lying  at  full  length. 


A.  D.  1470.]  BIRTH  OF  A  DAUPHIN.  399 

in  his  arms.  They  spent  some  clays  together  in  familiar  intercourse;  and 
in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  too  late 
discovered  the  purport  of  the  inquiry  which  Louis  had  made  at  parting, 
Guyennc  was  substituted  for  Champagne. 

In  the  revolutions  of  the  English  Government  Louis  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  the  King-maker,  whose  breach  with  Edward  IV. 
arose  out  of  the  King's  indiscreet  violation  of  the  nuptial  contract  which 
his  Ambassador  had  been  deputed  to  make  with  Bonne  of  Savoy.  Louis 
partook  of  the  resentment  with  which  his  Queen  visited  the  insult  thus 
offered  to  her  sister ;  and  the  unsettled  state  of  England  did  not  afford 
any  political  reason  which  at  that  time  might  induce  him  to  reconciliation. 
The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  on  the  other  hand,  vigorously  supported  his  bro- 
ther-in-law Edward  IV.  Warwick,  after  his  defeat  at  Stamford,  found 
refuge  in  the  Court  of  France  ;  and  when  the  chances  of  War  again  be- 
came favourable  to  him,  his  discomfited  adversary  was  received  in  Flan- 
ders. The  decisive  victory  of  Barnet  finally  established  the  superiority 
of  the  Red  Rose ;  but,  as  we  shall  perceive,  Louis  succeeded  in  attaching 
Edward  to  himself,  and  in  dissolving  his  alliance  with  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, at  the  moment  at  which  the  King  of  England  became  confirmed 
in  power. 

More  than  usual  sensitiveness  to  public  opinion  was  exhibited  by 
Louis  on  his  return  from  Flanders,  and  if  we  may  believe  one  account, 
his  dread  of  ridicule  was  so  far  excited,  that  he  directed  the  seizure  and 
destruction  of  numerous  tame  magpies  and  starlings  which  had  been 
taught  to  repeat  "  Peronne  "  in  mockery.    The  story  is  not  to  be  credited 
hastily,  for  it  is  little  probable  that  any  one  would  be  found  hardy  enough 
to  jest  upon  an  adventure,  especially  a  luckless  one,  which  had  befallen 
a  despotic  Sovereign*.     The  Police  of  the  Kingdom  moreover  was  admi- 
nistered with  great  vigilance  and  severity,  by  a  Provost,  the  formidable 
Tristan  l'Ermitet,  who  was  unlikely  to  neglect  and  certain 
not  to  forgive  any  expression  displeasing  to  the  ears  of  his   a.  d.  1470. 
Master.  The  birth  of  a  Dauphin  (afterwards  Charles  VIII.)    June  30. 
must  have  excited  considerable  joy,  for  Louis  had  hitherto 
been  unfortunate  in  his  children,  having  lost  two  sons  in  their  infancy. 
Perhaps  encouraged  by  an  event  which  diminished  the  influence  of  the 
Duke  of  Guyenne  by  terminating  his  presumptive  heirdom 
to  the  throne,  Louis    convoked  his  Notables — that   is,  as   November. 
Commines  informs  ust,  such  Nobles  to  whom  he  expressly 
addressed  Writs,  to  meet  at  Tours,  and  having  laid  before  them  the  many 

♦The  anecdote  is  related  by  the  continuator  of  Monstrelet,  xi.  0,  but  perhaps  was 
invented  by  Jean  de  Troyes  :  yet  even  he  is  doubtful  whether  the  proscribed  word  was 
Peronne  or  Pcrelte,  the  latter  being  the  name  of  a  low-born  mistress  whom  Louis 
favoured  at  the  time.    There  is  equal  improbability  in  either  case. 

f  Tristan  l'Hermite  is  first  mentioned  as  having  accompanied  the  Constable Riche- 
mont  to  the  suppression  of  some  brigands  at  Compi6gne  in  1486.  M.  de  Sismondi, 
Hist,  de  Fr.  xiii.  288.  He  distinguished  himself  afterwards  during  the  expulsion  of 
the  English  from  Guyenne  in  1451.  Id.  ib.  518. 

Jc.45. 


400  TREATY  OF  CROTOY.  [CH.  XVI. 

grievances  which  he  had  endured  from  the  Duke  of  Burgundv,  he  re- 
ceived their  unanimous  advice  that  the  Treaty  of  Peronne  should  be 
dissolved.  Some  of  the  overt  acts  of  which  Charles  was  accused  no  doubt 
were  frivolous  :  that  he  had  publicly  worn  the  Garter  and  the  Red  Cross, 
Badges  of  England,  could  scarcely  be  considered  as  sufficient  causes 
for  War ;  but  it  was  plain  also  that  he  had  attacked  the  harbours  of 
Normandy,  and  that  in  support  of  his  alliance  with  Edward  IV.  he  had 
not  scrupled  to  employ  troops  against  France.  Not  all  of  the  Notables 
were  sincere  in  their  attachment  to  Louis  ;  but  even  their  mixture  of 
motives  contributed  to  unanimity.  Some  who  held  perfidious  commu- 
nication with  the  Court  of  Flanders  looked  to  a  renewal  of  hostilities  as 
a  sure  cloak  for  their  past  treachery ;  others  anxiously  wished  to  divert 
the  Royal  attention  from  domestic  Reforms  ;  and  the  Constable  St.  Pol 
caught  glimpses  of  his  own  aggrandizement  through  the  dissension  be- 
tween Princes  to  each  of  whom  he  owed  almost  equal  allegiance,  and  hoped 
to  enlarge  his  territory  by  putting  up  his  faith  to  the  best  market.  He 
represented  to  Louis  therefore  a  highly  exaggerated  picture  of  the  dis- 
contents of  Flanders,  and  he  assured  him  that  the  whole  district  on  the 
Somme  was  at  any  moment  willing  to  change  allegiance. 

Louis  was  deceived  by  these  promises,  and  hastily  plunged  into 
War :  it  was  of  short  duration,  and  offered  no  event  of  importance. 
St.  Quentin  and  Amiens  indeed  opened  their  gates  to  his  troops ;  but  it 
was  not  for  so  inconsiderable  an  acquisition  as  that  of  two  border-towns 
that  he  would  have  encountered  peril  and  expense ;  and  he  soon  became 

weary  of  the  contest.    No  longer  duped  by  the  Constable,  he 

a.  d.  1471.   readily  assented  to  a  proposition  for  Truce ;  and  an  Armistice 

April  4.      signed  at  Amiens  at  first  for  three  months  was  afterwards 

extended  to  a  much  longer  term,  and  led  at  Crotoy  to  the 
Oct.  3.      discussion  of  a  Peace  which  neither  party  really  designed  to 

execute.  Charles  agreed  to  form  an  alliance  against  the  Dukes 
of  Guyenne  and  of  Bretany,  not  to  interfere  with  the  vengeance  which 
the  King  already  meditated  against  St.  Pol,  and  to  bestow  the  hand  of  his 
daughter  Mary,  the  richest  heiress  in  Europe,  on  the  infant  Dauphin  : 
in  return,  the  conquests  made  in  Picardy  were  to  be  restored.  Louis,  in 
consenting  to  this  Treaty,  sought  only  to  temporize  :  he  had  received  in- 
telligence that  his  brother's  health  was  rapidly  declining,  and  he  specu- 
lated upon  his  approaching  death  as  affording  a  pretext  for  a  breach  of 
any  condition  which  might  prove  inconvenient.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
on  the  other  hand  had  trafficked  in  more  than  one  instance  with  his  daugh- 
ter's prospective  marriage,  and  there  was  little  difficulty  in  registering  a 
new  suitor  who  had  not  yet  quitted  his  cradle.  He  calculated  moreover 
that  the  surrender  of  Amiens  and  of  St.  Quentin  would  enable  him,  if  he 
so  wished,  to  renew  immediate  hostilities  with  advantage  *. 

*  The  mutual  perfidy  of  the  contracting  parties,  from  which  it  appears  that  in 
neither  Prince  ti'y  eust  pas  yrande  foy,  and  the  intrigue  committed  by  Charles  to  the 
management  of  his  Equerry,  Henry }  nalif  de  Paris,  sage  compagnon  et  bien  entendu,  are 


A.D.   1472.]  RAVAGE   RENEWAL  OK  WAR.  401 

These  perfidious  arrangements  were  interrupted,  as  the  King  had  fore- 
seen, by  the  demise  of  Charles.     The  opportuneness  of  the 
event,  the  evil  repute  under  which  Louis  suffered,  certain   a.  d.  1472. 
unexplained  circumstances  attendant  upon  a  Process  against     May  24. 
the  reputed  assassin,  the  frequent  occurrence  of  similar  odious 
crimes,  and  above  all  the  rabid  hatred  with  which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy- 
seized  and  circulated  the  accusation,  threw  a  suspicion  upon  the  King 
which  it  is  probable  he  very  little  deserved.     The  late  Prince's  Almoner, 
the  Abbe  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  was  "named  as  the  agent  in  his  pretended 
murder,  and  it  was  said  that  a  poisoned  peach  ottered  to  Madame  de 
Thenars  was  divided  by  her  with  her  lover ;  that  she  herself  survived 
three  months,  the  Duke  of  Guyenne  eight  after  the  fatal  repast.     But 
the  doctrine  of  slow  poisons  thus  nicely  regulated  in  effect  is  exploded  by 
modern  science;  the  Duke  of  Guyenne  himself  was  free  from  all  misgiving; 
and  his  Physicians  during  his  long  illness  reported  the  natural  progress  of 
an  ultimately  fatal  disease.  The  King  immediately  declared  that  he  would 
not  ratify  the  Treaty  of  Crotoy,  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  frantic  at  this 
disappointment  of  his  hopes  at  the  very  moment  at  which  he  believed  them 
about  to  be  realized,  hurried  to  a  renewal  of  war  with  cruelty  hitherto 
unparalleled.    Nesle  in  the  Vermandois  was  the  first  town 
exposed  to  his  fury  ;  a  presumed  breach  of  the  terms  which     June  12. 
had  secured  life  and  nothing  more  to  the  garrison,  occasioned 
the  execution  of  the  Governor,  a  savage  mutilation  of  such  of  his  troops 
as  the  sword  was  too  weary  to  slay,  and  an  indiscriminate  massacre  of 
the  inhabitants.  A  few  Archers  were  permitted  to  retire  after  their  hands 
had  been  chopped  off  at  the  wrists  ;  and  when  Charles  rode  into  the  prin- 
cipal Church,  the  pavement  of  which  was  heaped  with  dead,  he  crossed 
himself  and  expressed  satisfaction  that  his  men  had  exhibited  so  great 
promptness  in  execution*. 

The  booty  of  Rove,  which  surrendered  immediately  afterwards,  was  esti- 
mated at  100,000  crowns  of  gold.     Beauvais  was  defended 
with  invincible  gallantry;  and  during  a  conflict  of  eleven     June  16. 
hours  across  a  barrier  formed  by  the  ruins  of  blazing  houses, 
from  which  the  besiegers  were  ultimately  repulsed,  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished combatants  was  a  young  heroine  Jeanne  Lainee,  La  Hachette, 
who  captured  the  Burgundian  standard.     The  town  was  relieved  after 
another  murderous  assault ;    and  Charles,  burning  and  ravaging  all  the 
Country  which  lay  before  him,  advanced  to  effect  a  junction  with  the 
Duke  of  Bretany  before  Rouen. 

clearly  displayed  l>y  Philip  de  Commines,  and  may  be  read  in  his  pages  with  the  dis- 
gust which  they  richly  merit,  c.  57-58. 

*  The  words  cited  by  M.  de  Sismondi,xiv.  3G0.  are  uqiCil  voyait  mouet  belle  chose, 
et  qu'il  avail  avec  lui  mourt  bons  bouchers.'''  The  references  are  to  J.  de  Troves,  231. 
Chron.  des  Mu'itres  (C hotel  de  Hourgogne  dans  Godefrov,  torn.  iii.  ]».  369.  P.  de  Com- 
mines does  not  i^ive  the  very  words,  but  his  narrative  unfortunately  leaves  no 
doubt  as  to  the  extent  of  cruelty. 

2d 


402  PHILIP  DE  COMMINES.  [CH.  XVI. 

Although  Louis  was  unable  in  the  first  instance  to  oppose  this  furious 
irruption  by  a  force  adequate  to  its  repulse,  he  had  not  been  negligent 
either  in  the  field  or  in  the  Cabinet.  His  armies  were  in  motion  ;  he  was 
negotiating  a  Truce  with  the  Duke  of  Bretany;  and  he  was  alluring  from 
each  of  his  great  enemies  one  of  his  most  able  Ministers.  The  Sire  de 
Lescut  had  guided  the  Councils  of  the  late  Duke  of  Guyenne,  on  whose 
death  he  became  leader  in  the  Breton  Cabinet,  in  which  he  had  loudly 
accused  the  King  of  Fratricide.  Louis  as  usual  dismissed  all  resent- 
ment, and  saw  in  the  talent  displayed  by  his  enemy,  strong  reason  for 
the  lavish  price  which  he  tendered  for  his  friendship.  Lescut,  still  main- 
taining his  posts  in  Bretany,  undertook  to  support  the  interests  of  France 
on  receiving  the  title  of  Count  of  Comminges,  the  appointments  of 
Admiral  of  Guyenne,  Seneschal  of  Vannes  and  of  the  Bordelais,  Governor 
of  the  Castles  of  Bordeaux,  of  Blaye,  of  Bayonne,  and  of  Daxe,  an  imme- 
diate gift  of  24,000  crowns,  a  pension  of  1200  livres  for  a  brother,  and 
of  8000  for  himself*.  Of  the  motives  which  induced  the  probably  si- 
multaneous defection  of  Philip  de  Commines  from  the  personal  service  of 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  we  are  by  no  means  prepared  to  speak;  for 
although  vestiges  are  to  be  found  of  numerous  important  grants  made  to 
him  by  the  bounty  of  Louis,  the  Historian  is  far  too  discreet  to  allude 
either  to  corruption  employed  by  his  new  master,  or  to  disgust  excited  by 
the  Prince  whom  he  quitted.  We  know  that  the  habits  of  Charles  were 
rude,  boisterous  and  ferocious,  and  that  his  attendants  were  exposed  to 
petulant  bursts  of  sarcasm,  and  not  unfrequently  even  to  corporal  insult. 
Commines  to  his  honour  has  not  loved  to  dwell  upon  the  vices  of  either 
Prince  under  whom  he  engaged ;  and  his  abstinence  from  all  personal 
justification  appears  to  imply,  that  such  justification  was  not  demanded 
by  his  contemporaries.  He  records  nothing  more  than  the  fact  of  his  en- 
trance into  the  service  of  the  King  of  France.  But  it  must  ever  be  re- 
membered to  his  praise,  that  he  is  not  only  the  earliest  Modern  who 
aspired  to  the  dignity  of  Historic  writing ;  but  that  amid  the  manifold 
evil  communication  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  his  own  love  of  Virtue 
continued  un corrupted. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  was  ill  supplied  with  provisions,  his  hope  of 
communication  with  the  Bretons  had  ceased,  and  he  learned  with  indig- 
nation that  his  domains  in  Artois  and  Picardy  were  undergoing  from  St. 
Pol  reprisals  for  the  outrages  in  Normandy.  St.  Pol  was  regarded  with 
equal  hatred  both  by  Louis  and  by  Charles  ;  and  the  hope  of  punishing 
the  treachery  by  which  each  in  turn  had  been  deceived,  no  doubt  contri- 
buted to  the  readiness  with  which  both  Princes  consented  to  a  fresh 
Truce.  The  Constable  indeed  in  his  strong  hold  at  St.  Quentin,  which 
having  once  mastered  he  persisted  in  retaining,  affected  to  hold  the  balance 
between  the  Rivals  ;    upon  Louis  he  perpetually  urged  the  necessity  of 

*  He  demanded  also  a  pension  of  24,000  francs  for  the  Duke  of  Bretany,  of  which 
the  King  granted  half,  and  paid  it  during  two  years.    Commines,  c.  61. 


A.  D.  1474.]  THE  CONSTABLE  ST.  TuL.  403 

subjugating  a  factious  vassal ;  to  Charles  he  invariably  suggested  the 
prospect  of  his  own  revolt  from  France.  His  stipends  were  enormous, 
and  an  allowance  for  the  pay  and  equipment  of  400  men-at-arms,  a  number 
which  he  was  far  from  really  maintaining,  was  a  source  of  profit  which 
must  be  dried  up  by  the  return  of  more  settled  times.  No  one  had  deeper 
interest  in  the  promotion  of  hostility ;  no  one  exerted  himself  more  actively 
or  more  perversely  for  its  maintenance  ;  and  no  one  in  the  end  paid  more 
dearly  for  success. 

But  the  moment  had  not  yet  arrived  at  which  the  Constable  was  quite 
ripe  for  punishment,  and  Louis  had  sufficient  self-control  to  permit  the 
fruit  to  hang,  and  to  extract  from  it  all  its  virtues,  before  he  gathered  it 
and  cast  away  the  husk.  While  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  therefore  was 
occupied  first  in  taking  possession  of  the  Duchy  of  Gueldres  which  had 
been  bequeathed  to  him  *,  and  afterwards  in  a  petty  dispute  concerning 
the  Archbishopric  of  Cologne,  which  induced  him  to  undertake  the  siege 
of  the  neighbouring  town  of  Neuss  f,  the  King  of  France  wreaked  his 
vengeance  upon  two  Feudatories  who  had  richly  earned  chastisement 
from  his  hand.  The  Duke  of  Alencon,  although  released  on  the  accession 
of  Louis  from  the  imprisonment  to  which  his  condemnation  for  Treason 
had  subjected  him,  had  manifested  gross  ingratitude  in  return.  He  had 
procured  the  assassination  of  the  chief  witnesses  against  him  in  his  Pro- 
cess during  the  late  reign,  he  had  established  a  false  mintage,  his  name 
had  appeared  in  every  conspiracy  by  which  Louis  had  been  disturbed, 
and  even  lately  he  had  been  negociating  with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  for 
the  sale  of  Alencon  and  Perche.  He  was  arrested  by  Tris- 
tan l'Hermite,  subjected  to  a  hasty  trial,  and  again  received  a.  d.  1474. 
the  grace  of  life  on  condition  of  perpetual  imprisonment,  a  July — 
sentence  from  the  penalties  of  which  he  was  relieved  by 
death  about  two  years  afterwards.  The  Count  of  Armagnac,  after  meriting 
death  by  the  commission  of  innumerable  private  as  well  as  public  crimes, 
had  established  himself  in  the  strong  Castle  of  Lectoure  in  Gascony. 
John  Goffredi,  a  Flemish  ex-bishop,  who  by  his  enormities  had  gained  the 
fearful  title  of  the  Devil  of  Arras,  the  See  which  he  had  once  administered, 
undertook  to  remove  this  obnoxious  vassal ;  and  after  solemnly  swearing 
to  a  capitulation,  he  saw  him  poniarded  in  the  arms  of  his  wife  %  at  that 
time  far  advanced  in  pregnancy,  and  who  herself  died  a  few  days  after- 
wards,  in  consequence  of  medicine  designed  to  produce  abortion.  The 
town  was  fired,  and  in  order  that  no  evidence  of  the  hateful  perfidy  which 
had  been  committed  in  it  might  remain,  the  population  seems  to  have  been 
exterminated. 


*  By  the  Duke  Arnold  who  disinherited  in  his  favour  a  son  Adolphus,  by  whom 
he  had  been  most  cruelly  and  unnaturally  used.     Coramines,  c.  63. 

f  Neuss  three  miles  S.  W.  from  Dusseldorf. 

%  Not  the  sister  with  whom  he  had  heretofore  lived  in  incest,  but  Jane,  a  daughter 
of  Gaston  VI.  Count  of  Foix. 

2d2 


404  THE  CONSTABLE  ST.  POL.  [CH.  XVI 

The  transactions  of  France  with  Burgundy  at  this  period  are  eminently 
ignoble,  they  consist  of  little  more  than  Wars  without  a  battle,  Peace 
without  repose;  and  it  is  not  easy  to  decide  whether  Louis  in  his  caution, 
or  Charles  in  his  rashness,  was  more  deeply  stained  with  perfidy.  The 
King  of  France  had  strong  reason  to  believe  that  Charles  had  engaged 
assassins  for  his  removal,  and  he  had  conclusive  evidence  of  the 
existence  of  an  intrigue  which,  so  soon  as  opportunity  permitted,  was  to 
expose  him  to  the  united  attack  of  the  Bretons,  the  English  and  the 
Burgundians;  nevertheless,  dissembling  all  knowledge  of  this  secret 
enmity,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  Bouvines-sur-Meuse,  to  arrange  the 
destruction  of  the  Constable.  It  was  agreed  that  whichever  party  could 
first  arrest  the  prisoner,  should  either  put  him  to  death,  or  deliver  him 
to  the  other  within  eight  days ;  that  all  his  possessions  both  in  France 
and  in  Flanders  should  be  confiscated,  and  that  St.  Quentin,his  treasure, 
and  his  rich  moveables  should  be  apportioned  to  Charles.  Copies  of  this 
Treaty  had  been  already  signed  and  exchanged  when  the  French  Envoys 
were  ordered  to  suspend  their  proceedings.  St.  Pol  had  received  warning 
that  he  was  the  subject  under  deliberation,  and  with  the  craft  of  a  veteran 
in  knavery,  he  so  far  worked  upon  the  fears  of  Louis,  as  to  persuade  him 
that  he  had  important  secrets  in  his  possession,  which  he  was  willing  to 
communicate.  A  causeway  by  a  rivulet  on  the  road  from  Noyon  to  La 
Fere  was  named  as  a  fitting  spot  for  a  meeting  ;  in  which  Louis,  always 
too  regardless  of  the  salutary  distinctions  of  rank,  condescended  to  give 
audience  to  a  rebellious  subject  on  terms  and  with  ceremonies  similar  to 
those  which  soon  afterwards  regulated  his  interview  with  an  independent 
Monarch.  The  Constable  demanded  the  erection  of  a  barrier,  behind 
which  he  appeared,  wearing  a  coat  of  mail  under  his  mantle.  The  bar- 
rier, however,  was  soon  removed,  and  St.  Pol  trusted  himself  during  the 
night  in  the  King's  quarters;  a  daring  which  excites  the  wonderment  of 
Commines ;  a  writer  well  acquainted  with  the  intriguing  spirit  of  the 
one,  and  with  the  habitual  contempt  in  which  good  faith  was  held  by 
the  other.  He  thinks  that  God  visited  the  Constable  with  judicial 
blindness,  for  on  that  day  verily  he  encountered  great  jeopardy.  On  the 
morrow,  however,  he  departed  uninjured,  leaving  the  King,  perhaps 
with  a  conviction  that  the  toils  might  at  any  moment  be  closed  upon 
him,  that  he  was  destitute  of  all  power  to  work  evil,  and  that  his 
boasted  secret  had  already  been  developed. 

The  siege  of  Neuss,  a  town  which  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  had  vaunted 
he  should  master  in  a  fortnight,  detained  him  many  months ;  and  the 
bravery  of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  the  rival  Candidate  who  opposed 
Robert  of  Bavaria  for  the  Archbishopric,  and  who  commanded  the  garri- 
son, frustrated  the  best-appointed  army  which  Charles  had  ever  equipped. 
During  the  whole  winter,  he  obstinately  defied  suffering,  and  persisted 
in  attempts  which  the  soundest  military  judgment  pronounced  to  be 
hopeless.     At  length,  after  eleven  months  delay  and  the  loss  of  six* 


A.  D.  1475.]  EDWARD  IV.  INVADES  FRANCE.  405 

teen  thousand  men,  he  withdrew  with  the  additional  mortification  of 
discovering  that  lie  had  lost  a  golden  opportunity  of  combined  action 
with  the  English. 

There  were  many  reasons  which  induced  Edward  IV.  of  England  to 
listen  to  propositions  of  a  League  against  France.  The  claim 
which  his  predecessors  had  urged  upon  the  Crown  of  that  a.d.  1475. 
Kingdom  was  now  indeed  almost  obsolete,  but  it  was  always 
popular;  foreign  warfare  afforded  employment  for  the  restless  spirits 
which  had  been  nurtured  in  Civil  conflicts  and  which  might  dispute  a 
title  established  chiefly  by  the  sword ;  and  above  all,  Parliamentary  aids 
were  never  granted  so  liberally  as  for  the  service  of  the  field.  Fifteen 
hundred  men-at-arms  with  barded  and  richly  caparisoned  chargers,  and 
many  led  horses  belonging  to  each  Knight,  fifteen  thousand  mounted 
Archers,  and  a  proportionate  host  of  infantry,  were  assembled  on  the 
Kentish  coast,  when  Edward  despatched  Garter  King  at  Arms  bearing  a 
Letter  of  defiance,  couched  in  a  language  and  style  so  elegant  that  Corn- 
mines  expresses  full  conviction  that  it  did  not  proceed  from  any  English 
pen  *.  Louis  read  the  demand,  which  was  no  other  than  for  the  renun- 
ciation of  his  Kingdom,  with  self-restraint  and  dignity.  He  explained  to 
the  Herald  that  his  Master  had  been  deceived  by  the  invitation  of  allies 
who  were  looking  solely  to  their  own  interests ;  and  by  ample  largesses 
and  honourable  entertainment  he  conciliated  the  messenger's  good-will 
which  he  appears  to  have  considered  important. 

Three  weeks  were  consumed  in  the  passage  of  the  invaders  from 
Dover  to  Calais ;  and  the  presence  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
was  greatly  needed  on  their  first  arrival.  "  The  English,"  May  — . 
says  Commincs,  "  make  admirable  soldiers,  shrewd  and 
hardy,  after  they  have  been  a  short  time  in  the  field,  but  nothing  can  be 
more  devoid  of  skill  or  more  unhandy  than  they  are  in  the  beginning  f." 
They  were  ignorant  of  the  language  and  of  the  roads  of  the  Country 
which  they  had  attacked,  and  they  needed  guidance  in  the  Continental 
modes  of  warfare  ;  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  instead  of  co-operating  with 
a  numerous  army,  as  he  had  promised,  arrived  almost  unattended ;  and 
when  the  King  of  England  had  been  persuaded  to  march  to  St.  Quentin 
at  the  invitation  of  the  Constable,  that  wavering  and  undecided  traitor 
turned  his  cannon  upon  him  as  an  enemy  and  denied  admittance  within 
his  walls. 

A  singular  incident,  which,  although  unexplained  in  some  points,  is  on 
the  whole  very  characteristic  of  Louis,  opened  a  negotiation.  The  first 
prisoner  taken  by  the  English  was  a  Valet  of  the  Royal  household, 
whom  Edward  dismissed  with  a  present  and  with  a  commendation  to  his 
Master.  The  French  Court  was  fixed  at  Compiegne,  and  Louis  when 
seated  at  table  appeared  to  reflect  upon  the  message  which  had  been 

*  c  70.  t  c.  69. 


406  THE  FALSE  HERALD.  [CH.  XVI. 

delivered  to  him,  with  more  seriousness  than  his  attendants  imagined 
that  it  deserved.  But  his  sagacity  had  received  a  hint  which  had  been 
thrown  away  on  the  less  subtle  apprehension  of  others.  So  ill  was  the 
Court  appointed,  and  so  sparing  was  Louis  in  all  matters  connected 
with  ceremony,  that  he  was  unprovided  with  a  Herald*,  a  personage 
whom  the  manners  of  the  times  invested  with  a  sacred  and  inviolable 
character,  and  through  whose  ministry  all  communication  between 
sovereign  Princes  was  conducted.  In  this  emergency  he  recollected  one 
Merindon,  a  servant  of  some  Courtier,  to  whom  he  had  once  happened  to 
speak,  and  whose  answers  were  delivered  with  good  sense  and  address. 
Commines,  who  knew  the  man  and  had  formed  a  lower  estimate  of  his 
abilities,  was  secretly  instructed  to  propose  the  mission  ;  and  by  dint  of 
a  good  meal,  the  proffer  of  gold,  and  the  hope  of  promotion,  he  overcame 
his  fears,  and  obtained  his  consent.  "  The  poor  fellow,"  says  the  Histo- 
rian, "  when  he  first  heard  me  speak  was  sadly  frightened,  and  dropped 
upon  his  knees  like  one  who  believed  himself  to  be  a  dead  man.  I 
named  others  to  the  King  whom  I  thought  more  fit  for  the  business, 
but  he  had  fixed  upon  his  man,  and  when  he  spoke  to  him  he  gave  him 
more  assurance  by  one  word  than  I  had  done  by  a  hundred."  A  Tabard 
was  supplied  by  a  Trumpeter's  banner ;  a  Pursuivant,  an  inferior 
officer  at  Arms  whom  even  Nobles  were  allowed  to  entertain,  afforded 
other  insignia  ;  and  the  pseudo-herald,  duly  accoutred  and  caparisoned, 
rode  to  deliver  his  message  in  the  English  Camp.  He  acquitted  himself 
with  becoming  solemnity,  and  returned  undetected  after  opening  the  way 
to  future  and  more  important  negotiation. 

Edward,  indeed,  by  this  time  had  sufficient  reason  to  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  engagement  into  which  he  had  too  rashly  plunged ;  his  allies 
had  failed  on  every  point,  and  the  whole  burden  of  War  rested  on  his 
own  shoulders.  His  first  demand  from  the  Ambassador  of  Louis  was 
the  absolute  surrender  of  the  whole  Kingdom  of  France,  his  second  that 
of  Normandy  and  of  Guyenne.  These  were  formal  preliminaries  considered 
necessary  to  his  dignity,  and  were  treated  as  such  by  the  unfastidious 
Louis,  till  the  negotiation  subsided  into  a  mercantile  bargain.  Little  to 
the  honour  of  either  of  the  contracting  parties,  Louis  consented  to  pay, 
Edward  to  receive  seventy-two  thousand  crowns  of  gold  as  an  immediate 
indemnification.  Guyenne  was  to  be  reserved  as  an  apanage  for  the 
Dauphin  who  was  betrothed  to  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  King  of 

*  This  appears  the  most  obvious  reason  for  the  employment  of  so  unworthy  a 
messenger  ;  and  indeed  is  favoured  by  the  words  of  Commines — car  k  dist  Seigneur 
rCetoit  point  convoiteux,  ni  accompagne  de  heraut  ni  de  trompette  cumme  sont  p/usieurs 
Princes,  c.  73.  The  breach  of  chivalric  usage  could  not  in  any  way  be  designed  as 
an  insult,  for  Louis  evinced  the  greatest  possible  wish  to  cajole  the  English.  If.  de 
Sismondi  attributes  it  to  a  subtle  unwillingness  that  the  commencement  of  a 
negotiation  should  be  known  by  his  own  army,  xiv.44b\  Sojne  stratagem  no  doubt 
was  intended  in  this  very  remarkable  transaction. 


A.  D.  1475.]  PEACE  WITH  KNGLAND.  407 

England*,  and  until  the  age  of  the  two  children  permitted  the  consum- 
mation of  this  marriage,  fifty  thousand  crowns  were  to  be  lodged 
annually  in  the  Tower  of  London.  The  Truce,  which  was  to  continue 
for  nine  years,  included  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy  and  of  Bretany,  if  they 
should  choose  to  avail  themselves  of  its  provisions,  and  the  two  Kings 
were  to  exchange  its  ratifications  in  person. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  on  hearing  the  first  rumour  of  this  Treaty, 
evinced  marked  indignation.  He  rode  hastily  to  the  English  camp 
with  a  small  retinue,  and  roughly  demanded  from  Edward  whether  he 
had  made  Peace.  When  the  King  explained  the  conditions  of  the 
negotiation,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  he  would  share  in  it,  the  Duke 
returned  an  angry  answer  in  English,  a  language  which  he  well  under- 
stood. He  dwelled  upon  the  many  illustrious  deeds  achieved  in  France 
by  former  Kings  of  England,  and  upon  the  dishonour  which  must  accrue 
to  Edward  by  this  abandonment  of  the  glorious  course  pursued  by  his 
ancestors.  He  protested  that  he  had  not  invited  an  army  to  cross  the 
Sea  from  any  need  of  personal  aid  to  himself;  but  on  the  other  hand 
simply  to  re-instate  an  ancient  ally  in  rights  unjustly  denied;  and 
in  order  that  he  might  prove  his  own  entire  independence  he  declared 
that  he  would  not  treat  with  Louis  for  any  suspension  of  arms  till  three 
months  had  elapsed  from  the  departure  of  the  English.  This  idle 
boasting  was  ill  received,  and  the  Princes  took  leave  of  each  other  with 
mutual  discontent f. 

Louis  meantime  was  highly  delighted  with  his  negotiation;  he 
talked  much  of  the  hazard  of  the  advancing  season,  of  the  disturbed 
state  of  the  neighbouring  Provinces  in  which  he  did  not  possess  any 
strong  hold  for  retreat,  of  the  unextinguishable  hatred  of  Burgundy, 
and  of  the  manifest  treachery  of  the  Constable.  There  was  nothing  in 
the  world,  he  said,  to  which  he  would  not  consent  in  order  to  procure 
the  absence  of  the  English  unless  it  were  territorial  cession ;  but  to 
that  he  would  prefer  any  danger.  With  his  usual  insight  into  character, 
he  added  that  Edward  loved  ease  and  pleasure,  and  that  the  promised 
money  must  be  gathered  and  paid.  He  then  pointed  out  some  channels 
through  which  it  might  be  obtained,  and,  among  them,  intimated  that  of 
voluntary  contribution. 

Besides  the  large  sums  openly  named  in  the  Treaty,  a  great  expen- 
diture was  required  for  secret  service,  for  plate,  jewels,  and  pensions  in 
hard  money  to  the  amount  of  sixteen  thousand  crowns  distributed 
among  the  English  Courtiers.  Receipts  in  form  were  demanded  as 
vouchers  for  this  bribery,  and  in  one  instance  only  was  hesitation 
expressed.  Yet  even  Lord  Hastings  the  Chamberlain,  who  refused  to 
blazon  his  venality  on  the  Registers  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  accom- 

*  Elizabeth,  afterwards  Queen  of  England,  who  by  marrying  Henry  VII.  united 
the  Houses  of  York  and  Lancaster.  f  Commines,  c.  75. 


408     »   THE  ENGLISH  ARMY  ENTERTAINED  AT  AMIENS.    [CH.  XVI. 

modated  his  conscience,  like  the  sleeve  of  a  Monk's  hahit,  to  the 
receipt  as  tribute  of  that  which  more  properly  might  be  named  alms  *; 
and  drew  at  the  same  moment  from  the  Treasuries  both  of  France  and 
of  Bretany.  •  Louis  was  displeased  with  the  agent  who  failed  in  obtain- 
ing the  acquittance  ;  but  his  admiration  of  cunning,  even  when  directed 
successfully  against  himself,  was  excited  by  the  adroitness  of  Lord 
Hastings  ;  "  he  commended  and  esteemed  him  more  than  all  the  King 
of  England's  other  servants,  and  his  pension  was  ever  afterwards  paid 
without  acquittance  t«" 

Nor  were  they  the  Nobles  only  whom  Louis  sought  to  conciliate. 
Fully  understanding  the  national  habits  of  those  with  whom  he  treated, 
he  sent  three  hundred  wagons  stocked  with  the  choicest  wines  for 
Edward's  private  cellar;  and  when  the  army  took  up  its  quarters  near 
Amiens,  he  kept  open  house  (for  we  do  not  recollect  any  expression 
which  so  completely  represents  his  conduct)  for  the  hungry  soldiery. 
Huge  tables  were  spread  near  the  City  gate,  covered  with  an  endless 
succession  of  viands,  chiefly  stimulant  to  drink,  and  profusely  supplied 
with  every  beverage  excepting  water  J.  Numerous  servants  were  in 
attendance,  and  at  each  board  presided  half  a  dozen  persons  of  good 
family,  "  sleek  and  likely  to  look  at§,"  who  might  increase  the  comfort 
and  promote  the  merriment  of  the  guests.  Every  Englishman  who 
entered  the  town  was  jocosely  asked  l(  to  break  a  lance/'  and  this 
gratuitous  revelry  lasted  through  four  days.  "  The  sober  habits  of  the 
French  were  somewhat  scandalized  by  the  Barbarian  excess  which 
seems  even  at  this  time  to  have  characterized  our  Forefathers." 

Louis,  as  we  have  more  than  once  before  observed,  was  enslaved  by 
superstition,  he  was  a  great  believer  in  day-fatality,  the  Martyrdom  of 
the  Holy  Innocents  was  one  of  the  celebrations  upon  which  he  con- 
sidered the  transaction  of  public  business  to  be  especially  ill-omened, 
and  he  not  only  thus  respected  the  28th  of  December,  on  which  the 
anniversary  is  kept,  but  paid  equal  reverence  to  the  2Sth  of  every  month 
in  the  year  ||.  On  one  of  those  mornings,  however,  while  the  King  was 
at  his  devotions,  Commines  received  advice  that  full  9000  English  were 
already  assembled  in  Amiens,  that  the  numbers  were  rapidly  increasing, 
and  that  from  fear  of  tumult  the  Warder  durst  not  bar  the  Gates.  The 
peril  appeared  so  imminent,  that  the  trusty  Chamberlain  did  not  hesitate 
to  interrupt  his  Master's  prayers.    He  was  agreeably  relieved  by  finding 

*  Commines,  c.  80.  f  Id.,  c.  1 13. 

J  Tfeau  n'cstoit  nouvelles.     Id.,  c.  75. 

§  Fort  gros  et  c/ras  pour  mieux  plaire  a  ceux  qui  avoyent  envie  de  Loire.  Commines 
(ut  sup.}  has  given  the  names  of  some  of  these  jovial  Croupiers. 

||  In  some  parts  of  the  North  of  England  there  still  remains  a  superstition  that 
not  only  Christmas  Day  {La  Fete  des  lnnocens)  hut  that  throughout  the  year  the  day 
of  the  week  upon  which  it  chances  to  fall  (Le  Jour  des  lnnocens)  is  a  holy  day.  Louis 
seems  to  have  restricted  this  notice  to  one  day  in  each  month  instead  of  in  each 
week.  If  this  alarm  occurred  in  August,  it  was  the  very  day  before  the  Interview 
at  Pecmigny, 


A.  D.   1475.]      INTERVIEW  WITH  EDWARD  IV.  AT  TEQUIfiNY.  409 

that  the  alarm  of  Louis  had  conquered  his  respect  for  the  sanctity  of  the 
day,  and  that  instead  of  receiving  a  grim  rebuke  he  was  immediately 
despatched  to  reconnoitre  the  state  of  the  town.  Having  first  addressed 
himself  to  such  English  Officers  as  he  happened  to  know,  and  having 
found  that,  notwithstanding  their  promises  of  assistance,  insubordination 
so  far  prevailed  that  when  one  soldier  was  sent  hack  to  his  quarters 
twenty  persevered  in  going  on  to  Amiens,  he  entered  one  of  the  Houses 
of  Call.  Although  it  was  scarcely  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  one 
hundred  and  eleven  scores  had  already  been  run  up ;  of  the  visiters 
some  were  singing,  others  were  sleeping,  and  all  were  drunk.  When 
Commines  had  ascertained  this  last  particular,  he  felt  persuaded  that  all 
danger  beyond  that  of  a  mere  fray  was  at  an  end,  and  he  warned  the 
King  of  his  conviction.  Louis  promptly  introduced  three  hundred  men- 
at-arms  into  the  City,  and  having  ordered  his  dinner  at  the  Warder's 
residence,  invited  several  English  of  distinction  to  his  table.  When 
Edward  IV.  expressed  some  shame  at  the  transaction,  and  signified  a 
wish  that  Amiens  should  be  closed  for  the  future,  Louis  replied,  with  a 
courtesy  which  no  one  was  better  able  to  assume,  that  he  would  never 
sanction  so  harsh  a  measure,  but  that  if  his  Brother  of  England  should 
please  to  despatch  a  few  sentinels  from  his  own  Royal  Guard,  they  might 
secure  order  by  excluding  any  companions  likely  to  be  troublesome. 

The  continued  neighbourhood  of  friends  thus  disorderly,  was  little  to 
be  coveted;  and  Louis,  notwithstanding  his  apparent  graciousness, 
earnestly  wished  for  the  approaching  interview  which  was  to  be  the 
immediate  prelude  to  the  return  of  the  English.  At  the  town  of 
Pequigny,  about  three  leagues  from  Amiens,  which  was  prepared  for  the 
ceremony,  the  Sommc  flows  in  a  channel  not  broad,  but  too  deep  to  be 
fordablc.  The  river  is  approached  on  one  bank  (that  which  was 
reserved  for  Louis)  by  a  large  and  open  plain  ;  on  the  other  for  about 
two  bowshots  runs  a  causeway  edged  on  either  side  by  a  marsh,  which, 
if  treachery  were  designed,  might  be  of  very  dangerous  passage.  "  But 
the  English,"  as  Commines  remarks,  (and  long  may  they  deserve  the 
character!)  "  without  doubt  are  less  knowing  in  these  matters  than  the 
French ;  and  whatever  may  be  said  to  the  contrary,  they  go  point 
blank  to  the  matter  in  hand  ;  only  you  must  have  patience  with  them, 
and  by  no  means  begin  with  any  show  of  passion."  A  bridge  was 
thrown  over  at  the  spot,  and  its  centre  was  divided  by  a  strong  wooden 
trellis  work,  "  such  as  are  seen  in  Lions'  cages;"  the  apertures  between 
the  bars  being  not  larger  than  was  requisite  for  the  easy  passage  of  a 
man's  arm.  The  top  was  covered  with  an  awning  to  protect  it  from  the 
chances  of  sun  or  rain,  and  the  space  below  admitted  about  ten  or 
twelve  persons  in  each  moiety.  Louis  appears  to  have  superintended 
the  arrangement  with  considerable  precaution,  and  by  a  narrative  of  the 
treachery  at  Montercau  (which  there  can  be  little  doubt  is  the  most 
accurate  history  of  that  lamentable  event  transmitted  to  us),  to  have  pre- 


410  INTERVIEW  WITH  EDWARD  IV.  [CH.  XVI. 

vented  the  insertion  of  a  central  wicket.  Had  it  not  been  for  such  a  wicket 
"  that  great  inconvenience"  he  said,  "  would  never  have  occurred*." 
On  the  29th  of  August,  Louis  at  the  head  of  about  800  men-at-arms 

arrived  first  at  the  barrier.     The  whole  English  army  was 
Aug.  29.     embattled  on  its  own  bank,  and  made  a  proud  and  goodly 

show  as  far  as  eye  could  reach.  Edward,  looking  "  every 
inch  a  King,"  rode  slowly  along  the  causeway;  his  robe  was  of  cloth  of 
gold,  his  bonnet  of  black  velvet  looped  with  a  Fleur  de  lys  of  precious 
jewelry.  Although  he  was  beginning  to  exhibit  corpulence,  his  figure 
was  still  commanding  and  noble ;  for  Commines  assures  us,  that  but  a 
few  years  before  he  never  had  seen  so  handsome  a  man.  On  approaching 
the  trellis  work  he  took  off  his  cap,  and  inclined  his  knee  till  it  nearly 
touched  the  ground,  and  when  this  salutation  had  been  returned  and  re- 
peated, the  two  Kings  shook  hands  through  the  openings  of  the  bars. 
"  My  Cousin,''  began  Louis,  "  you  are  right  welcome  ;  there  is  not  any 
other  man  in  existence  whom  I  so  greatly  desired  to  see,  and  God  be 
praised  that  we  have  at  last  met  for  so  agreeable  a  purpose ! "  After  Ed- 
ward had  acknowledged  the  compliment,  which  he  did  in  very  good 
French,  the  Chancellor  of  England,  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  noticed  an  old 
prophecy,  ("a  sort  of  ware,"  says  Commines,"  with  which  his  Countrymen 
are  never  unprovided,")  that  Pequigny  should  witness  a  great  Peace  between 
the  two  Nations.  The  Treaty  was  then  sworn  to  by  each  King  placing 
one  of  his  hands  on  a  Missal,  the  other  on  a  relic  of  the  True  Cross. 
When  this  solemnity  was  ended,  Louis  gliding  into  his  customary  easy 
tone,  and  praising  the  beauty  of  the  Dames  of  Paris,  said  that  if  his  Bro- 
ther would  visit  him  there,  he  would  name  the  Cardinal  of  Bourbon  as 
his  Confessor,  who  was  not  likely  to  be  chary  of  absolution  f.  The  King 
of  England  smiled,  for  he  knew  the  reputation  of  the  Churchman.  Louis 
then  ordered  his  suite  to  fall  behind,  and  having  exchanged  a  few  private 
words  with  Edward,  asked  him  if  he  knew  Commines,  whom  he  at  the 
same  time  introduced.  Edward  readily  called  to  mind  the  occasions  and 
places  at  which  he  had  seen  the  Lord  of  Argenton  at  the  Court  of  Bur- 
gundy ;  and  Louis,  who,  as  if  it  were  by  accident,  had  thus  obtained  men- 
tion of  the  name  which  he  most  wished  should  form  the  subject  of  conver- 
sation, carelessly  asked  what  he  should  do  if  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  con- 
tinued proudly  to  refuse  accession  to  the  Treaty  ?  He  was  answered  as 
he  wished,  that  the  business  must  be  settled  between  themselves;  but  the 
reply  was  widely  different,  when  encouraged  by  his  first  success,  he  touched 
upon  the  Duke  of  Bretany  also.    The  King  of  England  earnestly  begged 

*  Commines,  c.  7*>» 

f  Charles,  younger  brother  of  John  Duke  of  Bourbon :  at  nine  years  of  age  he  was 
consecrated  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  to  which  great  preferment  he  afterwards  annexed 
the  Archbishopric  of  Bordeaux,  the  Bishopric  of  Poitiers,  and  several  rich  Abbeys. 
He  possessed  the  reputation  of  being  un  bo?i  compagnon,  and  the  device  which  he 
adopted  sufficiently  displayed  his  anti-ecclesiastical  disposition.  It  was  a  hand  bearing 
a  flaming  sword,  with  the  motto  n'espoir  ni  peur.     Gamier,  ix.  345. 


A.  D.   1475.]  AT  PEQUIGNY.  411 

that  the  Duke  of  Brctany  might  he  respected,  for  that  during  his  neces- 
sities he  had  never  found  so  good  a  friend;  and  when  again  sounded  on 
this  point  after  the  interview,  he  declared  that  he  would  at  any  time  re- 
cross  the  Channel  to  assist  Francis  if  he  were  attacked.  Louis  discreetly 
abstained  from  any  further  inquiry ;  he  had  gained  the  clue  for  which 
he  sought,  and  although  he  would  gladly  have  obtained  connivance  to 
aggression  upon  Bretany,  he  perceived  that  it  was  hopeless  to  urge  the 
proposition.  A  few  gracious  words  of  recognition  addressed  personally 
to  each  of  the  English  suite,  terminated  the  Conference,  after  which  the 
Kings  mounted  their  horses,  and  withdrew  to  their  respective  quarters. 

"  My  Brother,"  observed  Louis  to  Commines  as  they  rode  homeward, 
"  accepted  my  invitation  to  Paris  somewhat  too  frankly.  He  is  a  very 
handsome  Prince,  and  very  fond  of  women,  and  our  fair  Ladies  may  make 
him  so  many  pretty  speeches,  that  if  he  once  gets  there,  he  may  not  feel 
an  inclination  to  return.  Heaven  knows  that  his  predecessors  have  been 
too  much  both  in  Paris  and  in  Normandy.  He  is  an  excellent  friend  so 
long  as  he  keeps  on  his  own  side  of  the  water ;  but  on  our  side  I  do  not 
by  any  means  wish  for  his  company."  The  subtle  King  was  right  in  his 
conjecture,  for  some  English  officers  whom  he  entertained  at  supper  gave 
him  to  understand  that  it  would  not  be  at  all  difficult  to  prevail  upon 
Edward  to  visit  Paris,  where  they  might  hold  many  a  joyous  carouse  to- 
gether. Louis  said  but  little  in  reply,  whispered  to  Commines  that  he 
had  not  been  deceived  in  his  suspicion,  dipped  his  fingers  in  the  water- 
basin  set  before  him,  in  order  to  break  up  the  table,  and  took  occasion 
when  the  repast  was  over,  and  the  subject  was  renewed,  to  intimate  dex- 
terously that  it  was  requisite  for  him  to  proceed  without  a  moment's  delay 
against  the  Duke  of  Burgundy. 

This  Peace,  one  of  the  most  venal  recorded  in  History,  was  confidently 
attributed  by  the  English  to  the  intervention  of  the  Holy  Ghost ;  who 
they  declared  had  visibly  sate  on  their  King's  Tent  on  the  day  of  Confer- 
ence, in  the  shape  of  a  White  Dove,  which  no  cries  of  the  soldiery  could 
scare  from  its  perch.  "  I  am  inclined  to  believe,"  adds  Commines  with 
unflinching  gravity, " that  it  was  not  more  than  a  stray  pigeon,  which 
having  been  wetted  in  a  shower,  chose  the  loftiest  point  which  it  could 
find  in  the  neighbourhood,  in  order  to  sun  itself  and  to  plume  its  wings." 
Louis,  however,  took  pains  to  encourage  the  vulgar  rumour;  and  he  was 
especially  cautious  lest  any  chance  words  should  escape  his  lips  implying 
that  the  English  had  been  over-reached.  Having  heard  of  a  Gascon  in 
Edward's  train  who  had  expressed  much  dissatisfaction,  after  abusing  him 
as  a  scoundrel  and  a  rogue  whose  mouth  must  be  stopped,  he  invited  the 
offender  to  his  table,  offered  promotion  in  his  own  service  for  himself  and 
his  brothers,  and  presented  him  with  1000  crowns;  while  Commines 
was  instructed  to  whisper  in  his  ear,  that  it  was  hoped  he  would  do  his 
utmost  to  advance  the  incipient  friendship  between  the  two  Princes.  On 
another  occasion,  when  he  supposed  himself  to  be  in  entire  privacy,  he 


412  UNWORTHY  STRATAGEM  AGAINST  ST.  POL.       f       [CH.  XVI. 

hazarded  some  jest  concerning  the  wines  and  presents  which  he  had  dis- 
tributed, and  he  was  greatly  confounded  to  perceive  on  turning  round  that 
a  Merchant  of  Bordeaux  resident  in  England  had  entered  the  presence- 
chamber  unobserved.  The  Merchant  was  soliciting  at  Court  freedom 
from  certain  duties,  by  the  remission  of  which  he  expected  great  profit. 
Louis,  without  adverting  to  the  past,  immediately  accosted  him  with  a 
familiar  inquiry  into  his  private  circumstances,  whether  he  traded,  and 
whether  he  had  a  wife  in  England  ?  The  Merchant  replied  in  the  affirm- 
ative, adding  that  he  wras  deficient  in  capital, — and  he  was  not  a  little  sur- 
prised by  receiving  an  order  that  |his  wines  should  pass  duty-free,  an 
appointment  to  a  lucrative  post  in  his  native  City,  and  a  donation  of  1000 
francs  to  pay  the  expenses  of  his  wife's  journey  from  England.  One  sti- 
pulation, indeed,  accompanied  these  marks  of  Royal  bounty,  namely,  that 
he  himself  was  not  to  fetch  his  wife,  but  was  to  send  a  brother  as  an 
escort  *. 

Intriguing  with  every  party,  faithless  to  each  in  turn,  and  in  the  end 
justly  abandoned  by  all,  no  one  had  wratched  the  progress  of  the  Treaty 
of  Amiens  with  greater  dismay  than  the  wretched  Constable.  Louis  had 
obtained  from  the  avarice  or  the  simplicity  of  the  English  the  sur- 
render of  much  private  correspondence  which  afforded  legal  proof  of  his 
treason,  and  he  had  also  taken  care  to  stimulate  the  resentment  of  Bur- 
gundy almost  to  phrenzy,  by  a  stratagem  unworthy  of  the  lowest  turnkey 
who  ever  plotted  to  corroborate  evidence  by  admissions  entrapped  from 
the  mouth  of  an  accused  Criminal.  The  Sieur  de  Contay,  a  Burgundian 
of  note,  was  prisoner  on  parole  at  the  time  of  the  arrival  of  two  Envoys 
despatched  by  St.  Pol  on  a  private  mission  by  which  he  hoped  to  promote 
reconciliation.  The  King,  before  giving  audience,  concealed  De  Contay  and 
Commines  behind  a  large  screen,  close  to  which  he  himself  was  seated. 
Louis  de  Creville  was  the  spokesman,  and  he  gave  aludicrous  account  of  the 
Duke's  extreme  anger  at  the  breaking  up  of  the  coalition  by  the  English. 
Finding  encouragement  to  proceed  in  a  similar  strain,  he  suited  gestures  to 
his  words,  and  mimicking  some  well-known  peculiarities  of  the  Duke's 
manner,  he  stamped  with  his  foot,  swore  by  St.  George,  and  denounced 
Edward  as  a  mere  purblind  driveller,  the  bastard  of  a  common  Archer  f. 
Louis  laughed  most  vociferously,  and  under  the  pretext  of  a  slight  deaf- 
ness easily  induced  De  Creville  to  repeat  the  mischievous  buffoonery 
somewhat  louder  and  with  additional  grimace.  It  scarcely  need  be  added 
that  the  particulars  of  this  interview  were  immediately  transmitted  to  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  by  his  retainers,  and  that  the  purpose  designed  was 
fully  effected.    In  spite  of  the  bravado  with  which  that  Prince  had  parted 

*  Commines,  c.  77- 
f  This  scandal  was  afterwards  employed  in  a  Sermon  preached  hy  Dr.  Shaw  at 
Paul's  Cross  in  1485,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  accession  of  Richard  III.,  by  discrediting 
the  legitimacy  of  Edward  IV.,  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  and  therefore  of  all  their  de- 
scendants. Cicely  Neville  Duchess  of  York,  a  woman  of  irreproachable  virtue,  was 
daughter  of  Ralph  Neville  Earl  of  Westmoreland. 


A.  D.  1475.]   THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  ABANDONS  ST.  VoL.  413 

from  Edward  IV.,  not  a   fortnight   clasped  after  the  ratification  of  the 
Treaty  of  Pequigny,  before  a'  similar  amicable  compact  was 
signed  between  Fiance  and  Burgundy  at  Solenre.   The  Trnce     Sept.  13. 
was  limited  to  a  term  of  nine  years,  many  Commercial  pri- 
vileges were  interchanged,  and  above  all,  the  former  agreement  relative  to 
the  Constable  was  solemnly  renewed.    The  Duke  of  Bretany 
negotiated  at  Senlis  about  a  month  later,  and  St.  Pol  was  thus      Oct.  9. 
left  alone  to  reap  the  whirlwind  which  he  had  dared  to  sow. 
It  was  too  late  to  rly  ;  and  where  indeed  could  he  hope  for  an  asylum  ? 
St.  Quentin  was  already  abandoned   to  the  King  by  its  garrison,  and 
Ham,  the  only  Castle  which  remained  in  his  possession,  by  no  means 
afforded  adequate  means  for  resistance.     As  his  last  resource,  he  hoped 
to  win  upon  the  compassion  of  Charles ;  and  it  seemed  not  impossible  that 
tender  feelings  might  be  awakened  by  a  recollection  of  past  years,  and 
that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  might  not  pursue  quite  unrelentingly  the 
guide  and  protector  of  the  youth  of  the  Count  of  Charolais.    Trusting  to 
this  delusion,  St.  Pol  repaired  with  a  few  attendants  to  Mons,  and  there 
surrendering  himself  to  the  Bailiff  of  Hainault,  applied  to  the  Duke  for  a 
safe-conduct  to  his  presence.    But  the  fiery  and  ungovernable 
temper  which  hurried  Charles  to  so  many  acts  of  precipitate     Nov.  4. 
violence,  was  unmitigated  by  any  touch  of  that  generosity 
which  occasionally  extorts  our  admiration  even  for  a  capricious  Savage. 
He  read  the  letters  reminding  him  of  the  suppliant's  kinsmanship,  of  his 
long  services,  and  of  his  ancient  lineage,  with  brutal  contempt,  and  ver- 
bally answering  "  that  he  had  lost  both  his  labour  and  his  paper,"  he 
ordered  him  into  strict  custody.     Nor  was  he  more  inclined  to  abide  by 
his  engagement  with  Louis  than  to  extend  mercy  to  St.  Pol ;    and  know- 
ing that  however  warily  the  King  might  preconcert  his  plans,  he  always 
pursued  their  immediate  execution  with  headlong  avidity,   he  felt  that 
present  circumstances  had  put  it  within  his  power  to  bargain  for  still 
better  terms  than  those  to  which  he  had  already  agreed,  and  he  demanded 
as  an  additional  price  for  the  sale  of  his  prisoner,  the  abandonment  of  the 
Duke  of  Lorraine,  whose  territories  he  had  long  coveted.     The  iniquity 
of  this  transaction  is  heightened,  if  *ve  believe  with  Commines  that  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy  had  really  granted  the  safe-conduct  which  St.  Pol 
required  *. 

Commines  appears  to  attribute  an  almost  judicial  blindness  to  the 
falling  Traitor.  On  one  occasion  he  manifested  great  delight  at  an  ex- 
pression which  Louis  had  used  in  a  letter;  an  expression  which,  even  if 
the  King  himself  had  not  explained  its  true  meaning,  might  be  thought 

*  Commines  states  this  explicitly,  more  than  once.  The  Constable,  he  says,  ap- 
plied for  une  surett — Le  dit  Due  de  prime  face  faiynet  a  la  bailler  ;  mais  «  la  parfin  la 
bailla,  c.  80.,  and  in  another  place  he  condemns  la  fautede  fuy  et  a"  honneur  que  le  Due 
commit  en  baillant  boa  et  loyal  snuf  conduit  audit  Connestableet  plus  le  prendre  et  vendre 
par  avance.  c.  91.  M.de  Sismondi  inadvertently  refers  to  Commines  as  proving  that 
a  safe  conduct  was  not  granted,  xiv.  45o. 


414  PROCESS  AGAINST  ST.  POL.  [CH.  XVI. 

far  too  oracular  to  be  satisfactory,  under  circumstances  of  so  much  doubt 
and  peril.  "  We  are  busy  with  divers  affairs  of  importance,  in  settling 
which  we  greatly  need  such  a  head  as  yours;"  and  then  turning  to  the 
byestanders,  the  King  added  in  a  tone  which  they  alone  could  hear,  as 
if  well  satisfied  with  his  ferocious  jest,  "  Not  that  we  have  any  need  of 
the  body,  the  head  by  itself  will  do  well  enough  for  our  purpose*."  We 
are  told  also  that  even  at  Mons,  the  guard  was  not  sufficiently  strong  if 
St.  Pol  had  been  disposed  to  escape. 

From  these  and  other  circumstances  attendant  upon  St.  Pol's  decline, 
Commines  asserted  his  conviction  that  God  had  utterly  forsaken  and  given 
him  over.  After  much  vacillation  on  the  part  of  Charles  f>  he  was  car- 
ried to  Paris,  and  delivered  to  the  custody  of  the  Governor  of  the  Bastille. 
Thirteen  charges  were  exhibited  against  him ;  and  it  was  substantiated 
by  indisputable  testimony,  by  letters  in  his  own  hand-wrriting  which  the 
King  of  England  had  ungenerously  betrayed,  that  he  besought  Edward 
for  the  love  of  God,  not  to  place  confidence  in  the  words  or  promises  of 
Louis ;  but  to  secure  himself  for  part  of  the  winter  at  Eu  and  St.  Valery, 
whence  before  two  months  wrere  over  he  should  be  led  to  far  better  quar- 
ters. If  want  of  money  were  inducing  the  King  to  listen  to  the  propo- 
sitions said  to  be  under  discussion,  he  offered  an  instant  loan  of  50,000 
crowns,  and  held  out  other  fair  hopes  of  assistance.  Defence  was  useless 
against  evidence  so  clear,  and  yet  the  anticipations  of  the  unhappy  pri- 
soner do  not  on  any  occasion  appear  to  have  extended  beyond  the  loss  of 
personal  liberty.  We  possess  a  detailed  account  of  the  close  of  his  Pro- 
cess, given  by  the  Continuator  of  Monstrelet,  and  it  is  an  interesting 

narrative  from  which  we  shall  not  scruple  to  draw  largely. 
Dec.  19.    On  the  morning  of  the  19th  of  December,  the  Lord  de  St. 

Pierre,  who  had  been  instructed  to  convey  him  before  the 
Parliament,  in  order  that  he  might  hear  his  sentence  read,  on  entering 
the  prisoner's  cell  inquired  whether  he  were  asleep  ?  "  Oh  no  !  "  re- 
plied the  miserable  and  misguided  victim  of  ambition,  "[it  is  long  since 
I  have  slept,  but  T  am  amusing  myself  with  thinking  and  other  fancies." 
He  then  rode  on  horseback  to  the  Palace  of  Justice,  and  having  been  im- 
mediately conducted  to  the  Criminal  Tower,  he  was  addressed  by  the 
Chancellor  in  words  pregnant  with  inauspicious  meaning.  "  My  Lord 
of  St.  Pol,  you  have  hitherto  been  reputed  a  Knight  of  the  utmost  courage 
and  fortitude,  you  will  now  have  greater  need  than  ever  to  display  those 
qualities."  Having  kissed  the  Collar  of  St.  Michael,  which  he  was  then 
required  to  surrender,  he  informed  the  Chancellor  that  the  Sword  of  Con- 
stable, for  which  he  was  next  asked,  had  been  taken  from  him  on  his 
committal  to  the  Bastille.    One  of  the  Presidents  of  the  Parliament  then 

*  Commines,  c.  78. 

f  Three  hours  after  the  departure  of  St.  Pol  from  Parisj  a  messenger  arrived  from 
Charles  commanding  his  detention  till  Nancy  should  be  absolutely  surrendered  to 
the  Burgundian  troops.    Id.,  c.  82. 


A.  D.  1475.]  HIS  EXECUTION.  415 

read  the  sentence,  which  pronounced  him  guilty  of  Treason,  sentenced 
him  to  decapitation,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  at  the  Greve,  and  confis- 
cated all  his  effects  and  lordships  to  the  service  of  the  King. 

This  award  very  greatly  astonished  him  ;  he  complained  that  it  was 
harsh,  and  contrary  to  all  which  the  Lord  of  St.  Pierre  had  before  told 
him  would  happen.  He  had  immediate  recourse  however  to  devotion, 
and  although  the  Sacrament  was  denied,  four  Priests  chaunted  Mass  be- 
fore him,  and  presented  holy  bread  and  holy  water.  Of  the  former  he 
ate  a  few  morsels,  but  he  refused  all  drink  from  the  moment  of  condem- 
nation. About  two  in  the  Afternoon,  he  was  conveyed  again  on  horseback 
to  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  Having  made  bitter  lamentations  to  his  Con- 
fessor, and  dictated  a  Will  under  the  King's  pleasure,  he  advanced  on  the 
scaffold,  and  throwing  himself  on  his  knees  with  his  face  towards  Notre 
Dame,  he  was  long  at  his  prayers,  often  kissing  a  Crucifix,  and  shedding 
frequent  tears.  His  hands  were  tied  with  a  small  cord,  a  distressing  pro- 
cess which  he  most  patiently  suffered,  and  his  eyes  were  bandaged;  while 
he  kneeled  he  requested  the  prayers  of  some  High  Officers  of  State  as- 
sembled to  see  him  die,  provided  that  in  giving  them,  they  did  nothing 
"  in  any  ways  injurious  to  their  own  interests."  To  the  populace  lie  ex- 
pressed a  similar  wish,  and  while  he  was  praying  to  God,  talking  to  his 
Confessor,  and  earnestly  kissing  a  Crucifix,  the  executioner's  sword  struck 
so  effectual  and  so  expeditious  a  blow,  that  the  body  fell  on  the  scaffold 
at  the  same  moment  with  the  head  *. 

That  St.  Pol  richly  merited  punishment,  no  one  who  has  traced  the 
narrative  of  his  actions  will  be  prepared  to  deny,  but  the  hands  by  which 
it  was  inflicted  ought  to  have  been  less  unclean  than  those  of  Louis  and 
Charles.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy,  the  King  of  France,  and  the  Constable 
were  gamesters  equally  fraudulent ;  but  their  game  was  played  with  un- 
equal capital ;  and  the  two  former  won  while  the  latter  lost,  because  his 
Bank  was  too  slender  to  retrieve  a  run  of  ill-luck,  not  because  he  was 
more  criminal  than  the  others.  Even  Commines,  always  honorably  reluc- 
tant to  disparage  either  of  the  Princes  whom  he  had  served,  speaks  of  the 
manifest  injustice  which  both  of  them  perpetrated  in  this  instance,  and  of 
the  indelible  disgrace  accruing  to  Charles,  the  richest  Prince  in  Europe, 
by  the  peddling  bargain  through  which  he  trafficked  away  the  life  of  his 
prisoner.  The  entire  confiscations  of  St.  Pol's  property  scarcely  amounted 
to  80,000  crowns ;  and  the  Duke,  who  for  that  paltry  sum  had  not  scru- 
pled to  become  a  seller  of  man's  blood,  was  at  the  time  in  possession  of 
a  capital  of  more  than  300,000  crowns,  and  levied  an  annual  revenue  ex- 
ceeding double  that  amount  from  his  dominions  exclusively  of  Burgundy  t. 

*  Monstrelet,  xi.  20. 

f  The  treasure  consisted  not  in  coin,  but  chiefly  in  "movables,  namely,  jewels,  plate, 
tapestry,  books,  and  napery,  more  than  those  of  the  greatest  Prince  in  Christen- 
dom."   Id.,  ibid. 


416  WAR  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY  TH  SW1SSERLAND.      [CH.   XVlI. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
From  a.d.  1415,  to  a.  d.  1483. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  engages  in  War  in  Swisserland — Is  defeated  at  Granson — 
Richness  of  the  booty — Louis  acquires  Anjou  and  Maine — Arrest  of  tbe  Duke  of 
Nemours — Battle  of  Morat — Wild  conduct  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy — He  seizes 
the  Duchess  of  Savoy — She  is  released  and  entertained  by  Louis — The  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy besieges  Nancy — Is  betrayed  by  Campo  Basso — Battle  of  Nancy — Defeat  and 
Death  of  Charles  le  Ttmeraire — Louis  immediately  claims  the  Fiefs  of  Burgundy 
— He  intrigues  with  the  Flemish  Nobles,  and  likewise  with  the  Burghers — Obscu- 
rity of  his  Policy — He  betrays  the  autograph  Letter  of  Mary  of  Burgundy — Fury 
of  the  Ghenters — Hugonet  and  d'Himbercourt  beheaded — Embassy  of  Oliver  le 
Dain — Cruelty  of  Louis  to  the  Deputies  from  Arras — Marriage  of  Mary  of  Bur- 
gundy with  Maximilian  of  Austria — Cruel  execution  of  the  Duke  of  Nemours — 
Pacific  Policy  of  Louis — He  engages  Swiss  mercenaries — Renewal  of  the  War  in 
the  Netherlands — Battle  of  Guinnegate — Truce  with  Flanders — Misery  of  Louis  at 
Plessee  la  Tours — His  first  apoplectic  seizure — His  great  jealousy  of  encroachment 
upon  his  power — He  releases  Ballue — His  superstition  and  desire  to  prolong  life 
— Death  of  Mary  of  Burgundy — Murder  of  the  Bishop  of  Liege  by  William  de  la 
Marck — Peace  of  Arras — Negotiation  for  the  Marriage  of  Margaret  of  Burgundy 
with  the  Dauphin — Consequent  resentment  of  Edward  IV. — His  Death — Conti- 
nued decline  of  Louis — His  anxiety  to  conceal  it — His  passion  for  Relics — The 
Hermit  Robert  of  Calabria — Last  illness  and  Death  of  Louis  XI. 

The  Treaty  of  Soleure  disengaged  Charles  of  Burgundy  from  all  fear  of 
interruption  by  France,  and  he  hastened  with  characteristic  vehemence  to 
overrun  Lorraine.  The  Duke  Rene,  unable  to  oppose  effectual  resistance, 
gave  way  before  the  torrent,  and,  for  a  while,  was  deluded  by  promises 
which  Louis  never  intended  to  fulfil.  But  the  Duke  of  Burgundy's  first 
conquest,  which  placed  Nancy  in  his  power,  did  but  whet  his  appetite  for 
greater  acquisitions,  and  he  pursued  a  headlong  course  which  led  to  his  ulti- 
mate ruin.  One  of  his  most  faithful  allies,  the  Count  de  Romont,  a  petty 
Prince  of  the  House  of  Savoy,  whose  estates  lay  chiefly  in  the  Pays  de 
Vaud,  had  been  engaged  in  perpetual  troubles  with  the  Swiss  by  whom  he 
was  environed ;  but  the  mutual  forays  of  this  Mountain  Lord  and  of  the 
neighbouring  peasantry  little  demanded  the  hazardous  contest  in  which 
the  Duke  of  Burgundy  involved  himself.  Scarcely  had  he  mastered 
Nancy,  before  he  moved  to  the  assistance  of  Romont  with  an  army  shat- 
tered by  the  campaign  of  the  past  year  before  Neuss,  harassed  by  the  la- 
bours of  a  recent  siege,  and  exposed  in  a  savage  Country  to  a  most  rigorous 
season.  His  avowed  pretext  was  the  relief  of  a  partizan,  but  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  Kingly  Crown,  which  he  had  long  proposed  as 
the  object  of  his  ambition,  still  floated  before  his  view,  and  that  he  con- 
templated a  wide  addition  to  his  dominions  by  the  conquest  of  Swisser- 
land. 

The  Castle  of  Granson,  on  an  isolated  rock  above  the  Lake  of  Neuf- 
chatel,  arrested  his  progress  for  ten  days,  and  cost  numerous  lives.     On 


A.  D.   1476.]  BATTLE  OF  GRANSON.  411 

its  surrender,  the  garrison,  about  400  men,  was  ruthlessly  committed 
to  the  executioner.  But  their  deaths  were  speedily  avenged) 
and  in  a  great  battle  which  takes  its  name  from  the  fortress  a.  d.  1470. 
sullied  with  their  blood,  the  regularly-trained  and  veteran  March  3. 
Burgundian  soldiery  were  utterly  routed  by  an  ignoble  band 
which  they  affected  to  despise.  When  the  "  Bull  of  Ury  "  on  the  one 
Hank  responded  to  the  lowings  of  the  "  Heifer  of  Unterwald*"  on  the 
other,  and  the  halberds  of  Berne,  Lucerne,  Fribourg,  and  Zurich,  main- 
tained an  unbroken  front,  the  men-at-arms,  who  had  charged  elate  with 
confidence  of  easy  success,  were  astonished  at  this  unexpected  firmness, 
and  abandoned  the  field  overcome  by  general  panic.  The  carnage,  how- 
.  w;is  by  no  means  great  t,  for  the  Swiss,  wholly  unprovided  with 
cavalry,  were  unable  to  follow  up  their  victory  by  pursuit.  Charles 
appears  to  have  marched  to  battle  with  scarcely  less  cumbrous  and 
costly  magnificence  than  that  which  attended  the  Persian  Kings.  The 
booty  which  fell  into  his  enemy's  hands  is  estimated  at  three  millions  of 
crowns.  Besides  the  usual  garniture  of  War,  silver  and  gold-plate, 
embroidered  tents,  elaborate  tapestry,  and  jewels  of  inestimable  value 
were  scattered  over  the  field,  unprized  and  almost  unheeded  by  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  conquerors.  The  largest  diamond  ever  imported  into 
Europe,  and  "  to  which  hung  a  great  orient  pearl,"  was  mistaken  for  a 
bit  of  glass,  and  tossed  away  under  a  baggage-car.  It  was  afterwards 
picked  up  again  by  the  peasant  who  had  originally  found  it,  and  who 
thought  himself  fortunate  in  his  bargain  when  he  sold  it  on  the  field  to 
the  Priest  of  Martigny  for  a  single  florin.  The  Bernese  purchased  it  in 
the  second  instance  for  three  francs,  and  some  time  afterwards  they  dis- 
posed of  it  to  Bartholomew  May,  one  of  their  wealthiest  merchants,  for 
5000  florins,  and  a  gratuity  of  400  more  to  their  Avoyer  for  his  good 
will  in  the  transaction.  The  Genoese  became  its  possessors  at  the  ad- 
vanced price  of  7000  florins,  Ludovico  Sforza  for  11,000,  and  on  the 
dispersion  of  the  Milanese  treasures,  Pope  Julius  II.  gave  20,000,  "  in 
order  that  the  most  celebrated  precious  stone  in  the  world  might  sparkle 
in  the  triple  Crown  of  the  High  Priest  of  Christendom."  "  And  for 
whose  quarrel,"  asks  Commines,  "  began  the  War  which  led  to  this 
disaster  at  Granson?  forsooth,  for  a  lode  of  sheepskins  taken  by  the 
Earle  of  Romont  from  a  Swisser  passing  through  his  countrie  }." 

*  The  National  signals  of  the  Peasantry,  deiix  terribles  cornets  des  hautes  mon- 
tagnes.  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiv.  468.  How  noble,  how  animated,  how  touching  is 
this  portion  of  the  groat  Historian's  narrative  !  Howenviable  is  any  Swiss  writer 
who  approaches,  if  it  be  but  incidentally,  to  the  triumphs  of  Granson  and  of  Morat ! 

f  Commines  says  that  only  seven  men  at-arms  were  killed,  c.  85. 

\  Commines,  c  85.  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiv.  468,  notices  among  the  spoil  the  three 
largest  diamonds  known  in  Europe,  which  are  now  respectively  in  the  cabinets  of 
the  Pope,  of  the  Emperor,  and  of  the  King  of  France.  The  first  is  that  mentioned 
in  the  text;  of  the  others  Muller  gives  the  following  account  in  the  Geshichle  prr 
Sc/iweizeriseher  Eidgenouetuckafl.  15.  v.  c.  1.  vol.  v.  p.  38.  One  was  bought  by 
Jacob  Fngger,  from  whom  Sukymah  the  Great,  Othmanl  Pasha,  and  the  Emperor 
Charles  V.  in  vain  sought  to  purchase  it.     Henry  VIII.  at  length  gave  the  desired 

2e 


418  BATTLE  OF  MORAT.  [dl.  XVII. 

Louis,  with  his  usual  fraud uleuce,  had  engaged  in  the  most  contra- 
dictory negotiations.  After  shamelessly  abandoning  the  Swiss  by  the 
Treaty  of  Soleure,  he  re-engaged  in  alliance  with  them,  promising  a 
pension  of  20,000  francs,  and  a  monthly  subsidy  for  every  soldier  raised 
in  their  Cantons ;  and  he  also  concluded  an  offensive  League  against 
Burgundy  with  the  Emperor  and  the  German  Princes.  No  active  de- 
monstrations indeed  succeeded  these  Treaties,  yet  the  chief  profit  of  the 
victory  at  Granson  accrued  to  France,  for  the  King  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity to  complete  the  subjugation  of  the  House  of  Anjou,  long  since 
deprived  of  all  other  support  than  the  frail  assistance  which  Charles  had 
afforded.  King  Rene  declared  Louis  heir  to  his  dominions.  Margaret, 
Queen  of  England,  Rene's  sister,  and  her  son  Charles  of  Maine  re- 
nounced in  his  favour  their  right  of  succession  to  Lorraine,  Anjou, 
Maine,  and  Provence ;  and  Louis  in  return  abandoned  certain  pecuniary 
claims  which,  although  indisputably  just,  and  such  as  might  have 
created  embarrassment  to  Margaret  and  her  son,  were  never  likely  to  be 
productive  to  their  creditors.  The  Duke  of  Nemours,  who  had  married 
a  niece  of  Rene*,  and  who  was  the  only  Prince  enrolled  in  the  former 
League  for  the  Public  Weal  who  had  hitherto  escaped  the  vengeance  of 
Louis,  was  arrested  about  the  same  time  and  conveyed  to  the  Bastile. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy  remained  for  some  weeks  at  Lausanne,  so 
dangerously  oppressed  by  sickness  "  for  sorrow  of  his  dishonour,  that  I 
think,"  says  Commines,  "  after  this  Battle  of  Granson  his  wits  were 
never  so  fresh  nor  so  good  as  before."  His  numerical  loss,  however,  was 
small  and  easily  repaired,  and  scarcely  two  months  elapsed  before  he 
invested  Morat,  a  town  about  five  leagues  from  Berne,  with  a  force 
variously  estimated  from  24,000  to  40,000  men.  The  Confederates 
were  joined  by  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  with  a  small  company  of  auxiliaries 
only  a  few  hours  before  they  resolved  to  give  battle.  Fortune  again 
proved  adverse  to  the  Burgundians,  and  as  the  Swiss  Army  now  mustered 
4000  cavalry,  the  slaughter  in  pursuit  was  hideous.  Charles  himself, 
with  not  more  than  a  dozen  attendants,  found  refuge  at  Morges  on  the 
Lake  of  Geneva ;  and  De  Contey,  who  announced  to  Louis  the  great 
misfortune  immediately  after  its  occurrence,  admitted  that  his  Master 

price,  and  his  daughter  Mary  transferred  it  together  with  her  hand  to  Philip  II., 
great-grandson  of  the  original  owner.  It  is  now  in  the  Imperial  Treasury  at 
Vienna,  and  probably  got  there  through  some  of  the  numerous  family  connexions 
between  tbe  two  branches  of  the  House  of  Hapsburgh.  The  third  diamond,  the 
least  valuable  of  all,  was  sold  at  Lucerne  to  Diebolden  Glasor  for  50,000  florins. 
From  him  it  passed  to  the  Kings  of  Portugal,  and  through  Nicolas  Harlai,  Lord  of 
Sancy,  to  the  Kings  of  France.  The  History  of  the  pawning  of  the  Grand  S<i?ict/, 
which  other  authorities  refer  to  a  corruption  of  Cent  Six,  is  given  by  Pierre  de 
l'Estoile  in  the  Journal  de  Henri  III.  torn.  ii.  p.  296,  where  it  is  said  that  it  was 
afterwards  bought  by  James  I.  of  England.  It  returned  to  France  on  the  over- 
throw of  the  Stuarts  ;  we  believe  that  it  glittered  in  the  hilt  of  Napoleon's  sword, 
and  that  it  still  forms  a  portion  of  the  Crown  Jewels  of  Louis  Philippe. 

*  James  of  Armagnac,  Count  de  la  Marche  and  Duke  of  Nemours,  son  of  Pardiac 
second  sun  of  the  Constable  Armagnac,  had  married  Louise  of  Anjou. 


A.  D.    1476.]  WILD  CONDUCT  OF  THE   DUKE  OF  BURGUNDY.  419 

had  lost  8000  "soldiers  taking  pay,  besides  the  stragglers;"  so  that 
Commines  holds  that  report  to  be  lt  not  incredible  "  which  swelled  the 
whole  number  of  dead  to  18,000. 

The  conduct  of  Charles  after  this  second  defeat  almost  justified  a  sus- 
picion of  frenzy ;  he  shut  himself  up  in  the  frontier  town  of  La  Riviere, 
denied  access  to  his  person,  allowed  his  beard  to  grow,  and  became  aban- 
doned to  gloomy  and  indolent  rumination  upon  the  past.  His  diet  had 
hitherto  been  most  abstemious,  so  that,  in  accordance  with  the  medical 
regimen  of  his  time,  on  account  of  "  his  choler  and  natural  heat*,"  he 
drank  no  wine,  and  breakfasted  upon  ptisan  and  conserve  of  roses. 
In  order  to  regain  some  strength,  he  now,  on  the  contrary,  drank  the 
strongest  wine  that  could  be  procured  unmixed  with  water;  and  he  was 
subjected  to  repeated  cupping,  a  discipline  which  Commines  describes 
in  language  somewhat  remote  from  that  of  modern  practice,  and  not 
evincing  much  acquaintance  with  the  object  of  the  remedy;  "  further  to 
reduce  the  blood  to  the  hart,  his  Phisitions  were  faine  to  put  burning 
flaxe  into  boxing  glasses,  and  so  to  set  them  on  his  breast  near  to  the 
hart."  In  the  blindness  of  his  fury  he  seized  the  person  of  Yolande 
Duchess  of  Savoy  and  sister  of  the  King  of  Fjance,  who  came  to  pay 
him  a  visit  of  condolence  and  to  proffer  assistance  for  the  reparation  of 
his  losses.  That  Princess,  doubtless,  partook  largely  of  the  crafty  spirit 
of  her  brother,  and  little  reliance  was  to  be  placed  upon  her  sincerity; 
but  even  if  Charles  possessed  absolute  proof  that  she  had  been  intriguing 
against  him,  the  season  was  injudiciously  chosen  for  the  conversion  of 
an  apparent  friend  into  an  open  enemy.  The  Duchess  herself  and  her 
second  son  were  arrested  and  confined  in  the  Castle  of  Rouvre  in  Bur- 
gundy, the  young  Duke  Philibert  escaped  by  the  dexterity  of  his 
Governor,  and  Louis  speedily  effected  the  deliverance  of  his  sister.  He 
received  her  at  Plessis  les  Tours,  which  had  already  become  a  favourite 
residence ;  and  as  she  alighted  at  his  Palace  gate,  he  welcomed  her, 
with  a  smile  full  of  meaning,  as  the  "  Lady  of  Burgundy."  "  Sir," 
she  replied,  well  knowing  his  humour,  and  relieved  from  apprehension 
by  his  sportiveness,  "  I  am  a  true  Frenchwoman,  and  ready  to  obey 
you  in  all  you  shall  command."  He  then  led  her  to  her  chamber,  and 
entertained  her  honourably  and  affectionately  for  eight  days.  "True  it 
is  that  he  desired  to  send  her  home  as  speedily  as  might  be,  whereof  she 
was  no  less  desirous  than  he,  for  she  was  a  very  wise  woman,  and  they 
were  well  acquainted  the  one  with  the  other's  condition.  They  were 
both  glad  of  their  departure,  and  lived  ever  after  as  brother  and  sister 
even  till  their  death  t." 

In  order  to  accelerate  the  downfall  of  Charles,  Louis  now  ventured 
more  avowedly,  although  as  it  may  be  believed  not  more  sincerely,  to 
promise  coadjutorship  to  the  Swiss.  Having  received  their  ambassadors 
at  Plessis,  where  he  assiduously  cultivated  their  golden  opinions  by 
*  Commines,  c  90.  f  Id,  ibid. 

2  e2 


420  TREACHERY  OF  CAMPO  BASSO.  [cil.  XVII. 

flattery,  in  the  administration  of  which  he  was  an  able  proficient,  he 
engaged  to  set  his  own  troops  in  motion  for  the  recovery  of  Lorraine, 
and  to  defray  five-sixths  of  the  expense  incurred  by  the  maintenance  of 
30,000  men  with  whom  the  Swiss  were  to  invade  that  Country.    Events, 
however,  advanced  too  rapidly  to  need  any  rupture  of  the  Truce  which 
he  had  contracted  at  Soleure,  and  the  final  overthrow  of  the  Burgundians 
saved  him,  perhaps  involuntarily,   from  the  guilt  of  this  faithlessness. 
So  actively  did  the  young  Duke  Rene  bestir  himself  for  the  reconquest 
of  his  lost  dominions,  that  he  re-entered  Nancy  by  the  first  week  in 
October.     Charles  was  roused  from  his  lethargy  by  this  fresb  loss ;  but, 
untutored  by  former  calamities,  instead  of  husbanding  his  diminished 
strength,  he  rashly  hastened  to  invest  the  City,  opened  his  trenches 
while  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow,  persevered  in  the  repetition  of 
unavailing  assaults,  and  exposed  his  miserable  troops,  regardless  both 
of  their  wretchedness  and  (their  murmurs,  to  privation  of  food,  the  in- 
clemency of  a  rigorous  winter,  and  the  perils  of  an  unequal  warfare. 
More  than  a  hundred  men  and  horses  were  frozen  to  death  in  a  single 
night* ;  discontent  was  busy  amid  his  ranks ;  and  his  chief  and  con- 
fidential Favourite,  Campo  Basso,  a  subtle  Italian,  had  long  meditated 
revenge  for  a  personal  affront.    Charles  one  day  in  a  paroxysm  of  anger 
had  struck  the  Condottiere,  who  vowed  that  the  offence,  although  dis- 
sembled for  years,  should  be  expiated  only  by  blood.     He  had  offered  to 
Louis  to  abandon  his  Master  on  the  field,  or  even  to  assassinate  him  if 
the  latter  were  deemed  preferable ;  but  the  King  of  France,  diffident 
either  of  the  traitor's  power  or  of  his  fidelity,  assumed  a  semblance  of 
generosity,  declined  the  proposals,   and  even  communicated  them  to 
Charles.    The  general  evil  repute  of  Louis,  however,  deprived  his  asser- 
tion of  credit,  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  treated  it  as  a  wily  stratagem, 
employed  to  shake  his  confidence  in  a  deserving  Minister.    "  If  it  were 
really  so,"  he  said,  "  the  King  would  never  have  advertised  me  thereof." 
Campo  Basso  then  addressed  himself  to  the  Duke  of  Lorraine,  by  whom 
his  offers  were  readily  entertained;  yet  so  near  detection  in  one  in- 
stance were  the  practices  between  them,  that  unless  the  Italian  had 
hastened  the  execution  of  a  prisoner  captured  while  attempting  to  enter 
Nancy  with  advices  from  the  Lorraine  camp,  Charles  would  have  ob- 
tained incontrovertible  proof  of  the  treason  which  was  preparing  his 
destruction  f. 

Nancy  was  already  reduced  to  the  last  extremity  of  famine,  but  the 
knowledge  of  relief  in  the  neighbourhood  so  far  inspirited  the  almost 

*  Muller,  torn.  v.  p.  115. 

f  Commines,  c  91.  The  prisoner  was  one  Cifron,  the  Hmtsmarchall  or  Ma'ttre 
(T  Hotel  of  Rene,  the  only  person  cognizant  of  the  negotiation  between  his  master 
and  Campo  Basso.  The  latter  persuaded  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  that  Cifron1! 
earnest  and  often-repeated  desire  to  communicate  singly  to  his  ear  intelligence  of 
moment,  was  only  a  stratagem  by  which  he  sought  to  delay  and  perhaps  to  escape 
his  punishment. 


A.D.   1477.]  DEFEAT  AND  DKATII  OF  CHARLES  AT  NANCY.  121 

desperate  garrison,  as  to  enable  it  to  repulse  one  more  assault,  and 
on  the  morrow  Charles  took  the  field  for  the  last  time,  not 
without  evil  omens  of  his  fate.  While  he  was  vaulting  on  a.  d.  1477. 
the  saddle  of  Le  moreau,  his  favourite  raven-black  charger,  Jan.  5. 
the  golden  Lion  which  ornamented  his  helmet  fell  from  the 
Crest.  "This,"  he  said,  "  is  the  hand  of  God ; "  nor  would  he  suffer 
it  to  be  replaced*.  No  sooner  was  his  line  arranged  than  Campo  Basso 
with  800  lances  abandoned  the  right  wing,  and,  throwing  off  the  Red 
Scarf  and  the  St.  Andrew's  Cross,  rode  in  friendly  guise  towards  Rene'. 
The  Duke  of  Lorraine  first  consulted  apart  with  the  Swiss,  and  having 
received  from  them  a  noble  answer,  ''that  neither  the  custom  of  their 
forefathers,  nor  regard  for  the  honour  of  their  own  arms,  would  permit 
them  to  combat  side  by  side  with  an  avowed  traitor,"  lie  assigned  a  post 
which  the  Italian  adventurer  was  far  from  loath  to  occupy;  a  ford  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Meurthe  with  the  Moselle,  which  was  sure  to  be 
sought  by  fugitives,  and  which  therefore  promised,  as  indeed  it  after- 
wards yielded,  abundance  of  spoil.  The  battle  was  not  long  contested, 
for  notwithstanding  Charles  had  selected  his  position  ably,  and  defended 
it  with  his  usual  valour,  his  numbers  were  greatly  lessened  by  the  deser- 
tion of  Campo  Basso ;  and  his  Swiss  opponents  fought  with  an  impe- 
tuosity not  to  be  withstood.  An  unsparing  pursuit  continued  for  two 
hours  after  sunset ;  but  neither  on  that  evening  nor  on  the  following 
day  were  tidings  heard  of  Charles  himself,  nor  was  his  fate  known  till 
his  body  was  found  stripped  and  frightfully  mangled  amid  a  heap  of 
slain,  frozen  into  the  bed  of  a  rivulet  on  the  edge  of  the  field.  The 
hand  which  had  deprived  him  of  life  was  never  clearly  ascertained  f. 

Intelligence  of  this  great  defeat  was  communicated  to  Louis  with  un- 
precedented rapidity,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  January  the 
event  was  announced  at  Plessis.  The  King  of  France  had  for  many 
years  J  been  organizing  Posts  on  the  chief  roads  in  his  dominions ;  and 

*  MfUler,  v.  117. 

f  About  3000  Burgundians  fell  in  the  Battle  of  Nancy.  The  Duke  had  three 
wounds,  a  ga&h  from  the  ear  to  the  mouth,  and  two  thrusts  from  pikes  in  the  lower 
part  of  the  body.  One  report  ascribes  his  death  to  the  hand  of  Claude  of  Beaumont, 
Governor  of  the  Castle  of  St.  Dier  in  Lorraine,  who  was  unacquainted  with  his 
person,  and  being  deaf,  did  not  hear  his  offer  of  surrender  ;  others  affirmed  that 
lie  was  killed  by  some  of  Campo  Basso's  soldiers;  and  a  third  party  denied  his 
death  altogether,  and  persisted  (as  has  so  often  occurred  in  similar  cases)  in  a  con- 
fident expectation  of  his  re-appearance.  See  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiv.  495,  and  the 
authorities  there  cited.  Monstrelet  (xi.  22)  mentions  six  particular  marks  by  which 
his  near  kinsmen  and  intimate  personal  attendants  recognised  the  corpse:  1.  The 
loss  of  all  the  upper  teeth  in  consequence  of  a  fall  ;  2.  The  scar  of  a  wound  in  the 
throat  received  at  the  Battle  of  Montlhcry  ;  3.  The  scar  of  a  carbuncle  ;  4.  An  issue 
in  the  groin  ;  5.  The  want  of  a  nail  on  one  of  the  toes  ;  and  n".  longer  nails  on  the 
hands  than  were  worn  by  any  other  person  in  his  Court.  We  know  not  whether 
the  last  of  these  distinctions  was  regarded  in  the  caprice  of  fashion  as  a  mark  of 
dignity,  or  whether  it  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  personal  neglect  oy  which  Charles 
Buffered  his  beard  to  grow  after  his  first  reverse.  Mailer  repeats  the  above  state- 
ment with  a  slight  variation. 

t  From  1404. 


422  LOUIS  SEIZES  THE  PROVINCE  OF  BURGUNDY.  [CH.  XVII. 

although  these  institutions,  in  their  infancy,  were  little  more  than  relays 
of  horses  stationed  at  intervals  of  twelve  leagues  from  each  other, 
Government  despatches  were  transmitted  by  them  with  a  celerity  which 
excited  astonishment.  Louis  was  not  yet  quite  certain  of  the  death  of 
his  great  enemy,  but  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  his  joy  at  his  over- 
throw, of  which  he  was  assured.  Having  heard  Mass,  he  assembled  all 
his  Court  to  dinner  in  his  chamber,  and  there,  while  he  discoursed  on 
State  affairs  and  indulged  in  unusual  merriment,  Commines  and  others 
"  marked  with  what  appetite  those  that  sate  at  the  table  dined,  and 
undoubtedly  there  was  not  one  of  them,  I  wot  not  whether  for  joy  or 
sorrow,  that  ate  half  a  meale's  meat*."  There  can  however  be  little 
doubt  of  the  prevalent  feeling.  Those  intimate  with  the  character  of 
Louis  from  daily  observation  must  have  entertained  an  appalling  pre- 
sentiment of  his  future  tyranny,  and  of  the  certain  peril  necessarily 
arising  from  the  removal  of  the  single  check  by  which  his  natural 
cruelty  had  hitherto  been  restrained. 

His  first  and  decisive  steps  were  taken  on  the  moment.  The  do- 
minions of  Burgundy  passed  by  the  death  of  Charles  to  his  only  daughter 
Mary,  then  in  her  twentieth  yearf,  a  Princess  at  that  time  unable  to 
collect  any  armed  force  for  her  defence  at  Ghent,  and  who  had  no  other 
support  there  than  the  advice  of  two  able  Counsellors,  her  Chancellor 
Hugonet  and  the  Sire  d'Himbercourt.  Louis  immediately  directed 
troops  upon  the  chief  towns  of  the  Province  of  Burgundy,  which  he 
claimed  (in  case  the  Duke  should  prove  to  be  dead)  as  a  male  Fief  re- 
verting to  the  Crown.  The  right  was  contested  on  a  plea  that  the  suc- 
cession had  not  been  so  limited  by  the  Grant  of  John  to  Philip  le 
Nardil;  Dut  tne  crafty  Louis  had  another  pretext  in  reserve.  He 
declared  himself  to  be  the  protector  and  guardian  of  all  Mary's  do- 
minions, even  of  those  which  did  not  legally  revert  to  him,  as  one  near 
of  kin,  as  her  godfather,  and  as  the  father  of  her  future  husband,  the 
Dauphin. 

The  States  of  Burgundy,  which  were  altogether  defenceless,  submitted 
to  the  claim ;  and  the  towns  of  Picardy,  which  had  been  summoned  in 
like  manner,  opened  their  gates  to  the  French,  whom  indeed  they  ac- 
knowledged to  be  their  native  stock.     Flanders  and  Artois  were  more 

*  Commines,  c.  97. 

f  Born  February  13,  1467-  Her  mother  was  the  second  Duchess,  Elizabeth  of 
Bourbon. 

I  Apanages  reverted  to  the  Crown  in  default  of  male  heirs,  and  Burgundy,  it 
was  said,  was  granted  by  John  to  Philip  as  an  apanage,  although  no  such  desig- 
nation appears  in  the  Investiture.  The  Burgundian  lawyers  further  contended 
that  John  himself  possessed  Burgundy,  not  as  an  apanage  (for  descendants  of  the 
first  Duke  were  then  living),  but  by  the  line  of  female  inheritance.  Mr.  Hallam, 
from  whom  we  derive  the  above  statement  {Middle  Ages,  i.  02,  4to. ),  adds  an  argu- 
ment against  Louis  which  seems  to  be  quite  conclusive,  namely,  that  if  Charles  had 
conceived  his  daughter  to  be  excluded  from  this  part  of  her  inheritance,  he  would 
have  attempted  to  obtain  a  renunciation  of  Louis's  claim,  either  at  Confians  or  at 
Peronne,  at  both  which  places  he  treated  upon  the  vantage  ground. 


A.  D.   14*77.]  NEGOTIATIONS.  423 

backward ;  and,  in  the  former  Country,  Louis  for  a  while  was  uncertain 
upon  which  of  the  greet  parties  between  whom  its  Free  Cities  were 
divided  lie  should  chiefly  rely  for  support.  Commines,  largely  con- 
nected with  the  Aristocracy  of  the  Low  Countries,  had  already  been 
employed  to  confer  with  the  Nobles;  and  the  bait  by  which  he  was 
instructed  to  allure  them  was  the  alliance  of  their  Princess  with  the 
Dauphin.  Encouraged  by  these  hopes,  the  Flemish  Barons  despatched 
a  secret  embassy  to  Peronne,  in  which  Hugonet  and  Himbercourt  per- 
sonally conveyed  an  autograph  letter*  from  the  Princess  demanding 
protection  from  France,  and  announcing  her  design  to  govern  by  the 
advice  of  her  late  father's  chief  Counsellors.  The  Envoys  were  by  no 
means  authorized  to  treat  concerning  the  marriage,  to  which  indeed,  as 
the  Dauphin  was  but  s«ven  years  of  age,  it  is  not  likely  that  Mary 
would  grant  a  very  ready  assent.  Nevertheless,  they  signified  to  Louis 
how  much  such  an  arrangement  would  accord  with  their  own  wishes, 
and  as  a  proof  of  their  sincerity,  they  agreed  to  place  in  his  power  that 
quarter  of  Arras  which,  although  not  more  than  a  fauxbourg,  bore  the 
name  of  The  City,  and  which  Louis  affirmed  to  be  immediately  depen- 
dent upon  himself. 

The  Burghers  of  Arras,  however,  were  among  the  most  vehement 
opponents  of  the  French  interest,  and  they  were  intimately  leagued  with 
the  Citizens  of  Ghent,  of  Brussels,  and  of  Bruges.  Louis  foresaw  that 
the  popular  faction  must  ultimately  prevail,  and,  anxious  to  dismember 
the  Burgundian  power,  even  if  the  whole  of  its  separated  spoils  should 
not  become  his  own  prey,  he  removed  Commines  from  the  Netherlands 
to  a  distant  mission  in  Poitou  to  the  Duke  of  Bretany,  and  employed  an 
agent  of  widely  different  character  to  nourish  and  to  guide  to  his  own 
purpose  the  discontent  evinced  by  the  Manufacturers.  Oliver  Teufel,  a 
native  of  Thielt  near  Courtrai,  by  supple  obsequiousness  and  low  cun- 
ning, had  so  far  converted  to  advantage  his  intimate  access  to  the  King's 
presence  as  to  raise  himself  from  the  menial  station  of  Barber-surgeon 
to  that  of  chief  confident.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  relinquished  his 
attendance  on  the  Royal  person  even  after  he  was  ennobled  by  a  Grant 
of  the  County  of  Meulanf;  and  the  Wits  of  the  Court,  instead  of  ac- 
cepting the  name  by  which  the  King  wished  his  Favourite  to  be  called, 
Oliver  le  Dain,  literally  translated  his  original  appellation,  and  recog- 
nised him  as  Oliver  le  Diablo,  or  the  Wicked. 

The  States  of  Flanders  assembled  at  Ghent  shrank  from  a  prospect 

*  "The  same  letter  was  written  partly  with  the  young  ladie's  own  hand,  partly 
hy  the  Dowager  of  Burgundy,  Duke  Charles  his  widow  and  sister  to  King  Edward 

of  England,  and  pmtly  l>y  the  Lord  of  Ravastine,  brother    to   the   Duke  of   I 
and   the  said   young  ladies  nearest  kinsman  ;   so  that   it   was   written    with   three 
several  hands,  hut  signed  with  the  name  of  the  young   ladie  alone,    for  the  other 
twaine  set  to  their  hands  only  to  give  it  the  greater  credit."    Commines,  c.  105. 

f  The  Letters  of  Nobility  are  given  in  the  I'rettves  aux  Manoircx  dc  Commines, 
p.  lyi. 


424       LOUIS  BETRAYS  THE  LETTERS  OF  MARY  OF  BURGUNDY,      [dl.  XVII. 

which  involved  the  total  loss  of  independence ;  their  Charters  had  been 
enough  violated  by  younger  branches  of  the  Royal  House  of  France ; 
what  was  likely  to  be  their  fate  if  the  Head  himself  should  become  their 
ruler?  Any  marriage  would  be  preferable  to  that  with  the  Dauphin, 
which  must  lead  to  virtual  incorporation  with  his  future  Kingdom. 
Why  should  not  their  Princess  accept  the  hand  of  a  son  of  the  Duke  of 
Cleves,  wrho  was  an  avowed  suitor  ?  Mary,  powerless  to  resist,  was 
compelled  to  temporize;  and  she  assured  the  States  of  her  willingness  to 
conform  in  all  things  to  their  advice.  The  Deputies  grounded  upon  this 
answer  an  Embassy  to  Louis,  in  which  they  urged  upon  his  observance 
the  Treaty  of  Soleure ;  a  Treaty,  as  they  remarked,  not  likely  to  be. 
violated  on  their  side,  since  their  new  Princess  had  engaged  to  dismiss 
the  evil  Cabinet  which  had  influenced  her  late  father,  and  to  rule  in 
concurrence  with  the  advice  of  her  States. 

The  policy  adopted  by  Louis  in  this  instance  is  by  no  means  clear ; 
and  it  is  very  probable  that  the  obscurity  arises  from  the  loss  of  one  or 
more  links  in  the  tangled  chain  of  his  negotiations.  It  appears,  for 
aught  we  know  to  the  contrary,  that  perseverance  in  urging  the  mar- 
riage of  his  son  might  have  tended  to  the  quiet  increase  of  his  power,  by 
the  annexation  of  all  the  Burgundian  dominions.  But  it  is  idle  to  con- 
jecture the  reasons  by  which  he  was  actuated,  and  we  must  be  content 
to  follow  the  tide  of  events  without  stopping  to  investigate  the  cause  by 
which  its  flow  was  governed.  He  preferred  the  embroilment  of  Mary 
with  her  subjects,  and  for  that  purpose  he  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Deputies  her  autograph  letter.  This  betrayal  of  a  private  correspond- 
ence was  unkingly,  nnknightly,  unmanly.  The  duplicity  of  the  Prin- 
cess, or  rather  of  the  advisers  under  whom  she  acted,  may  admit  of  pal- 
liation, although  we  do  not  think  it  has  been  sufficiently  condemned. 
All  the  Historians  with  whom  we  are  acquainted  appear  so  deeply  im- 
pressed by  the  bloody  and  iniquitous  results  of  Louis's  treachery,  that 
they  have  forgotten,  or  have  too  lightly  passed  over,  the  manifest  insin- 
cerity which  that  treachery  revealed. 

The  Deputies,  on  their  return,  declared  in  a  public  audience  that 
Louis  had  refused  their  proposals,  on  account  of  an  assurance  given  by 
the  Princess  herself  that  she  should  continue  to  act  under  Burgundian 
Counsellors.  When  Mary  pointedly  denied  this  assertion,  the  Grand 
Pensionary  drew  forth  her  letter  from  his  bosom,  arid  read  it  aloud  before 
the  assembly.  The  fury  of  the  populace,  which  was  unbounded,  vented 
itself  chiefly  upon  D'Himbercourt  and  Hugonet,  and  many  of  the  Nobles 
most  influential  with  the  Burghers  stimulated  their  rage  from  personal 
motives.  The  Duke  of  Cleves,  who  had  hitherto  believed  the  Ministers 
to  be  favourable  to  his  son's  marriage,  upon  being  undeceived,  became 
their  mortal  enemy  ;  the  Bishop  of  Liege  and  "  his  Minion,"  the  Boar 
of  Ardennes,  remembered  the  fate  of  their  City  to  which  D'Himbercourt 
had  actively  contributed ;  and  the  young  Count  of  St.  Pol  panted  to 


A.D.    1477.]  KXKCUTION  OF  I1UC0NF.T  AND  d'iIIMHKRCOURT.  425 

revenue  the  death  of  his  father  the  Constable,  by  the  blood  of  any 
advisers  of  the  deceased  Charles.  It  was  not  difficult  to  frame  an  In- 
dictment against  prisoners  whom  their  Judges  had  already  resolved 
should  be  found  guilty;  nevertheless,  as  the  real  cause  of  offence  could 
not  be  advanced  against  them  as  a  crime,  the  accused  nearly  established 
their  innocence.  They  disproved  various  charged  of  bribery  ;  and  it  was 
only  upon  a  vague  averment  that,  in  conjunction  with  the  late  Duke,  they 
had  infringed  the  privileges  of  Ghent,  a  town  of  which  they  were  neither 
subjects  nor  citizens,  that  they  were  condemned  to  death.  The  Process 
lasted  six  days,  during  which  they  were  cruelly  subjected  to  the  question. 
Only  three  hours  were  allowed  to  intervene  between  the  sentence  and  its 
execution  ;  "  which  time  expired,  they  led  them  into  their  market-place, 
and  set  them  upon  a  scaffold.  The  Ladie  of  Burgundy  (afterwards 
Duchess  of  Austrich)  being  advertised  of  their  condemnation,  went  to  the 
towne-house  to  make  request  and  supplication  for  their  lives,  but  per- 
ceiving that  she  could  do  no  good  there,  she  went  to  the  market-place, 
where  all  the  people  were  assembled  together  in  armes,  and  there  saw 
the  two  noblemen  above  named  standing  upon  the  scaffold.  The  said 
Ladie  was  in  her  mourning  apparell,  having  nothing  on  her  head  but  a 
kerchiefe,  which  was  an  humble  and  simple  attire,  and  ought  of  righte 
to  have  moved  them  to  pitie.  There  she  desired  the  people,  with  weeping 
eies  and  her  haire  loose  about  her  shoulders,  to  have  pitie  upon  these 
two  servants,  and  to  restore  them  unto  hir.  A  great  part  of  the  people 
were  willing  that  her  pleasure  should  be  done,  and  that  they  should  not 
die ;  but  others  would  in  nowise  give  eare  [unto  her,  whereupon  they 
bent  their  pikes  the  one  against  the  other.  But  those  that  desired  their 
death  were  the  stronger,  and  cried  to  them  which  stood  upon  the  scaffold 
to  despatch  them  immediately,  whereupon  both  their  heads  were  stricken 
off,  and  in  this  estate  returned  this  poore  Ladie  to  her  Court,  sorrowfull 
and  comfortlesse,  for  these  two  were  the  principall  persons  in  whom  she 
had  reposed  her  whole  confidence*." 

This  bloody  act  was  rightly  attributed  to  the  secret  agency  of  France ; 
and  if  Mary  of  Burgundy  could  ever  have  so  far  violated  the  natural 
feelings  and  dignity  of  her  sex  as  to  consent  to  a  matrimonial  alliance 
with  a  child  sprung  from  the  faithless  Louis,  her  alienation  became  in- 
vincible when  the  King  of  France  insulted  her  by  the  open  mission  of 
Oliver  le  Dain  as  his  Ambassador.  The  Barber  was  furnished  with 
Credentials,  and  instructed  to  demand  a  private  audience;  a  demand 
which  he  reluctantly  surrendered,  even  after  having  been  informed  that 
it  was  contrary  to  all  National  Court  etiquette  that  an  unmarried  Prin- 
cess should  receive  Envoys  except  in  public.  His  ostentation  gave 
much  offence,  and  the  meanness  of  his  extraction  having  been  bruited 
abroad,  he  was  threatened  with  summary  punishment.  By  a  hasty 
flight  to  Tournai,  which  Town  he  found  means  to  secure  for  the  French, 

*  Commines,  c.  100'. 


426  MARRIAGE  OF  MARY  OF  BURGUNDY.  [CH.  XVII. 

he  evinced  his  own  conviction  that  the  cry  of  the  mob  which  menaced 
to  throw  him  into  the  river  was  not  a  merely  idle  demonstration  of  popu- 
lar hatred. 

It  seemed  indeed  as  if  Louis  was  intoxicated  by  the  prospect  of 
illimitable  power  which  had  recently  opened  upon  him ;  and  so  far  was 
he  from  employing  his  usual  artifices  for  conciliation  that  he  rioted  in 
acts  of  wanton  cruelty.  Some  Deputies  from  Arras  presented  them- 
selves at  Hesdin  and  requested  a  safe-conduct  to  proceed  to  the  Court 
of  Ghent-  The  reply  was  so  ambiguously  worded  as  to  admit  of  any 
interpretation  which  the  granter  might  ultimately  choose  to  affix  ;  but  it 
was  unsuspiciously  accepted  by  the  Burghers  as  a  pledge  for  their  se- 
curity. "  You  are  wise  enough,"  said  the  King,  "  to  determine  what 
is  most  fitting  for  you  to  do."  Scarcely  however  had  the  miserable 
Envoys  proceeded  a  single  stage  upon  their  route  before  they  were 
brought  back  and  beheaded  by  Tristan  l'Hermite.  Oudart  de  Bussi, 
one  of  these  twenty-three  Commissioners,  had  recently  been  appointed 
by  Louis  a  Counsellor  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  and  the  King,  adding 
mockery  to  ferocity,  ordered  that  the  dead  man's  head  should  be  dressed 
in  the  fur  cap,  a  mortier,  which  belonged  to  his  office,  and  be  sent  to  the 
Hall  of  the  Assembly.  Arras  was  overcome  with  terror  at  this  savage 
act,  and  the  Town,  as  well  as  the  City,  surrendered  to  the  yoke  of  the 
French,  and  was  subjected  to  grievous  extortion  by  Le  Lude,  one  of  the 
most  active  and  rapacious  officers  in  their  service. 

Carelessness  in  giving  offence,  and  the  avarice  with  which  his  Generals 
pressed  for  contributions  in  the  newly-subdued  Provinces,  exposed 
Louis  however  to  severe  mortification.  The  rapid  submission  of  Bur- 
gundy and  of  Franche-Comte  was  mainly  attributable  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange;  but  the  Chamberlain  Craon,  a  Favourite  greedy  of  gain,  had 
reaped  the  chief  benefit  from  these  acquisitions.  The  Prince,  disgusted 
by  neglect  of  his  services,  proffered  assistance  to  Mary,  surprised  the 
French  garrisons,  and  restored  to  their  rightful  heiress  the  dominions 
which  he  had  but  recently  torn  from  her  sceptre.  The  blow  fell  heavily 
and  unexpectedly  upon  the  King,  and  it  was  succeeded  by  another  yet 
more  severe,  when  Mary  made  a  final  choice  from  her  numerous  suitors. 
Adolphus,  Duke  of  Gueldres,  one  of  the  most  hateful  pretenders  to  her 
hand,  but  one  upon  whose  success  the  Ghenters  were  so  resolved  that 
they  had  released  him  from  prison  in  order  that  he  might  obtain  it,  had 
been  killed  in  an  unsuccessful  skirmish  before  Tournay,  and  the  Princess 
esteemed  the  release  arising  from  his  defeat  as  far  preferable  to  a  victory. 
John,  son  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  was  brutal  in  his  manners  and  per- 
sonally disagreeable*.  The  Earl  of  Rivers,  brother  to  the  Queen  of 
England,  was  considered  as  scarcely  lofty  enough  in  rank ;  and  although 
Margaret,  the  Duchess  Dowager  of  York,  would  gladly  have  supported 

*  M.  de  Sismondi,  xiv.  523,  says  that  History  records  nothing  more  of  him  than 
that  he  had  sixty-three  Bastards  ! 


A.  D.  1477.]  CRUEL  TREATMENT  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  NEMOURS.  427 

the  pretensions  of  her  brother  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  Edward  IV.  evinced 
so  great  jealousy  of  them  as  to  render  the  marriage  hopeless.  Mary 
herself  expressed  approval  of  the  chivalrous  deportment  and  noble  bear- 
ing of  Maximilian,  son  of  the  Emperor  Frederic  III. ;  and  although  his 
_ird  father  refused  him  the  sum  necessary  for  the  expense  of  his 
journey,  the  young  Prince  proceeded  so  expeditiously  in  his  suit,  that  on 
the  day  after  his  arrival  at  Ghent  the  nuptials  were  celebrated.  The 
Bride  understood  only  French,  the  Bridegroom  spoke  no  language  but 
German,  yet  their  courtship  appears  not  to  have  encountered  any  ob- 
stacle from  difficulty  of  interpretation. 

Eight  days  after  his  marriage  Maximilian  applied  to  Louis  for  fulfil- 
ment of  the  Treaty  of  Soleure.  The  King,  perceiving  the  danger  by 
which  he  was  beset,  at  once  agreed  to  a  precarious  Armistice,  which  was 
at  first  limited  to  ten  days'  duration,  but  was  afterwards  indefinitely 
prolonged,  with  a  proviso  that  each  party  should  give  four  days'  notice 
previously  to  resumption  of  hostilities.  The  Swiss,  who  attempted 
further  mediation,  were  haughtily  treated  by  the  French  Courtiers,  and 
failed  in  repeated  endeavours  to  procure  audience  from  the  King.  In 
the  Netherlands,  on  the  other  hand,  they  received  assurance  of  the  ex- 
tinction of  all  former  resentment,  and  of  the  conviction  entertained  by 
the  Flemings  that  their  late  Prince  had  been  the  aggressor  in  the  con- 
test which  had  led  to  his  destruction;  and  won  by  this  liberal  treatment, 
they  frankly  contracted  a  perpetual  alliance  with  the  House  of  Austria. 

All  the  energies  of  Louis  were  now  concentrated  for  the  unworthy 
gratification  of  personal  vengeance ;  and  the  domestic  victim  upon  whom 
they  were  fatally  directed  in  the  first  instance  excites  peculiar  com- 
passion. The  Duke  of  Nemours,  who  had  been  seized  and  imprisoned 
during  the  past  year,  in  early  youth  had  been  upon  terms  of  intimate 
familiarity  with  Louis  while  Dauphin.  His  father,  the  Count  of  Par- 
diac,  had  been  the  Prince's  Governor,  and  although  Nemours  had  not 
ceased  to  hold  correspondence  with  the  disaffected  Nobles,  and  perhaps 
was  not  unacquainted  with  their  projects,  he  certainly  had  neither  sug- 
gested nor  assisted  their  execution.  For  many  years  back,  he  had  se- 
cluded himself  from  public  affairs,  and  had  lived  in  retirement,  culti- 
vating the  affection  of  his  vassals.  But  the  King,  who  never  forgave, 
believed  him  to  be  in  the  possession  of  the  confidence  of  a  Party  which 
he  still  dreaded,  and  he  determined,  at  any  expense  of  injustice,  to  wring 
their  secrets  from  his  prisoner.  Nempurs  was  enclosed  in  one  of  the  fear- 
ful iron  cages  which  we  have  already  described,  the  bars  of  which  were 
removed  only  on  those  occasions  on  which  he  was  led  to  the  Chamber  of 
Torture.  "  Rack  him,"  said  the  unpitying  King,  '{  to  the  very  utmost. 
Force  him  to  speak  clearly."  No  admissions  however  were  obtained 
even  by  the  question,  upon  which  a  condemnation  could  be  founded. 
His  last  effort  to  move  compassion  was   a  supplicatory  letter  signed 


428  FALL  OF  ARRAS.  [dl.  XVII. 

Pauvrc  Jacques,  the  name  by  which  the  King  was  playfully  used  to 
distinguish  him  in  their  days  of  youthful  companionship.  But  Louis 
was  inexorable ;  he  attached  the  letter,  without  emotion  and  with  his 
own  hands,  to  the  other  documents  of  the  Process,  and  having  arranged 

a  packed  Court,  procured  a  capital  sentence,  which  was 
Aug.  4.     executed  in  the  market-place  of  the  Capital  on  the  very  day 

on  which  it  was  pronounced. 
The  Duke  of  Bretany  was  not  equally  within  grasp ;  and  although 
the  King  had  detected  a  correspondence  between  that  Prince  and  Ed- 
ward IV.  in  contravention  of  the  Treaty  of  Senlis,  he  contented  himself 
by  urging  the  private  execution  of  the  Secretary  by  whose  treachery  he 
had  obtained  it,  and  he  interchanged  with  his  Master  a  renewed  oath 
of  friendship  (if  it  may  be  so  called)  upon  the  Cross  of  St.  Laud.  By 
this  singular  compact  the  two  parties  respectively  engaged  that  during 
the  life  of  each  other  they  would  abstain  from  any  attempt  at  assassi- 
nation or  seizure,  from  secret  personal  violence,  and  from  open  War. 
The  Armistice  with  Maximilian  continued  through  the  Winter.     In 

the  ensuing  somewhat  languid  compaign,  Louis  recovered 

a.  n.  1478.    Burgundy,  but,  when  his  enemy  took  the  field  in  person,  he 

Jan.  11.     did  not  hesitate  to  sign  a  Truce  for  a  Year;    and  his  una- 

bating  anxiety  to  secure  foreign  Peace,  exhibited  itself  in 
negotiation  with  almost  every  other  European  Power.  Distrusting  his 
own  subjects  more  and  more  every  day,  he  resolved  to  commit  himself  to 
the  protection  of  foreign  mercenaries.  Dammartin,  in  a  green  old  age  of 
68  years,  much  before  he  felt  retirement  to  be  necessary,  received  inti- 
mation that  his  services  were  not  longer  required,  and  the  place  of  ten 
disbanded  Companies  of  Ordonnance  was  supplied  by  6000  Swiss,  who, 
being  ignorant  of  the  language  of  the  Country  in  which  they  served,  were 
therefore  thought  unlikely  to  be  seduced  by  its  political  intrigues,  and  who 
indeed  were  proverbially  faithful  to  the  hand  from  which  they  received 
hire,  provided  that  hire  was  regularly  paid. 

The  Burgundians,  irritated  by  some  intrigues  which  Louis  was  prac- 
tising under  the  mask  of  the  Armistice,  broke  its  conditions  three 
months  before  it  had  arrived  at  its  close ;  and  the  King,  on  capturing  Dole 
in  reprisal,  fired  the  town  and  butchered  the  inhabitants.  The  total  ruin 
of  Arras,  which  chafed  under  oppression,  almost  immediately  followed ; 
the  fortifications  were  dismantled,  and  the  inhabitants,  to  the  last  indivi- 
dual, were  drafted  into  neighbouring  towns.  But  the  numerous  privileges 
granted  to  the  new  Colony  of  Franchise,  which  Louis  sought  to  establish 
in  the  room  of  the  ancient  City,  were  unavailing  to  produce  that  spirit  of 
commercial  industry,  which  had  given  wealth  and  distinction  to  its  former 
inmates.     So  much  more  easy  is  it  to  destroy  than  to  build  up. 

On  the  Flemish  border,  Maximilian  prepared  for  the  siege  of  Therou- 
anne,  with  about  27,000  combatants,  and  so  confident  was  he  in  the  su- 


A.  D.  1478.]  BATTLE  OF  GUINNEGATE.  429 

periority  of  training  in  his  infantry,  that  he  by  no  means  declined  battle 
when  the  French  General  U'Esquardes  marched  to  the  relief  of  the  City, 
with  an  equal  army  of  foot,  supported  by  a  powerful  train  of  artillery,  and 
a  body  of  men-at-arms  more  than  doubly  outnumbering  those 
of  his  opponent.  At  Guinnegate,  accordingly,  the  French  Aug.  7. 
cavalry  was  victorious,  but  rashly  urging  pursuit  too  far,  and 
employed  solely  in  capturing  prisoners  who  promised  a  weighty  ransom, 
it  was  astonished  at  finding,  that  during  the  prosecution  of  this  success, 
the  comrades  which  it  had  left  on  foot  had  been  totally  swept  away.  It  is 
computed  that  11,000  Burgundians  and  5000  French  were  slain  in  this 
undecisive  engagement,  in  which  the  former  retained  the  field,  both  par- 
ties claimed  the  victory,  but  neither  derived  any  advantage.  Louis  was 
greatly  enraged  against  D'Esquardes,  who  had  needlessly  exposed  him 
to  hazard ;  for  his  whole  policy  was  constructed  to  avoid  the  risk  of 
battle.  Part  of  his  disasters  had  arisen  in  consequence  of  the  garrison 
of  Therouanne  turning  aside  to  pillage  when  led  to  a  sortie  ;  and  in  order 
to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  so  fatal  a  breach  of  discipline,  it  was  enacted 
that  all  booty,  in  future,  should  be  gathered  into  one  mass,  the  produce 
arising  from  the  sale  of  which  was  to  be  divided  among  the  whole  army. 

The  event  of  Guinnegate  had  determined  Louis  to  make  Peace  at  any 
expense;  but  it  accorded  neither  with  his  character,  nor  indeed  with  his 
interests,  to  demonstrate  this  intention  too  hastily.  The  War  accordingly 
lingered  on  through  another  year,  undistinguished  by  military  exploits, 
but  in  too  many  instances  polluted  by  cruelty.  The  chief  obstacle  to  ami- 
cable arrangement  was  the  Duchess  Dowager  of  Burgundy,  who,  sharing 
her  late  husband's  enmity  against  Louis,  was  unceasing  in  her  efforts  to 
cement  alliance  between  Maximilian  and  her  brother  Edward  IV.  The 
English  cherished  an  ardent  desire  for  renewed  War  with  France,  and 
Edward,  who  chiefly  hesitated  from  reluctance  to  lose  his  pension,  as  soon 
as  the  annual  sum  of  50,000  crowns  had  been  guaranteed  by  the  Flem- 
ings, signified  his  intention  of  placing  1 500  Archers  at  the  command  and 
in  the  pay  of  Maximilian.  The  negotiation,  however,  was 
abruptly  terminated,  by  an  announcement  of  the  signature  of  Aug.  21. 
a  seven  months'  Truce  between  France  and  Flanders. 

*  At  no  former  period  of  his  reign,  had  the  affairs  of  Louis  been  equally 
flourishing ;  his  fears  of  rivalry  from  Flanders  were  tranquillized,  and  it 
was  evident  that  a  definitive  Peace  with  that  Country  would  ere  long  be 
concluded.  With  other  Powers,  his  relations  were  most  friendly,  and  not 
likely  to  be  interrupted  ;  and  at  home  he  had  levelled  and  shattered  to 
the  dust  the  Aristocratic  League,  which  at  one  time  had  menaced  the 
existence  of  his  throne.  Nevertheless  Louis  was  far  from  enjoying  repose ; 
a  consciousness  that  his  rule  was  founded  upon  terror  not  upon  affection, 

*  The  references  for  the  residence  of  Louis  XI.  at  Plessis,  for  his  illness  and  re- 
lapses, are  in  general  to  Commines,  from  c,  127  to  the  end  of  his  Chronicle.  His- 
tory presents  few  more  instructive  pages. 


430  LOUIS  AT  PLESSIS  LES  TOURS.  [CH.  XVII. 

haunted  his  Imagination,  and  disquieted  him  with  far  more  severe  tor- 
ments, according  to  the  just  estimate  of  his  Biographer,  than  any  which 
he  caused  his  numerous  victims  to  suffer.  His  Nobles  were  altogether 
estranged  from  the  Palace,  and  the  People  were  groaning  under  a  taxa- 
tion, which  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  they  could  ever  supply.  Charles 
VII.  had  maintained  but  1700  Lances,  at  an  expense  of  1,800,000  francs, 
the  army  of  Louis  was  increased  to  5000  Lances  and  25,000  Infantry, 
and  the  tax  levied  for  its  support  amounted  to  the  enormous  sum  of 
4,100,000  francs. 

His  abode  was  now  fixed  at  the  Castle  of  Plessis  les  Tours,  which  he 
had  fortified  with  the  most  jealous  precaution,  not  against  any  great  host 
or  army,  of  which  he  did  not  entertain  apprehension,  but  to  hinder  his 
Nobles  from  entering  tc  into  it  ill  the  night,  partly  by  love  and  partly  by 
force  to  take  the  government  upon  them,  and  to  make  him  live  as  a  man 
bereft  of  his  wits  and  unworthy  to  rule.'*  Commines,  who  shared  this 
melancholy  residence,  has  described  many  particulars  of  it  in  different 
parts  of  his  Memoirs.  Neither  the  Mansion  nor  the  Park  attached  to  it 
was  of  large  dimensions.  It  was  garrisoned  by  400  Archers,  the  greater 
number  of  whom  kept  watch  and  ward  through  the  day :  an  iron  railing 
surrounded  it,  and  the  edges  of  the  moat  were  defended  by  a  chevaux-de- 
frise  of  many-headed  spikes  firmly  masoned  into  the  walls.  Four  strong 
guard-houses  of  iron,  each  capable  of  admitting  ten  cross-bowmen,  were 
constructed  to  overlook  the  ditches,  and  the  sentries  by  whom  they  were 
occupied  day  and  night,  had  orders  to  shoot  indiscriminately  at  every  man 
who  approached  after  the  shutting  of  the  gates.  Peter  de  Bourbon  Lord 
of  Beaujeu,  his  son-in-law,  was  the  only  person  of  rank  who  had  the 
privilege  of  lodging  within  the  walls  ;  and  even  his  attendants  and  those 
of  the  frank  and  gallant  Dunois,  on  one  occasion,  on  their  return  from 
a  State  Ceremony,  were  privately  searched,  in  order  to  obtain  assurance 
that  they  did  not  wear  concealed  body-armour.  The  gate  was  never 
opened,  nor  was  the  drawbridge  lowered  till  eight  in  the  morning,  when 
the  Warders  distributed  their  guard  with  as  much  vigilance  as  if  they 
were  engaged  in  the  defence  of  a  frontier-town.  The  King  occasionally 
took  exercise  in  a  small  and  narrow  court ;  and  even  into  that  area  he 
seldom  descended ;  for  he  usually  occupied  a  gallery,  and  passed  through 
the  chambers  instead  of  crossing  the  open  court  when  he  went  to  Mass 
in  his  Chapel.  "  Think  you,"  says  Commines,  "  that  he  was  not  in  fear 
as  well  as  others,  seeing  he  locked  himself  in  after  this  sort,  kept  himself 
thus  close,  stood  in  such  dread  of  his  children  and  nearest  kinsmen,  and 
changed  and  removed  his  servants  from  day  to  day,  whom  he  had  brought 
up  and  whose  good  estate  depended  wholly  upon  him,  in  such  sort  that 
he  durst  trust  none  of  them,  but  bound  himself  in  these  strange  chains 
and  bauds?" 

His  passion  for  the  chase  still  remained  undiminished,  even  after  he 
had  begun  to  feel  the  approaches  of  bodily  infirmity ;    and  during  an 


A.  D.   1481.]  HIS  FIRST  ILLNESS.  431 

excursion  connected  with  this  favourite  amusement,  he  was  attacked  with 
apoplexy  while  at  dinner  at  Forges,  in  the  Forest  of  Chinon. 
For  a  time  he  lost  the  use  of  speech,  but  the  administration  a.  d.  1481. 
of  fitting  remedies,  and  the  seasonable  admission  of  fresh  air  March — . 
from  which  lie  had  been  debarred  by  the  ignorant  anxiety 
of  his  domestics,  who  "  (meaning  all  for  the  best)  held  him  to  the  fire," 
restored  him  in  some  sort  to  consciousness.  Two  days,  however,  passed 
before  he  eonversed  otherwise  than  by  signs;  fifteen  before  any  one  but 
Commines  could  thoroughly  understand  him.  One  of  his  first  inquiries 
regarded  the  attendants  who  had  used  bodily  restraint  and  had  closed 
the  windows  on  his  seizure ;  and  these  were  forthwith  put  out  of  office, 
forbidden  his  pretence,  and  banished  from  the  Court.  He  "  feared  no- 
thing so  much  as  the  diminution  of  his  power  " — u  he  stomached  mar- 
vellously that  he  had  been  held  thus  perforce,  but  yet  made  show  of  much 
greater  displeasure  than  he  had  conceived  thereof.  The  chief  cause  that 
moved  him  so  to  do,  was  fear  lest  they  should  master  him  in  all  other 
things,  especially  in  the  expedition  of  his  weightier  affairs  under  colour 
of  the  imperfection  of  his  wits."  His  attention  was  next  addressed  to  the 
transactions  of  his  Council,  and  to  the  despatches  which  had  been  received 
during  his  sickness.  Commines  read  the  Letters  to  him,  after  which  "he 
took  them  in  his  hands,  feigning  that  he  himself  read  them,  notwith- 
standing that  indeed  he  understood  never  a  word."  Immediately  after 
his  convalescence,  he  restored  the  unworthy  Cardinal  Ballue  to  liberty ; 
and  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  the  prayers  of  Rome,  he  purchased  absolu- 
tion from  the  Holy  See,  by  voluntarily  tendering  that  pardon  which  for 
fourteen  years  he  had  inexorably  refused  to  numerous  applicants.  So 
anxious  was  he  for  the  prolongation  of  life,  that  Jacques  Cottier  de  Po- 
ligny,  his  chief  Physician,  received  10,000  crowns  as  a  monthly  stipend, 
exclusively  of  numerous  occasional  gratuities.  The  artful  knave,  well 
knowing  the  mind  upon  which  he  had  to  operate,  secured  his  ascendancy 
by  a  threat.  "  I  am  aware,"  he  said,  "  that  some  fine  morning  you  will 
give  me  my  dismissal  as  you  have  done  others  before  me  ;  but  I  call  God 
to  witness,  (and  the  oath  he  swore  was  terrific,)  that  you  will  not  survive 
above  eight  days  afterwards."  Reports,  which  we  are  willing  to  believe 
unfounded,  were  circulated  respecting  the  remedies  administered  by  this 
Charlatan.  The  prevalent  medical  theory  of  the  times  inculcated  that 
Life  was  a  principle  inherent  in  the  Blood  ;  and,  in  order  to  re-invigorate 
the  juices  of  his  patient,  it  is  said  that  Cottier  ordered  baths  of  the  blood 
of  children,  and  administered  a  similar  horrible  beverage  as  a  restorative 
drink.*  Astrologers  also  were  entertained,  with  a  hope  that  the  stars 
might  teach  the  secrets  of  futurity,  and  costly  oiu.-iings  were  made  at 
numerous  shrines  and  altars.     The  disease  however  returned  in  spite  of 

1    *  The  report,  which  probably  is  untrue,  is  not  mentioned  l>y  Commines;  it  rests 
upon  the  authorities  of  J.  de  Troves  and  of  Guaguini.  See  M.  de  Sismoudi,  xiv.  604. 


432  DEATH  OF  MARY  OF  BURGUNDY.  [CH.  XVII. 

these  applications  to  Powers  whether  evil  or  benign,  and  the  intervals 
between  relapse  were,  for  the  most  part,  devoted  to  pilgrim- 
a.  d.  1482.  ages.    On  his  return  from  one  of  these  pious  journeys,  Louis 
March  14.  heard  the  important  and  unexpected  intelligence  of  the  death 
\      of  Mary  of  Burgundy ;  she  had  been  thrown  from  a  spirited 
horse  while  engaged  on  a  hawking  party ;  and  with  an  overweening  femi- 
nine delicacy,  she  concealed  the  consequences  of  the  fall  from  the  know- 
ledge of  her  Surgeon,  till  it  was  too  late  to  avert  their  fatal  progress. 

Mary,  who  was  in  her  twenty-fifth  year,  had  borne  to  Maximilian  a 
son  Philip  and  a  daughter  Margaret*,  and  the  tutelage  of  these  children 
was  immediately  claimed  by  the  factious  Ghenters,  as  usual  dissatisfied 
with  their  Prince.  The  King  of  France,  from  the  very  birth  of  Margaret, 
had  designed  her  marriage  with  the  Dauphin,  but  the  pledge  which  he 
had  given  to  Edward  IV.  at  Pequigny,  rendered  it  necessary  that  the  in- 
tention should  be  dissembled.  Meantime  the  anxiety  of  the  Netherlanders 
to  conclude  Peace  was  increased  by  a  bloody  event,  which  accelerated  the 
nuptial  contract.  The  Wild  Boar  of  Ardennes,  William  de  la  Marck, 
was  known  to  be  in  secret  alliance  with  France,  and  the  ferocious  brigand 
upon  a  quarrel  with  Louis  of  Bourbon  f,  Bishop  of  Liege,  whom  he  had 
long  supported  and  controlled,  waylaid  the  Prelate,  murdered  him  with 
his  own  hand,  and  after  throwing  his  corpse  into  the  Meuse  with  indig- 
nity, compelled  the  Chapter  to  elect  one  of  his  own  sons  as  successor  to 
the  Episcopal  office  J.  Although  evidence  was  wanting  to  connect  Louis 
with  this  savage  transaction,  the  States  of  Flanders  more  than  ever  desired 
to  be  relieved  from  his  hostility,  and  they  signified  to  Maximilian  their 
determination  to  conclude  Peace. 

By  a  Treaty  signed  at  Arras,  which  had  risen  from  its  ashes,  Margaret 

was  to  be  educated  in  France  as  the  future  Wife  of  the 

a.  d.  1482.  Dauphin,  and  the  Counties  of  Burgundy  and  of  Artois  were 

Dec.  23.    to  form  her  portion.    Some  minor  arrangements  gratified  the 

pride  of  the  Flemings,  and  the  sudden  death  of  Edward  IV. 

a.  d.  1483.  (attributed  by  Commines  to  chagrin  at  this  negotiation)  rc- 

April  9.  lieved  Louis  from  the  single  fear  which  his  breach  of  promise 
could  occasion.  The  English  Princess  had  already  been 
designated  at  her  father's  Court  as  Madame  la  Dauphine.  Edward  bit- 
terly resented  the  dishonour  to  which  she  was  exposed,  and  his  subjects 
burned  to  avenge  themselves  by  a  declaration  of  War.  The  design  was 
interrupted  by  the  unlooked-for  demise  of  the  King,  occasioned  as  is 
believed  by  an  excess  at  table ;  and  the  disturbed  state  of  England  during 

*  Philip,  (afterwards  King  of  Castile  by  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,)  born  June  22,  1478.     Margaret,  born  Feb.  10,  1480. 

f  Brother  to  Pierre  Sire  de  Beaujeu,  who  married  Anne  of  France. 

X  William  de  la  Marck  was  captured  by  one  of  Maximilian's  Officers,  June  17, 
1485,  and  beheaded  at  Maestricht  for  High  Treason.  „ 


A.  D.   1483.]  MISERY  OF  LOUIS.  433 

the  minority  of  Edward  V.  and  the  usurpation  of  Richard  III.,  prevented 
its  renewal. 

The  World  had  little  more  of  prosperity  which  it  could  shower  upon 
Louis.  At  home  he  had  triumphed  over  faction,  abroad  he  had  established 
profound  peace  ;  and  it  seemed  as  if  by  this  last  alliance  with  Burgundy, 
he  had  secured  tranquillity  for  more  time  than  human  foresight  is  usually 
able  to  control.  Fortune  smiled  upon  his  policy,  and  almost  anticipated 
his  intrigues ;  yet  it  may  be  doubted  whether  any  mendicant  upon  the 
straw  of  a  Lazar-house  ever  closed  his  eyes  in  more  heart-felt  wretched- 
ness than  that  which  assailed  the  sick  bed  of  this  most  powerful  King. 

Of  the  gloom  ofhis  seclusion  at  Plessisles  Tours  we  need  not  again  speak ; 
the  frequency  of  his  relapses  had  much  debilitated  his  frame,  so  that  "  he 
seemed  rather  like  a  dead  corpse  than  a  living  creature,  for  he  was  leaner 
than  a  man  would  believe."  In  order  to  disguise  this  wasting  away  of 
flesh,  he  substituted  gaudy  attire  for  his  former  homely  garbs,  apparelling 
himself  sumptuously,  and  wearing  no  gown  but  of  crimson  satin  edged 
with  the  richest  furs.  He  was  above  all  things  desirous  to  prevent  any 
report  of  his  sickness  from  obtaining  public  circulation,  and  for  that  pur- 
pose he  employed  numerous  agents  in  foreign  Countries,  instructed  to 
make  costly  purchases  as  for  one  whose  pastimes  were  still  prompted  by 
vigorous  and  undiminished  health.  Horses  from  Naples,  Mules  from 
Spain  and  Sicily,  Dogs  for  the  chase  from  Bretany  were  procured  at  enor- 
mous prices,  in  many  instances  far  exceeding  the  demand  of  their  owners. 
His  menae;erie  was  stocked  with  wild  beasts  from  the  coast  of  Barharv, 
and  Elks  and  Reindeers  were  imported  from  the  frozen  regions  of  the 
North.  It  was  their  possession  only  which  he  coveted,  not  affixing  any 
value  to  the  object  itself,  but  anxious  that  the  search  for  it  should  evince 
that  he  was  still  engrossed  by  a  love  of  amusement  incompatible  with 
valetudinarianism;  for,  as  his  Chronicler  adds,  "when  all  these  strange 
things  were  brought  him,  he  made  no  account  of  them,  no,  very  seldom 
spake  with  them  that  brought  them." 

So  beset  was  he  with  the  idle  hope  of  averting  Death  by  superstitious 
practices,  that  he  collected  Reliques  from  every  quarter  in  which  he  could 
obtain  them,  even  on  loan.  From  Rome  he  borrowed  abundance  of  this 
trumpery,  and  among  it  "  the  very  Corporate*  upon  which  St.  Peter  sang 
Mass."  The  Ampulla,  from  which  the  Kings  of  France  are  anointed 
at  Rheima  during  their  Coronation,  left  its  sanctuary  in  that  City  for  the 
first  time,  and  stood  on  a  cabinet  in  his  chamber  at  the  moment  of  his 
deatli ;  and  the  Grand  Turk  offered  to  barter  all  the  memorials  of  Chris- 
tianity which  Constantinople  afforded,  for  a  simple  promise  that  hisbro- 
tlrer  Zizim,  then  a  prisoner  to  the  Knights  of  Rhodes,  should  be  retained 
in  custodv.     The  motive  for  refusal  is  uncertain,  and  we  know  not  whe- 


*  The  Napkin  spread  upon  the  a. tar  daring  the  administration  of  tlie  Euenarist, 
upon  which  rests  the  consecrated  wafer,  corpiu  Duimni.    See  Ducange,  Qiost.  ad.  v. 

2  F 


434  THE  HERMIT  ROBERT  OF  CALABRIA.  [CH.  XVII. 

ther  policy  forbade  the  Treaty ;  whether  the  King  mistrusted  the  sound- 
ness of  the  ware  thus  brought  into  the  market ;  or  whether  he  considered 
that  its  virtue  would  be  impaired  if  he  trafficked  for  it  with  an  Infidel. 
But  although  Bajazet  II.  sent  an  especial  Embassy  "with  a  great  roll 
of  Reliques,"  and  a  "  great  sum  of  money,"  Louis  would  neither  receive 
the  message,  nor  indeed  would  permit  the  Envoy  to  advance  beyond 
Provence. 

The  assistance  upon  which  he  placed  most  firm  reliance  was  that  of 
a  Hermit,  one  Robert  *,  whom  he  had  transported  from  Calabria,  and  in 
whose  honour  he  founded  a  Church  at  Plessis.  The  Recluse  had  passed 
his  life,  from  twelve  years  of  age  till  forty-three,  in  the  cleft  of  a  rock 
near  Taranto ;  and  during  that  long  period  had  never  tasted  "  fish,  flesh, 
esgs,  or  any  kind  of  white  meat  or  of  fat."  The  description  of  him  given 
by  Commines  is  almost  ludicrous  from  its  simplicity  ;  and  perhaps  con- 
veys to  modern  ears  an  irreverent  notion  widely  remote  from  the  intention 
of  the  writer,  who  evidently  contemplated  Friar  Robert  as  an  awful  Being. 
"  I  never  saw  in  my  time  a  man  of  so  holy  life,  nor  by  whose  mouth  the 
Holy  Ghost  seemed  rather  to  speak ;  for  he  never  had  been  a  scholar, 
but  was  utterly  unlearned  :  true  it  is  that  the  Italian  tongue  caused 
somewhat  the  greater  admiration  of  him."  The  Anchorite  having  ap- 
plied for  leave  ("which  was  great  wisdom  in  so  simple  a  man")  both 
from  the  Vatican  and  from  the  Prince  of  Taranto,  was  conveyed  through 
Italy  with  pomp  equal  to  that  which  accompanies  an  Apostolic  Legate. 
At  Rome  he  was  admitted  by  the  Pope  to  three  long  audiences,  which 
endured  many  hours  together.  He  was  allowed  to  sit  in  the  presence  of 
the  Holy  Father,  gave  so  wise  answers  that  all  men  wondered  at  them, 
and  obtained  permission  to  erect  a  new  Order,  called  the  Hermits  of 
Saint  Francis.  At  Naples,  "he  communed  with  the  King  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Court,  as  if  he  had  been  a  Courtier  all  the  days  of  his  life."  Nor 
did  his  discretion  fail  when  he  arrived  at  Plessis  ;  for  when  Louis,  falling 
down  before  him,  and  desiring  him  to  prolong  his  life,  honoured  him  as 
if  he  had  been  the  Pope  himself,  we  are  told  that  he  "  answered  as  a 
wise  man  should." 

"  But  all  would  not  help,  there  was  no  remedy,  needs  he  must  go  the 
way  his  predecessors  went  before  him."  One  interview,  the  only  one  he 
had  sought  for  many  years,  he  held  with  the  Dauphin,  in  which  he  ear- 
nestly recommended  the  child,  whom  either  from  jealousy  or  from  an 
undue  regard  for  a  sickly  constitution,  he  had  permitted  to  attain  his 
twelfth  year  in  lamentable  ignorance  f,  by  all  means  to  adhere  to  the 

*  Gamier  (x.  f»7-)  calls  him  Francis  of  Martorella  or  Martortella,  and  it  is  pro- 
bable from  tbe  Pope's  boon  that  such  was  his  name. 

f  It  is  said  that  the  only  sentence  of  Latin  which  Louis  would  permit  his  son  to 
be  taught,  was  qui  vescit  dimmuiare  neurit  regnare.  But  the  anecdote  is  improbable, 
it  is  not  supported  by  the  authority  of  Commines  ;  and  Louis,  if  he  openly  avowed 
such  a  maxim,  must  have  ceased  to  dissemble.  It  is  certain,  on  the  other  hand,  that 


A.  D.  1483.]  DEATn  OF  LOUIS  XI.  435 

policy  which  bad  marked  his  own  reign,  and  not  to  change  the  Ministers 
whom  lie  should  find  in  office  on  his  succession.  To  the  adoption  of  a 
Contrary  system,  he  attributed  much  of  the  trouble  by  which  himself  had 
been  harassed  in  earlier  years.  This  promise  extorted  from  the  boy,  who 
perhaps  knew  not  to  what  lie  consented,  and  was  wearied  by  the  harangue 
explanatory  of  his  father's  wishes,  was  attested  and  solemnly  registered 
in  the  National  Archives  ;  in  which  it  remained  as  a  proof,  if  such  proof 
could  be  needed,  of  the  futility  of  all  instruments  designed  to  secure 
posthumous  obedience  from  an  Heir. 

Unequivocal  symptoms  of  approaching  dissolution  at  length  appeared, 
yet  Louis  passed  nearly  a  week  in  alternate  hope  and  fear 
as  to  his  recovery.  At  one  time  he  despatched  his  Archers,  Aug.  25. 
his  falcons,  and  his  hounds,  (the  trappings  of  dignity  which 
he  loved  best,)  to  the  young  King,  as  he  called  him,  at  Amboise ;  and  no- 
tified a  verbal  wish  that  Pierre  de  Bourbon  should  undertake  his  personal 
guardianship  during  minority ;  at  another,  when  his  spirits  returned,  he 
expressed  unshaken  confidence  in  the  intercession  of  the  Calabrian.  Jea- 
lousy of  that  irregular  practitioner  induced  some  members  of  the  House- 
hold to  speak  plainly  to  their  Master  of  his  condition,  and  "  a  Doctor  of 
Divinity,"  and  Oliver  le  Dain,  informed  him  without  reserve  of  his  im- 
minent peril.  While  still  in  vigour,  he  had  repeatedly  warned  his  servants, 
that  whatever  might  be  his  danger,  no  one  during  illness  should  presume 
to  give  him  notice,  beyond  urging  the  necessity  of  Confession,  "  not  sound- 
ing in  his  ears  that  dreadful  word  Death,  knowing  that  he  should  not  be 
able  patiently  to  bear  the  cruel  sentence."  Nevertheless  (and  Commines 
implies  that  it  was  in  some  sort  a  retribution  for  the  speed  with  which 
the  executions  of  St.  Pol  and  the  Duke  of  Nemours  had  been  hurried 
on)  the  upstart  menials,  whose  fortunes  he  had  made  hastily  and  unde- 
servedly, took  upon  themselves  boldly  to  do  their  message  otherwise  than 
became  them ;  not  using  that  reverence  and  humility  which  ought  to  be 
used  in  such  a  case,  "  and  which  would  have  been  used  by  the  ancient 
and  legitimate  servants  of  the  Crown."  They  broke  abruptly  into  his 
presence,  and  spoke  to  him  rudely  and  in  few  words.  Louis,  dissembling 
till  the  last  gasp,  assumed  a  show  of  confidence  which  he  did  not  feel, 
and  answered,  "  I  trust  God  will  help  me,  peradventure  I  am  not  so  sick 
as  you  suppose."  He  then,  however,  received  the  Sacrament,  gave  orders 
for  his  funeral,  named  the  persons  whom  he  wished  to  attend  it,  expressed 
a  hope  that  Our  Lady  whom  he  had  always  devoutly  served  would  release 
him  on  a  Saturday,  conversed  tranquilly  till  "  within  a  Pa- 
ternoster of  his  departure,"  and  died,  according  to  his  wish,  Aug.  30. 
"upon  Saturday  the  30th  of  August,  in  the  year  148^,   at 

a  Manual  concerning  the  Art  of  Government  was  compiled  for  the  use  of  Charles 
under  the  superintendence,  if  not  the  dictation,  of  his  father.  M.  de  Sismondi  ex- 
presses very  just  surprise,  that  this  MS.  /.<■  I  rlferres,  lias  never  been  pub- 
lished. It  exists  in  the  BibBothtqtte  du  R«i,  7433,  and  some  extracts  from  it  have 
been  given  by  Duclos.     Prc/tres.  lii.  382,  39". 

2  f2 


436  STATE  OF  PARTIES.  [CH.  XVII. 

eight  of  the  clock  at  night,  in  the  same  Castle  of  Plessis  where  he  fell 
sick  on  the  Monday  before." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

From  a.  d.  1483  to  a.  d.  1498. 

Death  of  the  Queen  Charlotte  of  Savoy — State  of  Parties — Anne  of  Beaujeu — Louis 
of  Orleans — The  Council  of  Regency — 'Punishment  of  the  late  King's  menials — 
States  General  at  Tours — Ascendancy  of  Anne — Intrigues  with  Bretany — Death 
of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon — Battle  of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier — Capture  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans—  Peace  of  Sable — Death  of  Francis  II.  Duke  of  Bretany — Great  peril 
of  the  Duchess  Anne — Her  alliance  with  Henry  VII. — Her  Marriage  by  proxy 
to  Maximilian — Release  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans — Retirement  of  the  Bour- 
bons— Marriage  of  Charles  VIII.  with  Anne  of  Bretany,  and  repudiation  of 
Margaret  of  Burgundy — Siege  of  Boulogne  by  Henry  VII. — Rousillon  and  Cer- 
dagne  abandoned  to  Spain — Peace  of  Etaples  with  the  English — Treaty  of  Senlis 
with  Maximilian — State  of  Italian  Politics — Lodovico  Sforza  invites  Charles  VIII. 
to  claim  the  Throne  of  Naples — Illness  of  Charles  at  Asti — Engagement  at  Ra- 
palle — Terror  excited  by  the  French  Soldiery — Death  of  Galeazzo  Sforza — Lodo- 
vico seizes  the  Duchy  of  Milan — Dangerous  March  of  the  French — Revolution  in 
Florence  and  overthrow  of  the  Medici— Charles  enters  Florence — Discontent  of  the 
Florentines — Treaty  with  them — Charles  in  possession  of  Rome — Omens  of  the 
Fall  of  Naples — Abdication  of  Alfonso  II. — Remonstrance  of  the  Spanish  Ambas- 
sador— Flight  of  Cesare  Borgia — Trivalzio  deserts  to  the  French — Ferdinand 
withdraws  to  Ischia — Charles  at  Naples — Unpopularity  of  the  French — Confe- 
deracy against  them  in  the  North  of  Italy — Retreat  of  Charles — Savanarola — 
Danger  of  the  French — Laborious  passage  of  their  Artillery  over  the  Mountains 
— Battle  of  Fornovo — Charles  continues  his  retreat  unmolested  to  Asti — Distress 
of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  at  Novarra — Treaty  of  Vercelli  with  Lodovico  Sforza — 
Arrival  and  dismissal  of  the  Swiss  Mercenaries — Charles  returns  to  France — 
Ferdinand  reconquers  Naples — Charles  surrenders  himself  to  pleasure — Treache- 
rous design  between  France  and  Spain  for  the  partition  of  Naples — Beneficial 
change  in  the  disposition  of  Charles — His  sudden  death. 

Charlotte  of  Savoy  survived  her  husband  only  four  months.    The  tem- 
per of  Louis  had  little  inclined  him  to  the  society  of  women, 
a.  d.  1483.  and  the  Queen  had  lived  in  exclusion  both  from  his  Court 
Dec.        and  his  affections,  partly  at  Amboise,  partly  at  Loches.    Of 
the  three  children  whom  she  had  borne,  her  son,  now  Charles 
VIII.,  was  thirteen  years  and  two  months  old  at  the  time  of  his  accession  ; 
Anne,  the  elder  daughter,  who  inherited  her  father's  talents,  was  twenty- 
two  years  of  age,  and  married  to  Pierre  of  Bourbon,  Sieur  de  Beaujeu. 
Jane  the  younger,  whom  natural  deformity  was  supposed  to  have  ren- 
dered sterile,  was  the  wife  of  Louis  Duke  of  Orleans,  to  whom,  although 
but  of  a  collateral  branch,  the  throne  would  devolve  in  case  the  new  King 
should  die  without  male  issue.     Anne  of  Beaujeu  was  crafty,  energetic, 
and  ambitious,  and  she   sought  the  aggrandizement  of  a  husband  who 


\.  I).    I  PUNISHMENT  OF  THE  LATE  KING'S  MINIONS.  437 

ably  seconded  her  policy.     The   Duke  of  Orleans  excelled  in  all  bodily 
exercises,  and  was  ardent  in  the  pursuit  of  youthful  pleasure  ;    but  his 

lofty  station  as  first  Prince  of  the  Blood,  and  his  proximity  to  the  Crown, 
i  never  to  have  been  forgotten  in  any  unseemly  open  excesses; 
and  in  his  near  relative,  a  son  of  the  Bastard  Dunois,  he  found  an 
able  and  a  most  useful  supporter.  From  unwillingness  to  look  beyond 
his  own  life,  from  a  jealousy  of  power  which  shrank  from  even  its  post- 
humous delegation,  or  from  the  entire  estrangement  in  which  he  kept 
secluded  from  his  Aristocracy,  Louis  had  died  without  providing  a  Re- 
gency;  and  a  fruitful  source  of  dissension  appeared  to  be  thus  opened 
between  competitors  whose  claims  were  too  nearly  equal  to  permit  ready 
adjustment.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon,  Beaujeu's  elder  brother,  was  little 
likely  to  assert  any  claim  of  seniority;  for  the  gout  confined  him  to  his 
chamber  for  more  than  twro-thirds  of  the  year  ;  and  yet  upon  this  dis- 
abled valetudinarian,  the  Council  of  Princes,  who,  without  any  constitu- 
tional right,  exercised  a  temporary  authority  from  necessity, 
bestowed  the  command  of  the  Army,  investing  him  with  the  Oct.  23. 
Sword  of  Constable,  which  had  been  in  abeyance  since  the 
execution  of  St.  Pol.  They  proceeded  also,  as  by  one  consent,  to  revoke 
the  exorbitant  Grants  which  Louis  had  made  by  alienation  of  the  Royal 
Domains,  and  to  disband  the  Swiss  mercenaries  ;  and  these  acts,  in  which 
the  King's  name  and  sanction  were  employed,  were  succeeded  by  ano- 
ther not  less  calculated  to  excite  public  applause,  the  disgrace  and  pu- 
nishment of  the  execrable  minions  who  had  engrossed  favour  during  the 
late  reign.  The  immediate  charge  which  brought  Oliver  le  Dain  and  his 
valet  Daniel  to  the  gallows,  has  been  repeated  against  other  objects  of 
popular  hatred*;  but  without  deciding  upon  the  truth  of  the  specific  ac- 
cusation, there  can  be  little  doubt  that  both  of  them  had  richly  earned 
their  fate  by  unnumbered  crimes.  The  life  of  Jean  Doyat  was  spared, 
but  he  must  have  coveted  the  axe  or  the  rope  as  a  relief  from  torture; 
after  having  been  publicly  whipped,  his  tongue  was  bored  with  a  hot 
iron,  one  ear  was  cut  off  in  Paris,  the  other,  after  a  second  whipping,  in 
Montferrand,  whence  he  was  removed  to  perpetual  exile  \.  The  Physi- 
cian Cottier  received  a  milder  sentence  than  his  comrades  in  iniquity,  and 
was  allowed  to  hide  himself  in  banishment,  after  refunding  fifty  thousand 
crowns  from  his  ill-gotten  gain. 

The  States  General  were  then  convoked  at  Tours,  in  order  to  obtain 
some  show  of  legitimate  rule.  A  minute  account  of  the  proceedings  of 
this  Assembly  is   given  by  more  than  one  Modern  Historian,  from  an 


*  Monstrelet.  xi.  -l\\\.  The  accusation  was  similar  to  that  which  forms  the  plot 
of  Measure  for  Jltamere,  ami  which  ia  our  own  History  lias  been  advanced  against 
Col.  Kirke. 

f  Ilenault,  4f>7,  attribute!  to  Jean  Doyat  the  conveyance  of  the  Trench  Artillery 
over  the  Alps,  during  the  subsequent  Italian  expedition. 


438  REGENCY  OF  ANNE  OF  BEAUJEU.  [CH.  XVIII. 

original  Manuscript  of  its  Acts  * ;  but  although  bursts  of  popular  feeling 
were  occasionally  displayed  during  its  sittings,  especially  in  the  speeches 
of  Philip  Pot,  the  Deputy  from  Burgundy,  little  or  no  restraint  was 
imposed  upon  the  ascendancy  which  Anne  of  Beaujeu  found  means  to 
establish.  The  causes  of  her  influence  are  obscure,  for  contemporary 
writers  were  either  unable  or  unwilling  to  enter  upon  investigation  of 
them ;  but  it  is  manifest,  that  although  the  dignity  of  President  of  the 
Council,  which  could  scarcely  be  denied  to  his  high  rank,  was  bestowed 
upon  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  chief  authority  remained  in  the  hands  of 
Anne  as  guardian  of  the  Royal  infant's  person  f. 

After  the  Coronation,  she  accordingly  removed  the  young  King  to  Mon- 

targis,  under  a  pretext  of  watching  over  his  health  and  studies, 

a.  d.  1 484.   but  in  reality  to  wean  him  from  a  dangerous  intercourse  which 

May  3.      Orleans  sought  to  promote  by  introducing  him  prematurely 

to  the  dissipations  of  the  Court.  We  need  not  detail  the  petty 
struggles  of  this  minority,  in  which  Louis  found  support  from  the  Duke 
of  Bretany  and  his  unpopular  minister  Laudois ;  Anne  connected  herself 
with  the  Nobles  of  that  Province,  who  sought  the  overthrow  of  the  Fa- 
vourite, and  with  the  Flemings,  always  discontented  with  Maximilian. 
In  the  hope  of  securing  the  permanent  alliance  of  England,  Laudois 

assisted  Richard  III.,  and  the  aid  which  Henry  VII.  in  con- 

a/d.  1485.    sequence  received  from  the  virtual  Regent  of  France,  greatly 

Aug.  22.     contributed  to  his  success  at  Bosworth  Field.  The  vengeance 

of  the  Bretons  at  length  overtook  Laudois,  who  was  surren- 
dered by  his  Master,  and  dragged,  from  a  cabinet  in  the  Palace  in  which 

the  trembling  Prince  had  just  secreted  him,  to  an  ignominious 
July  14.     execution.  For  awhile  the  Duke  renounced  all  alliance  which 

might  be  prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  Anne,  and  her  activity 

a.  d.  1486.    was  undividedly  directed  against  Maximilian,  who,  inflated 

Feb. —      by  his  recent  election  as  King  of  the  Romans,  had  attacked 

Picardy.  His  success  in  that  Province  was  of  short  duration, 
and  when  want  of  money  compelled  him  to  abandon  the  field,  the  French 
arms  again  found  employment  in  Bretany.  The  weak  and  fickle  Duke 
had  gained  a  short  respite,  and  the  hand  of  his  eldest  daughter  and 
heiress  (who  at  that,  time  was  only  in  her  tenth  year)  was  a  golden  bait 
for  the  enticement  of  allies.  Anne  of  Bretany  had  already  been  promised 
to  Edward  V.  when  Prince  of  Wales,  but  by  his  murder  in  14  S3,  she 
again  became  marketable ;  and  if  even  we  admit  that  there  is  not  sufficient 
evidence  to  prove  that  she  was  at  that  time  in  the  contemplation  of  the 

*  By  Jean  Masselin,  Official  of  the  Archbishop  of  Rouen.  It  occupies  98  quarto 
pages  in  Gamier,  x.  82.  M.  de  Sismondi  has  abstracted  it  (xiv.  641.)  in  less  than 
half  that  number  of  octavo  size. 

-j-  The  Chronology  of  events  during  the  minority  of  Charles  VIII.  is  perplexed  and 
doubtful.  Much  information  relative  to  it  may  be  found  in  the  Mem.  de  t Acad, 
des  Inscriptions,  torn.  viii.  p.  709,  and  in  some  notes  by  M.  Lancelot,  upon  a  con- 
temporary Poem  in  praise  of  Anne  of  Beaujeu.     Ibid.  38G. 


A.  D.   1488.]  DUCHESS  OF  BOURBON.  436 

Duke  of  Orleans*,  no  fact  is  more  established  in  History  than  that  Alain 
Sire  d'Albret,  whose  influence  in  Gascony  made  his  confederation  im- 
portant, notwithstanding  his  inferiority  of  rank,  Maximilian  King  of  the 
Romans,  and  a  son  of  the  Viscount  Rohan  f,  were  simultaneously  amused 
by  secret  hopes  of  marriage  with  her.  The  succour  promised  by  Alain 
was  for  awhile  retarded  by  unexpected  opposition  in  the  An- 
goumois;  but  Maximilian,  by  a  seasonable  re-inforcement  of  a.  d.  1487. 
1500  of  his  best  troops,  enabled  the  Count  Dunois  to  relieve  Aug.  6. 
Nantes,  which  had  suffered  severely  during  a  six  weeks'  siege. 

When  the  Sire  d'Albret  had   disengaged  himself  and  appeared  witli 
4000  Gascons  in  Bretany,  the  hopes  of  the  insurgents  greatly  revived. 
The  Court  of  Duke  Francis  became  the  general  asylum  for  discontent, 
and  Commines  himself,  as  it  seems,  was  prevented  from  joining 
the  confederacy  only  by  a  seasonable  imprisonment,  which    a.  d.  1488. 
although  it  consigned  him  for  many  months  to  one  of  the  iron       Feb. — 
cages  which  he  has  so  fearfully  described,  perhaps  contri- 
buted to  his  ultimate  safety  J.    The  Royal  Army  wras  preparing  to  invade 
the  rebellious  Province,  when  Anne  received  intelligence  of 
the  demise  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon.     It  was  not  difficult     April  — 
to  put  aside  the  legitimate  claim  of  Charles,  Cardinal  and 
Archbishop  of  Lyons,'who  was  contented  to  resign  his  right  arising  from 
elder  birth  by  a  compromise  which  secured  revenue  in  exchange  for  dig- 
nity ;  and  the  Sire  and  Dame  of  Beaujeu,  as  Duke  and  Duchess  of 
Bourbon,  opened  the  campaign  with  great  increase  of  power,  by  despatch- 
ing to  the  siege  of  Chateaubriand  Louis  de  la  Tremoille  who  was  devoted 
to  their  interests,  and  who,  although  scarcely  more  than  four-and-twenty 
years  of  age,  already  gave  promise  of  becoming  the  most  renowned 
General  of  his  time. 

A  single  action  was  decisive  of  the  quarrel.  The  confederation  was 
composed  of  a  motley  herd  of  Bretons,  Gascons,  Germans,  English,  and 
Spaniards,  among  whom  little  general  bond  of  union  existed ;  and  an 
open  quarrel  broke  out  between  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  D'Albret,  on 

*  Notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  two  authorities  so  powerful  as  those  of  M.  de 
Sismondi  and  the  Count  Daru,  we  do  not  admit  that  the  early  attachment  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  future  Queen  is  utterly  devoid  of  grounds,  and  to  be  rejected 
altogether  as  a  Romance.  D'Albret  was  45  years  of  age,  disgusting  in  person,  and 
already  the  father  of  seven  children.  These  are  stronger  objections  than  any  which 
have  been  advanced  against  Louis.  The  reasoning  of  the  Count  Daru  on  this  point, 
strikes  us  to  be  especially  inconclusive. 

f  The  Sire  de  Leon  killed  at  the  Battle  of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier.  Both  the  Vis- 
count of  Rohan  and  the  Sire  d'Albret  were  connected  with  the  male  line  of  Bre- 
tany, which  made  a  marriage  of  either  of  them  with  Anne  important  to  the  peace 
of  the  Duchy.     Their  pretensions  are  clearly  explained  by  Daru,  ii.  10*i. 

J  At  a  Bed  of  Justice  held  in  February,  1488,  the  Count  Dunois  was  condemned 
for  High  Treason,  and  on  default  of  appearance  was  sentenced  to  Confiscation.  Se- 
veral minor  agents  were  adjudged  to  death,  and  Commines  to  ten  years'  banishment, 
a  sentence  probably  commuted  for  imprisonment*  It  does  not  appear  that  the 
Dukes  of  Orleans  and  of  Bretany  were  included  in  these  Trials. 


440  BATTLE  OF  ST.  AUBIN  DU  CORMIER.  [cil.  XVIII. 

the  very  night  preceding  the  battle.  The  former  accused  the  Gascon 
Chief  of  a  design  to  assassinate  him ;  D'  Albret  in  return  loudly  proclaimed 
that  the  Duke  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  were  meditating  desertion.  In 
order  to  rebut  this  calumny  the  more  effectually,  the  illustrious  objects 
of  it  took  their  station  on  foot,  amid  the  infantry,  when  the 
July  27.  two  armies  met  on  the  following  morning  near  St.  Aubin  du 
Cormier.  About  700  English  Archers  were  headed  by  Lord 
Scales,  not  deputed  by  their  Government,  but  tendering  their  services  as 
volunteers;  and  so  highly  were  these  troops  renowned,  that  the  Bretons 
mingled  with  their  ranks,  and  adopted  the  badge  of  the  Red  Cross  in 
order  to  impress  the  French  with  a  false  belief  of  the  number  of  auxilia- 
ries. The  allies  obtained  an  advantage  in  the  beginning,  and  drove  back 
the  French  van  ;  but  La  Tremoille  was  far  superior  in  artillery,  which 
was  very  skilfully  served,  and  upon  which  the  fate  of  battles  was  becoming 
every  day  more  and  more  dependent.  A  false  movement  made  by  a  Ger- 
man Officer,  who  hoped  to  secure  his  troops  from  a  destructive  fire,  occa- 
sioned an  opening  in  the  confederate  line,  by  which  the  French  imme- 
diately profited  ;  the  cavalry  on  the  wings  took  to  flight,  and  Lord  Scales, 
the  English  and  the  Bretons  perished  to  a  man.  Nearly  4000  killed 
remained  on  the  field  :  D'Albret  and  the  Count  of  Rieux  escaped,  but 
the -Duke  of  Orleans  was  captured  while  endeavouring  to  rally  the  fu- 
gitives, and  the  Prince  of  Orange  also  was  discovered  among  the  wounded 
and  compelled  to  surrender. 

La  Tremoille,  after  his  victory,  mastered  Din  ant  and  St.  Malo,  but 
the  Burghers  of  Rennes  couched  their  reply  to  his  summons  in  too  firm 
a  tone  to  permit  any  hope  from  an  attempt  upon  their  City.  By  a  bloody 
act  of  daring,  from  the  responsibility  of  which  it  is  probable  that  the 
Bourbons  would  have  recoiled,  he  had  already  freed  them  from  many 
enemies.  On  the  evening  of  the  Battle  of  St.  Aubin  du  Cormier,  he 
entertained  his  chief  prisoners  at  supper,  which  was  passed  in  hilarity. 
The  Duke  of  Orleans  and  the  Prince  of  Orange  occupied  the  seats  of 
honour  at  table,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  banquet,  two  Franciscan 
Monks  received  an  ominous  summons  to  attend.  "  Over  you,  Princes," 
said  La  Tremoille,  addressing  his  two  most  illustrious  guests,  "  my  power 
does  not  extend ;  neither  would  I  exercise  it,  if  it  did  so ;  but  your  fol- 
lowers who  have  broken  their  allegiance,  and  have  violated  Knightly 
honour,  must  atone  for  this  Treason  with  their  lives.  If  any  among  them 
have  need  of  a  Confessor,  let  him  adjust  his  conscience  forthwith."  He 
remained  inexorable  to  all  supplication,  and  the  prisoners,  after  a  brief 
shrift,  were  led  out  to  death.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  transferred  to 
various  places  of  confinement,  in  order  that  he  might  be  kept  from  inter- 
course with  the  young  King,  who  was  well  inclined  to  him  personally, 
and  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  immured  in  the  Castle  of  Angers. 

The  Breton  power  was  irrecoverably  shattered  by  this  signal  defeat, 
and  the  Bourbons  strenuously  urged  an  immediate  abolition  of  the  no- 


A.  D.  1488.]  DANGER  OF  ANNK  OF  BRET  A  NT.  Ill 

minal  Independence  of  the  Province,  by  its  annexation  to  the  Crown. 
When  the  project  had  been  debated  in  Council,  the  Chancellor  Gui  de 
Rochefort  boldly  protested  against  its  legality,  and  the  great  Feudatories 
were  little  inclined  to  give  hasty  sanction  to  a  measure  by  which  the  Royal 
authority  would  be  so  greatly  enhanced,  and  which,  on  some 
future  occasion,  might,  perhaps,  furnish  a  dangerous  prece-  a.  d.  1488. 
dent  against  themselves.  A  Peace  was  accordingly  negotiated,  Aug.  20. 
in  which  the  Duke,  still  treating  as  a  Sovereign,  consented 
to  Terms  which  sufficiently  spoke  his  degradation.  By  the  Articles 
accepted  at  Sable  Francis  II.  agreed  to  dismiss  all  those  partizans  whom 
the  King  might  consider  as  his  own  enemies,  and  never  to  re-admit  them 
into  his  service.  He  promised  also  not  to  bestow  his  daughters  in  mar- 
riage without  the  King's  approval.  The  States  of  Bretany  were  to  gua- 
rantee these  engagements  under  a  penalty  of  200,000  crowns,  and  the 
French,  retaining  possession  of  St.  Malo,  Fougeres,  Dinant,  and  St. 
Aubin  du  Cormier,  were  to  evacuate  the  remainder  of  the  Province. 

Scarcely  three  weeks,  however,  had  elapsed  from  the  signature  of  the 
Peace  of  Sable,  before  the  death  of  Duke  Francis  II,  revived  all  the 
former  anarchy  in  Bretany.  Charles  VIII.  insisted  that  the  heiress  Anne 
should  forbear  from  assuming  the  title  of  Duchess,  till  the  great  question 
of  female  succession  should  be  decided  ;  and,  in  order  to  support  this 
decree,  instead  of  withdrawing  his  troops,  he  spread  them  more  widely 
over  the  interior.  The  danger  of  the  young  Princess'was  extreme  ;  dis- 
cord prevailed  among  those  who  had  hitherto  espoused  the  cause  of  her 
House,  and  the  Sire  d'Albret  at  length  becoming  convinced  that  her 
aversion  from  his  suit  was  invincible,  resolved  upon  the  employment  of 
force  in  order  to  obtain  her  hand.  The  Viscount  of  Rohan  displayed 
similar  violence  for  a  like  end;  and  her  chief  foreign  ally,  Maximilian, 
was  engaged  in  a  perilous  dispute  with  his  own  rebellious  Flemings*. 
One  auxiliary  was  found  among  a  People  always  ready  to  embark  in  hos- 
tility against  France,  in  the  person  of  a  Prince  whose  avarice  is  described 
as  inducing  him  to  sell  War  to  his  subjects  from  the  hope  of  subsidies, 
and  Peace  to  his  enemies  as  soon  as  they  agreed  to  indemnify  him  from 
pretended  expense  f.  Henry  VII.  of  England  engaged  to  place  at  the 
disposal  of  Anne,  from  January  to  November,  a  force  of  not  less  than 
6000,  nor  more  than  10,000  men,  whose  pay,  maintenance,  and  transport 
were  to  be  defrayed  by  the  Bretons,  while  two  of  their  strongest  maritime 
Towns  were  to  be  garrisoned  by  the  English,  until  they  were  fully  re- 
imbursed. Anne  promised  also  that  she  would  not  enter  into  any  nego- 
tiation for  either  her  marriage  or  for  Peace  without  the  concurrence  of 
Henry. 

*  The  Burghers  of  Ghent  and  of  Bruges  had  risen  in  February,  1488,  and  had 
detained  Maximilian  close  prisoner  till  the  following  May,  after  having  executed  his 

Ministers  in  torture,  and  having  frequently  threatened  his  own  person.    He  recovered 
his  liberty  by  a  Treaty,  which  lie  violated  without  scruple. 
f  Lord  Bacon  in  Pitd. 


442       MARRIAGE  OF  ANNE  OF  BRETANY  WITH  MAXIMILIAN        [CH.  XVIII. 

The  English  were  tardy  in  their  movements,  and  their  arrival  was  pre- 
ceded by  that  of  2000  Spaniards,  despatched  by  Ferdinand 
May —      and  Isabella  (who  had  consolidated  under  one  Monarchy  the 
two  great  Kingdoms  of  the  Peninsula)  with  the  hope  of  re- 
covering Rousillon  and  Cerdagne.     The  petty  events  which  ensued  are 
very  perplexed,  and  uninteresting  ;  a  War  of  brigandage  raged  along  the 
Pyrenees,  and  Bretany  was  torn  by  innumerable  Factions, 
a.  d.  1489.  and  desolated  by  partizans  chiefly  avaricious  of  private  gain. 
Feb.  11.     In  Flanders,  the  French  suffered  some  reverses,  and  the  loss 
of  St.  Omer,  which  the  adherents  of  Maximilian  surprised, 
inclined  Charles  to  terminate  a  contest  of  which  he  was  heartily  wearied, 
and  which  threatened  to  interfere  with  far  more  dazzling  projects.     By  a 
Treaty  signed  at  Frankfort  therefore,  he  abandoned  the  Flemish  insur- 
gents who  were  no  longer  of  use  to  him,  and  he  engaged  to  negotiate 
with  the  Bretons  on  the  basis  of  the  Peace  of  Sable.  * 

In  order  to  escape  the  importunity  of  Alain  d'Albret,  to  which  Anne 
perceived  that  she  must  again  become  exposed,  the  persecuted  Duchess 
finally  resolved  to  accept  a  husband  not  much  more  adapted  to  her  incli- 
nation, but  whom  she  could  at  least  regard  without  disgust.  Every  par- 
ticular of  the  time  and  place  of  her  remarkable  marriage  with  Maximilian, 
is  involved  in  mystery.  The  Bridegroom  at  the  moment  of  its  celebration, 
was  occupied  in  the  remotest  part  of  Europe ;  and  the  acquisition  of  the 
Crown  of  Hungary  engaged  his  attention  while  his  Ambassador  Wolfgang 
de  Polhain  ful filled  all  the  duties  of  proxy,  and  according  to  the  rude  form 
of  German  espousals,  inserted  his  leg  bare  to  the  knee  in  the  nuptial 
couch.  No  further  details  of  the  ceremony  are  known,  nor  was  it  till 
March,  1491,  that  the  Duchess  of  Bretany  publicly  assumed  the  title  of 
Queen  of  the  Romans  *-, 

The  Treaty  of  Frankfort,  however,  had  not  yet  been  executed  in  Bre- 
tany.    The  French  were  still  in  possession  of  its  chief  fortresses :  and 
funds  were  wanting  for  the  payment  of  the  English  auxilia- 
a.  d.  1491.    ries.     While  Maximilian  neglected  even  to  avow  his  Bride, 
Jan.  2.        Alain  d'Albret  by  an  odious  act  of  treachery  sold  Nantes 
to  Charles  VIII.     Its  price  was  110,000  crowns,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  confiscated  Signory  of  Albret.    Charles  added  a  pension 
of  25,000  livres,  as  an  indemnity  for  the  sovereignty  of  Bretany  to  which 
the  Count  pretended  ;    lavished  rewards  profusely  among  his  followers ; 
and  promised,  either  with  an  insincerity  most  detestable,  or  with  a  blind- 
ness which  the  event  rendered  most  ludicrous,  to  further  the  wooing  of 
Anne,  which  D'Albret  had  not  yet  relinquished  f. 

Meantime  a  revolution,  which  cannot  but  excite  unmixed  astonishment, 

*  A  secret  Instrument,  in  which  she  bears  that  title,  is  dated  Dec.  28,  1490. 

f  He  was  obliged  to  content  himself  in  the  end  with  a  pension  of  6000  livres,  for 
both  tbe  Chamber  of  Accompts  at  Paris  and  the  Parliament  of  Toulouse  pronounced 
that  the  rights  which  he  had  affected  to  cede  were  altogether  invalid. 


A.I).   1492.]  AND  WITH  CHARLES  VIII.  443 

preparing  ;  and  from  inability  either  to  unravel  its  secret  motives, 
or  to  note  the  stages  of  its  progress,  we  must  be  content  to  give  little  more 
than  a  rapid  summary  of  facts.  Charles,  who  approached  his  twenty- 
year,  was  perhaps  willing  to  evince  by  some  marked  action, 'that  he 
was  DO  longer  under  the  tutelage  of  his  sister.  For  that  purpose,  without 
any  previous  consultation,  he  released  the  Duke  of  Orleans  from  impri- 
sonment, entertained  him  for  many  days  in  the  Palace,  and  distinguished 
him  by  proofs  of  especial  favour.  The  Bourbons  discreetly  yielded  without 
a  struggle,  which  they  foresaw  must  be  unavailing,  and  loyally  and  sin- 
cerely renounced  all  further  enmity  against  their  brother-in-law. 

But  an  event  yet  more  surprising  was  at  hand.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  Charles,  during  his  father's  illness,  had  been  solemnly  betrothed  to 
Margaret  of  Austria,  the  daughter  of  Maximilian;  who,  having  been 
educated  in  the  Court  of  France,  was  recognized  as  Queen  of  that  King- 
dom. Anne  of  Bretany  also  had  been  married,  during  at  least  twelve 
months,  to  a  husband  whom  she  had  indeed  never  seen,  the  father  of  the 
Consort  of  Charles.  She  was  already  a  Queen,  she  might  reasonably  hope 
ere  long  to  be  an  Empress.  Nevertheless,  so  .'urgent  was  her  present 
destitution,  that  she  agreed  to  a  contract  by  which  she  transferred  both 
her  hand  and  her  dominions  to  the  King  of  France,  and  be- 
came his  Bride  instead  of  his  mother-in-law.  Each  party  Dec.  6. 
surrendered  all  separate  pretensions  upon  the  Duchy,  and 
one  stipulation  alone  was  considered  requisite  to  secure  the  perpetual 
union  of  Bretany  with  France,  namely,  that  in  case  the  Queen  should 
survive  her  Consort,  she  should  not  re-marry  unless  either  with  the  fu- 
ture King,  or,  if  that  were  not  possible,  with  the  presumptive  heir  of  the 
Crown. 

This  double  insult,  the  abduction  of  his  wife,  and  the  repudiation  of 
his  daughter,  affected  Maximilian  far  less  sensibly  than  the  French  had 
anticipated.  Hungary  at  first  continued  to  engross  his  ambition,  and 
when  he  at  length  applied  to  a  Diet  of  the  Empire,  assembled  at  Coblentz, 
to  revenge  his  outraged  honour,  he  patiently  submitted  to  its  refusal. 
Henry  VII.  was  forced,  against  his  personal  wishes,  into  a  brief  demon- 
stration of  hostility ;  and  after  his  Parliament  had  granted  a  large  sub- 
sidy and  had  equipped  a  powerful  army,  he  saw  that  it  was 
useless  to  combat  the  National  passion  for  warfare  with  a.  d.  1492. 
France.  But  he  purposely  commenced  the  siege  of  Boulogne,  Oct. — 
upon  which  town  his  troops  were  directed,  at  a  season  in 
which  the  hardships  of  a  campaign  were  sure  to  be  increased;  he  took 
early  opportunity  of  showing  that  the  support  to  be  derived  from  Maxi- 
milian was  most  scanty;  and  that  the  six  hundred  auxiliary  horse  which 
had  already  been  despatched  from  St.  Omer  comprised  the  entire  force 
at  the  disposal  of  the  King  of  the  Romans;  above  all,  he  was  oppor- 
tunely abandoned  by  allies,  whose  perseverance  might  have  proved  em- 
barrassing.     Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had   finally  triumphed  over  the 


444  PEACE  OF  ETAPLES,  AND  OF  SEN  LIS.  [cH.  XVIII. 

Moorish  Kingdom  of  Grenada,  and  Charles  VIII.,  perceiving  that  they 
might  now  direct  their  whole  force  upon  the  Provinces  which  he  dis- 
puted in  the  Pyrenees,  made  a  merit  of  necessity  by  a  voluntary  cession. 
He  relinquished  his  claim  to  the  200,000  crowns  advanced 
a.d.  1492.   by  his  father,  and  he  permitted  Spanish  garrisons  to  re- 
Sept.  — .     occupy  Cerdagne  and  Rousillon,  stipulating  at  the  same 
time  by  a  Treaty,  ultimately  signed  at  Barcelona,  that  he 
a.  d.  1493.    should  receive  active  assistance  against  the  English   and 
Maximilian,   if  they   continued   in  warfare.     Henry  VII., 
who  was  well  aware  of  the  progress  of  this  negotiation,  represented 
to  his  Army  that  it  was  about  to  be  exposed  to  danger  from  which 
he  saw  no  means  of  escape,  and  that  Charles  was  far  from  being  re- 
luctant to  treat  on  favourable  terms.     The  difficulties  already  encoun- 
tered before  Boulogne  had  cooled  the  first  effervescence  of  military 
ardour ;  and  the  Captains,  who  but  a  few  weeks  before  panted  for  glory, 
now  unanimously  signed  a  Request  and  Supplication  that 
Nov.  3.     their  King  would  accept  Peace.     The  Treaty  concluded  at 
Etaples  had  probably  been  arranged  long  before,  and  was 
more  calculated  to  gratify  the  avarice  than  to  increase  the  honour  of  the 
chief  negotiator.     It  was  in  truth  a  simple  bargain  for  money,  in  which 
Charles  acknowledged  that  his  Queen   and  himself  were  indebted  to 
England,  to  the  amount  of  *] 45,000  crowns  of  Gold,  which  he  engaged 
to  discharge  in  fifteen  years  by  annual  payments  of  50,000  crowns*. 
Maximilian  was  thus  left  alone,  and  a  few  minor  successes  won  by 
his  Lieutenants,  and  the  recovery  of  the  town  of  Arras  by 
Nov.  4.     an  act  of  unprecedented  daring-]-,  were  by  no  means  suffi- 
cient compensations  for  the  dissolution  of  the  League  upon 
which  he  had  relied  for  support.     He  listened  therefore  eagerly  to  the 
first  overtures  made  by  Charles;   and  the  restoration  of  his  daughter 
Margaret  and  of  the  Provinces  which  were  to  have  formed  her  portion 
as  Queen  of  France  were  the  chief  conditions  for  which  lie 
a.  n.  1493.    stipulated  in  the  Treaty  of  Senlis.    The  young  Archduchess 
May  26.     was  conducted  to  her  Parent  at  Valenciennes  with  a  scru- 
pulous attention  to  ceremony.     In   149*7   she  became  the 
Bride  of  John,  Infante  of  Spain,  only  son  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
who  died  shortly  after  their  marriage,  and  in   1501   she  bestowed  her 
hand  upon  Philibert  II.,  Duke  of  Savoy,  whom  also  she  survived.     She 
died  in  1530,  after  having  governed  the  Netherlands  for  many  years, 
during  her  father's  lifetime,  with  much  credit  for  prudence,  and  for  a 
devout  abhorrence  of  the  infant  Reformation!. 

*  620,000  crowns  due  from  Bretany  ;  125,000  from  France  for  arrears  of 
pension. 

f  A  few  Bourgeois  attached  to  the  House  of  Burgundy  found  means  to  obtain 
the  keys  of  the  City  gates  and  to  admit  a  German  force  by  night. 

I  She  was  nearly  shipwrecked  during  her  voyage  to  Spain,  and  an  impromptu 


a.  n.  1493.]  lodovico  sforza.  445 

Thus  disembarrassed  from  the  many  enemies  by  whom  he  had  hitherto 

been  beset  against  his  will,  Charles  was  at  full  liberty  to  indulge  his 
long-cheriahed  inclination,  by  awakening  new  foes  in  a  widely-different 
quarter.  The  success  attendant  upon  the  very  remarkable  expedition, 
the  fortunes  of  which  we  are  now  about  to  relate,  was  obtained  in  de- 
fiance of  all  human  calculation  ;  and  if  the  King  who  projected  and  led 
the  triumphant  march  to  Naples  and  back  again,  had  been  more  largely 
indebted  to  Nature  for  personal  accomplishments,  we  are  sufficiently 
warned  by  the  whole  tenor  of  History  that  neither  the  want  of  just 
motives  for  his  aggression,  nor  of  permanent  result  from  his  conquest, 
would  have  debarred  him  from  ranking  among  Heroes.  But,  unhappily 
for  his  fame,  Charles  in  person  bore  little  resemblance  to  the  Paladins 
whom  he  wished  to  mimic  ;  and  it  is  very  difficult  to  connect  chivalrous 
associations  with  a  disproportioned  bead  sunk  upon  a  sbort  neck,  with 
limbs  clumsily  adjusted  to  the  body,  witb  thin  lips,  and  with  an  exor- 
bitant length  of  nose.  Such  is  the  portrait  of  Charles  VIII.,  which 
contemporaries  have  presented  to  us;  and  no  one  has  ever  read  the 
often-told  history  of  his  Italian  glory  without  feeling  surprised,  and  per- 
haps somewhat  mortified,  by  the  unsuitableness  of  the  instrument  by 
which  it  was  achieved*. 

The  claims  of  the  second  House  of  Anjou  upon  the  throne  of  Naples, 
however  unjustly  founded  and  unsuccessfully  urged,  had  been  considered 
worthy  of  purchase  from  Charles  of  Maine  and  his  niece  Margaret  by 
a  not  less  crafty  Politician  than  Louis  XI.  ;  and  if  we  once  admit  that 
Joanna  possessed  the  right  of  transferring  her  Crown  by  the  adoption  of 
an  heir,  there  does  not  seem  to  be  any  good  reason  why  those  heirs  in 
another  generation  might  not  exercise  a  similar  right  upon  receipt  of 
what  they  considered  adequate  compensation.  The  question  of  right, 
however,  when  Kingdoms  are  the  stake  played  for,  soon  becomes  merged 
in  that  of  power;  and  much  more  idle  pretexts  have  been  advanced  for 
conquest  than  those  upon  which  Charles  VIII.  rested  his  cause  when 
Lodovico  Sforza  invited  him  to  Italy  f. 

Lodovico  the  More,  as  he  is  called,  perhaps  from  some  fancied  mark 
of  a  mulberry  J  {moro)t  younger  son  of  Francesco  Sforza,  had  long  ad- 
epitaph,  attributed  to  her  during  the  tempest,  is  a  proof  of  her  courage  and  of  her 
keen  sensibility  to  the  hazards  which  the  had  encountered. 
Ci  gist  ]\largot,  la  gente  DemoiseHe, 
Qui  ent  deux  maris  ct  si  mourn t  Pucelle. 
Louis  XII.,  as  we  shall  perceive  hereafter,  had  her  in  contemplation  for  his  third 
wife. 

*  If  any  reasonable  suspicion  attaches  to  the  portrait  of  Charles  VIII.  as  drawn 
by  Guiccianlini,  I.  i.  ?l9  that  of  Philip  de  Commines  must  be  accepted  without 
scruple,  and  it  is  scarcely  more  favourable* 

f  The  claims  of  the  House  of  Anjou  are  ably  considered  at  the  commencement 
of  the  XXIXth  Book  of  Giannone. 

I  Guiccianlini.  lib.  iii.  vol.  i.  p.  23!)  (ed.  Freiburg,  177"' \  refers  the  title  both  to 
his  complexion  and  to  his  astuteness.  His  device  was  ;i  White  Mulberry  Tree, 
"  the  wisest  of  plants/*  which  neither  buds  nor  blossoms  till  all  danger  of  being 
nipped  by  winter  has  passed  away. 


446  STATE  OF  ITALY.  [CH.  XVIII. 

ministered  the  government  of  Milan*.  His  weak  nephew,  Giovanni 
Galeazzo,  had  indeed  obtained  majority,  but  even  at  twenty-five  years  of 
age,  both  the  vices  and  the  incapacity  of  this  legitimate  Prince  rendered 
him  unfit  for  that  emancipation  from  guardianship  which  his  wife  Isa- 
bella of  Aragon  was  'perpetually  soliciting.  Isabella  was  a  grand- 
daughter of  Ferdinand  I.f,  who  during  a  long  reign  had  defied  the 
Angevin  pretensions  to  Naples.  At  her  request  the  Ambassador  of  that 
King  summoned  the  More  to  surrender  his  usurped  authority,  and  the 
Regent  of  Milan,  in  order  to  strengthen  himself  by  foreign  connexion, 
then  renewed  with  Charles  VIII.  an  alliance  which  he  had  before  con- 
tracted with  Louis  XL  The  native  Powers,  as  he  well  knew,  would  for 
the  most  part  readily  combine  for  his  overthrow.  Florence,  swayed  by 
Piero  of  Medici,  who  inherited  the  dignity  but  not  the  talents  of  his 
illustrious  father  Lorenzo,  was  in  strict  union  with  Naples.  Sienna  and 
Lucca  were  at  the  control  of  their  respective  paramount  neighbours. 
Roderic  Borgia,  who  held  the  Keys  under  the  title  of  Alexander  VI., 
had  obtained  a  natural  daughter  of  Alfonso,  the  heir  of  Ferdinand,  in 
marriage  for  his  son  Francesco  |.  The  dreaded  Republic  of  Venice  had 
never  forgiven  the  Family  of  Sforza  for  appropriating  the  sovereignty  of 
Lombardy,  which  itself  had  coveted.  The  More  expected  that  Charles, 
like  his  Angevin  predecessor,  would  despatch  a  few  thousand  men  to  the 
invasion  of  Naples,  and,  by  thus  creating  a  diversion,  would  fully  occupy 
Ferdinand  in  the  defence  of  his  own  Crown.  But  Charles,  although 
profoundly  ignorant  of  more  grave  and  useful  Literature,  had  nurtured 
Imagination  by  the  diligent  perusal  of  Romance.  Flatterers  were  at 
hand  ever  prompt  to  feed  a  belief  that  he  might  revive  the  legendary 
glories  of  Charlemagne  ;  and  in  the  acquisition  of  Naples,  which  others 
supposed  to  be  the  goal  of  his  ambition,  he  himself  saw  only  the  com- 
mencement of  a  brilliant  career,  to  be  crowned  by  the  possession  of 
Constantinople  and  the  rescue  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 

Charles,  indeed,  appears  to  have  thought  that  Victory  was  to  be 
achieved  by  a  vault  into  the  saddle;  but  he  had  Counsellors  about  him 

*  Perseverava  nel  governo,  non  come  tutore  o  governatore,  ma  da  titolo  di  Dace  di 
Milano  infuoni.  con  tutte  le  dimostrazioni  e.  azioni  da  Principe.  Guicc.,  lib.  i.  vol.  i.  4. 
On  the  marriage  of  his  niece  Bianca  with  Maximilian  in  1403,  he  obtained  inves- 
titure of  Milan  as  fourth,  not  as  seventh  Duke,  thus  impugning  the  legitimate  suc- 
cession of  his  father,  of  his  elder  brother,  and  of  [his  nephew.  Id.  lib.  i.  vol.  i.  41. 
The  Chancellor  of  the  Empire  declared  that  it  was  imperative  on  an  Emperor  to 
refuse  investiture  to  a.  usurper,  and  therefore  that  Maximilian  had  hitherto  declined 
all  overtures  made  by  Lodovico  in  favour  of  his  nephew.  The  More,  however, 
until  the  death  of  Giovanni  Galeazzo,  does  not  appear  to  have  assumed  a  higher 
title  than  that  of  Duke  of  Bari.     M.  de  Sismondi,  Rep.  Ital.  xiii.  83. 

f  She  is  represented  as  giovane  di  virile  spiriio  by  Guicciardini  (I.  i.  1G),  who 
informs  us  in  another  place  that  the  More  was  enamoured  of  her,  and  endeavoured 
by  love-potions  to  impede  her  marriage  with  his  nephew.  I.  i.  46. 

I  Called  also  Godfrey.  Alexander  VI.  was  the  first  Pope  who  had  the  shame- 
lessness  or  the  honesty  to  acknowledge  his  children.  His  predecessors  always  spoke 
of  nipoii,  but  he  at  once  gli  chiamava  e  mostrava  a  tuito  il  monde  come  Jig/uofi. 
Guicc.  I.  i.  16, 


A.  D.  1494.]  TTS  INVASION  BY  CHARLES  VIII.  447 

who  used  greater  precaution.     The  replies  given  to  Envoys  despatched 
to  sound  the  chief  Italian  Governments  afforded  little  encouragement. 
Venice  and  Florence  wrapped  themselves  in  an  evasive  neutrality;  and, 
in  the  latter  City,  the  hostile  feeling  of  the  Medici  Faction  was  openly 
displayed.     Piero,  indeed,  resorted  to  an  unworthy  stratagem,  which 
derives  little  excuse  from  the  precedent  of  Louis  XL     He  concealed 
the  French  Ambassador  in  a  chamber  of  his  Palace,  and  then  artfully 
induced  the  Envoy  of  Sforza  to  admit  that  his   Master  had  invited 
Charles  into  Italy,  solely  to  assist  his  own  temporary  views,  and  that  he 
would  throw-  him  off  immediately  after  his  purpose  should  be  effected*. 
The  Pope  boldly  protested  that  none  but  himself  possessed  authority  to 
decide  in  any  quarrel  concerning  Naples,  a  Fief  of  the  Holy  See ;  and 
as  a  former  judgment  of  the  Apostolic  Chamber  had  confirmed  the  in- 
vestiture of  the  House  of  Aragon,  it  was  little  likely  that  this  Decree 
should  now  be  reversed.    Ferdinand  prepared  for  resistance  with  vigour, 
and  at  the  same  time  made  overtures  to  the  More,  which  might  have 
produced  an  amicable  result ;  but  a  stroke  of  apoplexy  sud- 
denly terminated  his  life  while  they  were  yet  pending,  and    a.  d.  1494. 
Alfonso  II.,  who  succeeded,  being  of  more  fiery  temper,     Jan.  25. 
rejected  all  negotiation,  and  at  once  proceeded  to  close  the 
chief  entrances  through  which  attack  was  to  be  apprehended.     For  that 
purpose  he  stationed  a  powerful  Fleet  at  Leghorn,  in  order  to  intercept 
any  attempt  by  Sea;  he  confided  the  passage  of  the  Apennines  to  Piero 
of  Medici;  and  his  main  Army,  under  his  son  Ferdinand  Duke  of 
Calabria,  was  assembled  to  defend  Romagna  and  the  March  of  Ancona, 
by  which  route  the  former  Angevin  invasion  had  been  conducted.     The 
force  with  which  Charles  in  person  broke  up  from  Lyons, 
where  he  had  consumed  much  valuable  time  and  a  great     Aug.  — . 
portion  of  treasure  in  very  idle  and  licentious  amusements, 
consisted  of  3600   men-at-arms,  20,000  native  infantry,  8000  Swiss 
mercenaries,  and  a  very  formidable  park  of  artillery.     After 
having  crossed  Mount  Genevref  (one  of  the  many  reputed     Sept.  5. 
passages  of  Annibal),  and  having  rested  only  a  few  hours 
at  Turin,  he  advanced  to  Asti,  in  which  town,  belonging  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans t,  Lodovico  Sforza  received  him  with  a  train  of  Italian  Beauties, 
whose  blandishments  well  nigh  frustrated  the  expedition  almost  in  its 
outset.     At  Turin  and  at  Casale,  Charles  had  replenished  his  military 
chest  by  money  borrowed  upon  jewels  which  his  allies,  the  Princesses 
Regent  of  Savoy  and  of  Montferrat,  had  exhibited,  with  more  ostentation 
than  prudence,  in  order  to  grace  his  public  entry,  and  upon  each  of  these 
unexpected  prizes  he  raised  12,000  ducats.     His  excesses  at  Asti  re- 
duced him  to  the  very  brink  of  the  grave,  and  there  is  reasonable  ground 

*  Guicciardini,  I.  i.  66,  wlim>  we  aro  told  in  the  margin  that  Piero  dc  Medici  fa 
in  be!  morio  senlir  at  Orntore  Francese  i  srgrcti  di  Lodovico  Sf<  . 
f  Guicciardini,  I.  i.  71.  +  Id.  I.  i.  31. 


448  BATTLE  OF  RAPALLE.  [CH.  XVIII- 

for  believing  that  the  fatal  effects  of  that  hideous  malady,  the  name  of 
which  has  since  become  connected  as  a  reproach  with  France,  were  then 
first  manifested  in  Europe.  Charles  wavered  and  talked  of  return;  but 
the  crafty  More  shamed  him  out  of  this  infirmity  of  purpose,  and  bound 
him  by  a  vow  not  to  desist  from  his  enterprise  till  he  should  at  least 
have  entered  the  gates  of  Rome,  which  might  already  be  considered 
opened  by  the  declaration  of  the  Colonna  Faction  in  his  favour. 

Some  blood  indeed  had  already  been  spilled.  The  Duke  of  Orleans, 
who  was  proceeding  by  Genoa,  had  disembarked  near  Ra- 

Sept.  8.  palle,  where  a  more  serious  combat  than  any  to  which  the 
Cisalpines  had  lately  been  accustomed,  terminated  in  the 
slaughter  of  above  100  men*.  The  Italian  troops  were  brave  and 
skilful,  but  the  battles  in  which  they  had  hitherto  been  engaged  were 
but  a  mimicry  of  War.  The  Knight  and  his  horse,  cased  alike  in  com- 
plete steel,  were  seldom  even  wounded ;  and  the  former,  if  dismounted, 
surrendered  with  certainty  of  obtaining  quarter,  and  of  recovering  liberty 
on  the  payment  of  an  easy  ransom.  On  the  contrary,  the  French,  and 
much  more  the  Swiss  infantry,  never  scrupled  to  despatch  a  fallen  enemy 
if  he  were  likely  to  prove  burdensome,  and  the  price  extorted  by  them 
for  the  release  of  prisoners  seemed  not  to  have  any  other  measure  than 
their  own  poverty.  The  rapid  and  almost  unopposed  success  of  the 
invaders,  in  their  following  march,  must  in  some  measure  be  ascribed  to 
the  terror  inspired  by  their  ferocity  in  the  opening  skirmishes.  "  No 
people,"  says  Commines,  "  is  so  jealous  and  covetous  as  the  Italians ;  " 
a  charge  which,  in  other  and  more  true  words,  may  be  rendered,  that 
they  are  keenly  sensitive  respecting  the  honour  of  their  women,  and  by 
no  means  careless  of  the  rights  of  property.  That  in  the  latter  they 
were  injured  is  not  denied;  "  as  touching  their  women,  they  belied  us, 
but  the  rest  was  not  altogether  untrue  f." 

Charles  protracted  his  stay  at  Asti  till  the  end  of  the  first  week  in 
October,  and  he  then  recommenced  his  course,  although 

Oct.  6.  sickness  prevented  the  Duke  of  Orleans  from  accompanying 
the  Army.     When  he  entered  PaviaJ,  Isabella  of  Aragon 

*  Restando  parte  nel  combattere,  parte  nel  fuggire  ;  morti  di  loro  pin  di  cento  uomini; 
uccisione  senza  dubbio  non  piccola  secondo  le  maniere  del  gverreggiare  le  quali  a  quel 
tempo  in  Italia  si  esercitavano.  Guicc  I.  i.  ]73.  The  first  announcement  which 
Charles  received  of  the  Battle  of  Rapalle  informed  him  that  his  armament  bad  been 
defeated  at  sea.  A  second  messenger  speedily  contradicted  this  news  by  stating 
that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  taken  40,000  prisoners;  that  the  number  of  the 
enemy  slain  was  too  great  to  be  estimated  ;  that  a  very  few  had  fled  to  the  moun- 
tains ;  and  that  their  Commander,  Prince  Frederic,  was  dead  through  fear.  Mon- 
strelet,  xi.  c.  44. 

-{■  Monstrelet,  c.  11. 

I  Some  alarm  appears  to  have  been  excited  by  a  proposal  to  leave  Charles  in  the 
Town  instead  of  the  Citadel  of  Pavia.  Lodovico,  finding  that  the  guards  were  re- 
inforced, and  that  the  King  insisted  upon  removal  to  the  Citadel,  expressed  indig- 
nation, so  that  it  was  plain  their  friendship  would  not  be  of  long  endurance.  Id. 
c.  10. 


A.  D.  1494.]  ADVANCE  OF  T  UK  FRENCH.  -449 

threw  herself  at  his  feet,  and  humbly  besought  him  to  have  mercy  upon 
her  lather  and  her  brother.  "  She  was  young-  and  beautil'ul,"  says 
Commincs  (whose  insinuation,  if  this  be  one,  is  not  free  from  obscurity), 
u  and  she  would  perhaps  have  succeeded  better  if  she  had  solieited  for 
herself  and  for  her  husband."  Giovanni  Galeazzo,  who  passed  a  life  of 
seclusion  and  of  imbecility  in  the  Citadel  of  Pavia,  died 
within  a  few  days  after  an  interview  which  the  King  of  Oct.  17- 
France,  his  Cousin  german*,  could  not  decently  avoid. 
The  King  is  described  as  having  been  moved  to  tears  "  without  any 
dissembling -j- "  by  this  intelligence.  Vehement  suspicion  of  poison 
attached  to  Lodovico,  who  hastened  back  to  Milan  in  order  to  set  aside 
the  claim  of  an  infant  son  of  his  late  nephew,  and  to  obtain  his  own  re- 
cognition as  Duke.  The  disturbed  state  of  Italy  required  the  adminis- 
tration of  a  vigorous  hand,  so  that  the  Usurper  accomplished  his  object 
without  difficulty.  He  pretended  indeed  that  some  sacrifice  of  his  feel- 
ings was  necessary,  and  that  he  yielded  to  an  act  of  private  injustice 
induced  by  an  overpowering  consideration  for  the  public  weal.  Having 
exhibited  this  necessary  display  of  humility  and  reluctance  before  the 
Council,  lie  accepted  their  election,  and  assumed  the  insignia  of  Ducal 
power,  completing  his  duplicity  by  a  secret  protest  that  he  claimed  only 
under  investiture  from  the  Emperor  J.  The  French  by  no  means  dis- 
sembled their  disgust ;  they  unsparingly  condemned  this  perfidious  at- 
tainment of  sovereignty,  and  although  they  continued  to  traverse  the 
dominions  of  the  More  as  allies,  it  was  manifest  that  reliance  was  no 
longer  placed  by  them  on  his  professions. 

At  Pontremoli,  Charles  took  leave  of  the  Milanese  dominions,  and  his 
march  lay  through  a  narrow  strip  of  rich  country,  flanked  on  one  side 
by  the  Apennines,  on  the  other  by  the  Mediterranean.  This  tract,  the 
Lunigiana,  is  productive  of  the  Olive  and  the  Vine,  but  utterly  desti- 
tute of  grain.  In  many  spots  the  narrowness  of  some  mountain-pass, 
or  the  extent  of  marsh  to  be  penetrated  only  on  a  causeway,  gives  entire 
mastery  even  to  a  petty  fortress  if  it  happens  to  overhang  the  path  ;  and 
little  military  skill  is  required  to  entangle,  to  detain,  and  to  annihilate  a 
superior  hostile  force  while  threading  this  labyrinth.  But  even  that  little 
was  wanting  in  Piero  de'  Medici.  He  appears  to  have  been  overwhelmed 
with  terror  at  the  savage  butchery  of  two  Florentine  detachments  which 
the  French  surprised  at  Fiuzzano  and  at  Sarzana;  and  instead  of  inter- 
posing the  force  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted  for  the  defence  of  the 
Capital  of  Tuscany,  he  tamely  delivered  up  his  garrisons,  and  hastened 

*  Bonne,  mother  of  Giovanni  Galeaz/o,  and  Charlotte  mother  of  Charles  VIII., 
were  sisters.  ( Juu-ciardini  speaks  unfavourably  of  the  inij.rudaiui  e  unpurfici  cos- 
tumi  of  the  former,     i.  i.  4. 

f  Monstrelet,  xi.  40. 

\  Cnicciardini,  i.  i.  81. 

2g 


450  CHARLES  VIII.  IN  FLORENCE  [CH.  XVIII. 

back  to  advise  surrender.      The  Florentines  indignantly  spurned  the 
suggestion,  and  so  fierce  was  the  tone  assumed  by  the  Populace,  that 

Piero  thought  it  discreet  to  seek  personal  safety,  first  at 
Nov.  8.     Bologna,  and  afterwards  more  remotely  at  Venice.     In  the 

latter  City  he  became  for  a  time  reduced  to  utter  destitution, 
and  he  complained  to  Commines  of  having  been  refused  credit  by  one  of 
his  former  Faction  for  the  paltry  sum  of  100  ducats,  which  he  solicited 
to  provide  clothing  for  his  brother  and  himself.  Yet  a  single  day's 
plunder  of  his  Palace  in  Florence  had  amounted  to  upwards  of  100,000 
crowns*. 

Charles,  unacquainted  with  the  real  state  of  feeling  which  his  ap- 
proach excited,  conceived  that  absence  of  resistance  implied  voluntary 
submission,  and  mistook  the  anxiety  with  which  the  Pisansf  threw  off 

the  yoke  of  Florence  for  eagerness  to  adopt  that  of  France. 
Nov.  17.     Indulging  this  delusion,   he  entered   Florence  with  great 

military  splendour  and  with  almost  triumphal  pomp,  ten 
days  after  the  flight  of  Piero.  It  was  from  ignorance  rather  than  from 
presumption  that  he  inquired,  in  reply  to  the  complimentary  address  of 
the  Governor  Capponi,  whether  he  should  issue  ordinances  in  his  own 
name,  or  in  that  of  the  Medici ;  or  whether,  instead  of  either,  he  should 
annex  a  Committee  of  French  Lawyers  to  the  existing  Signory?  Nothing 
could  be  more  unexpected  than  this  demand.  The  Florentines  had  long 
panted  to  overthrow  the  despotism  of  the  single  family  to  which  they  had 
been  subjected  for  more  than  half  a  century,  and  the  preaching  of  an 
Enthusiast,  Savanarola,  to  whom  we  shall  presently  have  occasion  to 
advert  more  fully,  persuaded  them  that  the  King  of  France  was  designed 
by  Providence  for  their  deliverance,  and  that  his  invasion  was  to  be  the 
signal  of  freedom.  "  If  it  be  indeed  so,"  said  the  astonished  but  un- 
daunted Governor,  and,  while  he  spoke,  he  rent  into  shreds  the  parch- 
ment of  instructions  offered  to  him,  "  sound  your  trumpets,  and  we  will 
ring  our  Bells |."  The  French  Council  perceived  and  hastened  to 
repair  the  danger  to  which  the  King  was  exposed  by  this  indiscretion  ; 
and  the  Florentines,  although  prepared  to  encounter  any  suffering  in 
preference  to  an  abandonment  of  independence,  were  by  no  means 
anxious  blindly  to  encounter  a  struggle  which  they  might  avert  by  rea- 
sonable compromise.  They  agreed  therefore  to  furnish  a  subsidy  of 
120,000  florins,  at  three  instalments,  and  to  permit  Charles  to  retain, 
till  the  close  of  his  expedition,  the  fortresses  which  Piero  de'  Medici  had 
too  hastily  surrendered. 

*  Commines,  c.  13. 

|  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  92.     Monstrelet,  xi.  49. 

I  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  98.  Capponi  met  with  a  fate  little  deserving  his  eminent 
qualities.  He  was  shot  through  the  head  by  a  musket  ball  in  an  obscure  skirmish 
in  149G.     Guicc.  i.  iii.  270. 


A.  D.  1495.]  AND  ROMF.  451 

A  Treaty  to  that  effect  was  published,  and  the  Royal  army  continuing 
to  advance  by  Sienna,  Montenascone,  Viterbo,  and  Nepi, 
united  itself  under  the  walls  of  Rome  with  another  division,  Nov.  28. 
which,  having  descended  by  St.  Bernard  and  the  Simplon, 
had  penetrated  Romagna,  under  Everard  d'Aubigny,  of  the  Dec.  31. 
Scottish  House  of  Stuart.  Prince  Ferdinand  of  Naples 
retired  before  him,  and  quitted  Rome  by  the  Gate  of  San  Sebastiano  at 
the  moment  in  which  the  French  entered  that  of  del  Popolo*.  The 
language  employed  by  Charles  towards  the  Pontiff  wore  all  the  decency 
of  profound  submission.  He  had  full  power  to  force  an  entry  if  he  so 
pleased,  and  he  by  no  means  dissembled  his  consciousness  of  possessing 
such  an  ability ;  but  he  was  desirous,  as  he  stated,  not  to  fail  in  that 
personal  reverence  which  was  due  to  the  Holy  See  from  every  Monarch 
in  Christendom,  and  which  his  predecessors,  the  eldest  sons  of  the 
Church,  had  always  been  foremost  in  tendering.  Alexander  had  taken 
up  his  abode  in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  when  the  French  army  entered 
the  Eternal  City  towards  nightfall  and  partly  by  torchlight,  with  a  dis- 
play of  military  show  equal  to  that  which  had  marked  its  recent  occu- 
pation of  Florence.  The  King  marched  at  its  head,  in  complete  armour, 
and  with  his  lance  in  the  rest.  Upon  the  very  detailed  account  which 
Paulus  Jovius  has  given  of  this  spectacle  f  we  need  not  pause,  and  it  may 
be  sufficient  to  say  that  he  (who  probably  was  an  eye-witness)  appears 
to  have  been  deeply  impressed  by  a  remnant  of  Barbarism  distinguishing 
the  French  Cavalry  at  that  time,  who  cropped  the  manes  I  and  the  ears 
of  their  horses  from  a  belief  that  this  mutilation  gave  the  animals  a 
fiercer  appearance.  He  was  astonished  also  at  the  dexterity  and  rapidity 
with  which  their  field-artillery  was  maneeuvred.  The  park  consisted  in 
all  of  more  than  thirty-six  pieces  on  carriages  § ;  the  heaviest  cannon 
were  eight  feet  long,  and  admitted  a  ball  equal  in  size  to  a  man's  head ; 
they  were  mounted  on  four  wheels,  and  could  be  driven  on  tolerably 
level  ground  with  a  speed  fully  equal  to  that  of  light  Cavalry.  Besides 
these,  was  ordnance  of  greater  length  and  smaller  bore  (culverins  and 
falcons),  and  some  which  carried  bullets  not  bigger  than  an  orange.  It 
is  evident,  even  from  this  succinct  and  imperfect  description,  that  the 
French  had  cultivated  the  Science  of  Gunnery  with  not  a  little  diligence 
and  apparently  with  no  mean  success  ||. 

Peace  was  negotiated  with  Alexander  in  ten  days,  and  was  ratified 
at  the  Vatican,  where  Charles  and  his  chief  Nobles  per-  A  D  j495 
formed  the  customary  humiliating  ceremonies,  and  received  jan  j|  ' 
from  the  Sovereign   at  whose  feet  they  were  personally 

*  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  104.    Giannone,  torn.  iii.  lib.  xxix.  p.  501.         f   Lib.  ii.  f.  24. 

I  Jvbis  auribusijue  <lest>cati<,  id.  ibid.,  inadvertently  rendered  by  M .  de  Sismondi, 
Rep.  It.  xii.  184 — art  /cur  avoii  coupe  la  queue  ct  ies  orei/Zts. 

§    Toruieutu  curu/ia  supra  triginia  sex.      P.  Jovius,  nt  supni. 

||  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  75,  expresses  high  admiration  of  the  French  improvements 
in  artillery. 

2g2 


452      TRODIGIES  FORERUNNING  THE  ENTRANCE  OF  NAPLES.      [CII.  XVIII* 

abased  substantial  testimonies  of  non-resistance.  The  Pope  placed 
Civita  Vecchia,  Terracina,  and  Spoleto  at  the  disposal  of  the  French 
while  they  remained  in  Italy;  he  named  his  son,  Cscsar,  Legate*;  he 
pardoned  all  his  subjects  who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  invaders, 
and  he  admitted  two  French  Ecclesiastics  to  the  purple  -f. 

Our  estimate  of  the  progress  of  the  human  mind  at  any  given  period 
is  to  be  formed  quite  as  correctly,  if  not  more  so,  upon  a  knowledge  of 
prevalent  follies  as  on  that  of  boasted  wisdom ;  and  the  Italians  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  less  deeply  impregnated  with  superstition  during 
this  invasion  by  the  Gauls  fifteen  hundred  years  after  our  Saviour's  birth 
than  they  were  at  the  first  inroad  of  the  same  People  about  four  Cen- 
turies before  that  ^Era.  Livy  has  not  recounted  more  legendary  prog- 
nostics of  the  advance  of  Brennus  than  are  related  of  that  of  Charles. 
Astrologers  babbled  of  strange  changes  or  rare  accidents  about  to  be ; 
Three  Suns  were  visible  during  a  cloudy  midnight  in  Puglia;  at 
Arezzo,  the  Heavens  swarmed  with  squadrons  of  cavalry  completely 
armed,  mounted  on  gigantic  horses,  and  marshalled  under  drum  and 
trumpet :  Statues  sweated  ;  monstrous  births  announced  a  derangement 
of  both  human  and  bestial  nature;  and  surprise  was  afterwards  ex- 
pressed that  a  Comet,  the  long-accredited  harbinger  of  Fate  to  Nations, 
should  alone  be  lacking  among  so  many  less  ordinary  Prodigies  \. 

That  a  strong  Party  existed  at  Naples  in  the  French  interest,  and 
anxious  to  work  upon  the  popular  mind  by  terror,  cannot  be  doubted ; 
and  this  recollection  may  perhaps  furnish  a  key  to  at  least  one  of  the 
marvels  recounted,  which  need  not  therefore  be  sceptically  neglected  as 
altogether  incredible.  It  was  said  that  a  certain  Priest  of  good  repute 
had  more  than  once  been  visited  in  his  dreams  by  St.  Cataldo,  a  Pre- 
late who  had  held  the  Bishopric  of  Taranto,  a  thousand  years  before, 
writh  great  reputation  for  holiness,  and  whom  the  inhabitants  of  his  town 
still  venerated  as  their  patron.  The  object  of  these  nightly  warnings 
was  to  disclose  the  spot  in  which  a  Manuscript  was  concealed,  written 
by  St.  Cataldo's  own  hand,  and  containing  revelations  as  to  the  exist- 
ing state  of  Politics,  which  the  defunct  Bishop  wished  to  be  laid  before 
the  King.  The  Priest,  however,  disregarded  or  forgot  his  dreams ;  and 
the  Saint,  thinking  that  an  absolute  vision  might  prove  more  efficacious 
than  an  incidental  admonition  during  slumber,  appeared  before  his 
waking  senses  one  morning  while  he  was  alone  at  matins,  and  denounced 

*  Bastards  were  excluded  from  the  College  of  Cardinals  ;  but  false  witnesses  had 
been  procured  by  which  Gtesar  Borgia  was  declared  to  be  the  son  of  a  Roman 
Citizen.     Guicciardini.  i.  i.  47. 

f  Briqonnet,  Bishop  of  St.  Malo,  and  Philip  of  Luxemburg,  Bishop  of  Mans. 
Commutes,  c.  19.  Briconnet  was  originally  a  Merchant,  and  then  Farmer- 
General,  i.  e.  Superintendent  of  Finances,  in  Languedoc ;  whence  he  is  frequently 
described  as  the  General.  He  was  married,  and  obtained  the  Sees  of  Meaux  and  of 
Lodevi  for  two  sons  who  served  him  as  Deacon  and  Subdeacon.  Darn,  Hit/,  de 
I'mice,  iii.  243. 

J  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  C7« 


A.  D.  1495.]  ABDICATION  OF  ALFONSO  II.  453 

a  heavy  punishment  unless  the  book  should  he  disinterred  and  carried 
to  the  King  on  the  following  day.  A  procession  was  accordingly  made 
to  the  spot  signified,  and  a  roll,  wrapped  in  lead  and  hearing  marks  of 
very  remote  antiquity,  was  there  found  containing  signs  of  woes  and 
lamentations,  and  prophecies  of  the  downfall  of  the  Kingdom.  The 
Manuscript  was  entitled  The  Truth  ivith  its  secret  counsel,  *  and  there 
were  only  three  persons  besides  the  King  who  saw  it,  for  immediately 
after  he  had  read  it  he  threw  it  into  the  fire*." 

The  reign  of  the  deceased  Ferdinand  had  been  oppressive,  but  his  son 
and  successor,  Alfonso  II.,  is  described  as  a  tyrant  whose  evil  qualities 
were  unredeemed  by  even  the  equivocal  virtue  of  personal  courage  f; 
and  many  acts  of  cruelty,  of  injustice,  of  perfidy,  and  of  violence,  must 
have  thronged  upon  his  recollection  and  awakened  his  remorse  during 
a  season  of  disaster.  When  to  this  appalling  consciousness  of  crime 
was  added  the  fearful  jugglery  of  Ghosts  and  Visions  which  he  had 
neither  sagacity  to  detect  nor  courage  to  defy,  we  can  be  little  surprised 
that  the  pillow  of  the  tyrant  became  disturbed.  It  was  rumoured  (says 
Guicciardini},  with  a  becoming  caution  which  leaves  his  own  wiser 
opinion  indisputable)  if  indeed  we  must  not  altogether  despise  such  re- 
lations, that  the  Spirit  of  the  late  King  Ferdinand  had  appeared  on 
three  or  four  nights  to  James,  the  Head  Surgeon  of  the  Court,  and  had 
urged  him,  first  with  entreaty,  afterwards  with  menace,  to  announce  to 
Alfonso  that  he  should  not  any  longer  resist  the  King  of  France,  for  that 
the  Aragonese  dynasty  was  at  an  end.  Many  enormities,  it  was  added, 
had  gradually  conspired  to  provoke  this  judicial  sentence  from  Heaven ; 
but  the  one  which  the  King  would  most  forcibly  call  to  mind  was  an  act 
which  he  had  perpetrated  in  the  Church  of  St.  Leonard  in  Chiaia  on  his 
return  from  Pozzuoli.  It  was  believed  that  Alfonso  had  privately  put 
to  death  four-and-twenty  Barons  who  had  for  many  years  been  detained 
prisoners  in  the  Convent  thus  mysteriously  named.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
the  King,  either  stung  by  bitterness  of  heart  or  desperate  of 
support  from  his  subjects,  resolved  to  abdicate  in  favour  of  Jan  23. 
his  son  Ferdinand.  "Do  you  not  hear  them?"  was  the 
wretched  man's  unceasing  question.  "The  French  are  coming;  the 
very  trees  and  stones  cry  out  France  §."  He  hastily  embarked  all  the 
treasure  on  which  he  could  lay  hand,  and  set  sail  with  four  galleys 
for  Mazara,  a  Fief  of  Sicily,  which  he  held  under  the  Crown  of  Aragon. 
In  this  seclusion  he  lived  during  ten  months,  devoted  to  penance  and 
mortification,  and  died  after  long  martyrdom  to  the  agonies  of  a  cruel 
disease  ||. 

*  Commines,  c.  17.     Alexander  al>  Alexandre*.  Geniales  Dies,  lib.  iii.  c  lr>. 

f  The  language  of  Commines  relative  to  Alfonso  is  unusually  strong.     Nul 

huwt."c  n'u  rstc  ji/us  cruet,  mut/vnis.  tii  ti<i<i/.r,  »/•/'<  <7,  m  p/us  gourmand  que  ltd.     c.  17- 
+   I.  i.  107.  5   Coinminrs,  c.  17- 

1'  Id.,  ibid.    Giannone,  lib.  xxix.  torn.  iii.  p.  503. 


454  TRIVULZIO  ABANDONS  FERDINAND.  [CH.  XVIII. 

Charles  received  the  news  of  this  abdication  at  the  moment  at  which 
he  was  quitting  Rome ;  and  the  retirement  of  the  new  King  Ferdinand 
upon  his  Capital,  in  order  to  mount  the  vacant  Throne,  rendered  his 
advance  almost  unopposed.  The  route  which  he  took  by  Ceperano 
and  Aquino  is  more  distant  from  the  Sea  than  that  ordinarily  followed. 
On  his  arrival  at  Velletri,  the  Spanish  Ambassador,  Fonseca,  who  accom- 
panied his  Court,  presented  a  strong  remonstrance  against  the  invasion 
of  Naples,  and  stated  that  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had  consented  to 
Peace  solely  from  a  belief  that  Charles  was  about  to  direct  his  arms 
against  the  Turks.  The  announcement  was  received  disdainfully  by  the 
Nobles  present  at  this  audience;  and  so  highly  was  Fonseca  irritated 
by  their  words  and  demeanour,  that  he  tore  in  pieces  before  the  King's 
eyes  the  Treaty  which  had  been  signed  between  France  and  Spain,  and 
threatened  two  Spanish  gentlemen  in  the  service  of  Charles  with  the 
penalties  of  Treason  unless  they  should  abandon  their  commissions.  It 
was  at  that  moment  also  that  the  Cardinal  of  Valenza  fled  the  Camp, 
and  the  hostility  of  the  Pope  became  undissembled. 

Only  two  fortresses,  however,  that  of  Monte  Fortino  near  Palestrina*, 
and  of  Monte  Giovanni  not  far  from  Aquino,  attempted  resistance,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  villages  which  had  fled  to  them  for  protection,  as 
well  as  the  garrisons  themselves,  were  ruthlessly  put  to  the  sword  after 
their  storm.  Not  less  hatred  than  terror  was  excited  by  this  savage 
military  execution,  which  in  its  immediate  effect,  however,  was  useful  to 
the  French.  It  led  to  the  abandonment  of  a  strong  defile  in  which  Fer- 
dinand had  concentrated  his  troops  at  St0"  Germano,  and  to  their  tumul- 
tuary retreat  upon  Capua. 

In  that  City,  covered  in  front  by  the  Voltorno,  a  river  too  deep  to  be 
fordable,  and  the  bridges  over  which  had  been  carefully  destroyed,  Fer- 
dinand might  perhaps  have  maintained  himself  successfully,  if  the  good 
faith  of  his  officers  had  at  all  equalled  his  own  courage.  But  the  unruly 
populace  of  Naples  had  already  manifested  symptoms  of  revolt;  and 
Ferdinand  was  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  fickleness  of  their  dis- 
position to  know  how  greatly  his  own  presence  might  contribute  to  sup- 
press sedition  in  its  outset.  For  that  purpose,  he  left  the  command  with 
Gianjacopo  Trivulzio,  a  noble  Milanese  adventurer  and  Exile,  who,  it  is 
supposed,  speculated  upon  the  chance  of  obtaining  the  Crown  of  his 
native  Duchy  as  a  reward  from  the  Party  in  whom  he  believed  its  dis- 
posal would  ultimately  be  vested  t.  The  service  of  himself  and  his  fol- 
lowers which  Trivulzio  offered  to  Charles  was  immediately  accepted ; 
and  Ferdinand  on  his  return  had  the  mortification  of  finding  that  the 
lapse  of  a  few  hours  had  dissolved  his  army.  He  rode  within  two  miles 
of  his  former  quarters  before  he  learned  that  part  of  his  troops  was  in- 

*  Commines  extenuates  the  first  of  these  cruelties  by  saying  that  the  village  had 
revolted,  but  even  this  futile  excuse  is  not  advanced  for  the  similar  massacre  at 
Monte  Giovanni,  c.  19.  f  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  112. 


A.  D.   1495.]  CHARLES  VIII.  ENTERS  NAPLES.  455 

creasing  the  ranks  of  his  enemy;  that  the  more  faithful  had  disbanded, 
and  had  retired  among  the  mountains  with  Virginia  Orsini  and  the 
Count  Pitigliano*;  and  that  the  French  standard  was  already  waving 
on  the  ramparts  of  Capua. 

It  was  not  without  difficulty  that  he  regained  Naples,  in  which  Metro- 
polis the  temper  of  the  inhabitants  wai  unequivocally  displayed  by  the 
plundering  of  the  Royal  stables.  Hopeless  of  support  from  his  own 
subjects,  and  perceiving,  as  he  imagined,  signs  of  disaffection  among  the 
500  German  mercenaries  by  whom  Castel  Nuovo  was  garrisoned,  he 
opened  before  the  latter  with  his  own  hands  some  of  the  rich  Cabinets  in 
which  his  treasure  was  contained.  While  each  man  was 
securing  to  his  own  use  as  much  of  the  booty  as  he  could  Feb.  21. 
appropriate,  the  Prince  gained  the  harbour  by  a  postern; 
manned  about  twenty  galleys,  in  which  he  embarked  with  his  uncle 
Frederic,  the  aged  Queen  the  widow  of  his  grandfather,  his  aunt  Joanna, 
and  their  respective  equipages  ;  and,  in  order  to  escape  pursuit,  having 
disabled  such  vessels  as  he  could  not  occupy,  he  weighed  anchor  for  the 
volcanic  rock  of  Ischia,  about  seven  leagues  distant.  As  he  watched  the 
receding  towers  of  Naples,  he  repeated  with  a  loud  voice  a  verse  of  the 
CXXVIIth  Psalm,  "  Except  the  Lord  keep  the  City,  the  Watchman 
waketh  but  in  vain."  But  his  perils  had  not  yet  ended  :  the  Governor  of 
Ischia  refused  him  admission  to  that  Island  if  accompanied  by  more  than 
a  single  attendant;  and  it  was  not  until  the  King  had  laid  his  hand 
upon  his  sword,  and  had  menaced  instant  death,  that  he  succeeded  in 
obtaining  entrance  f. 

Charles  occupied  Naples  in  triumph  on  the  day  after  the  withdrawal 
of  his  competitor.     So  rapid  had  been  his  progress,  that, 
notwithstanding  much  time   consumed   in   pleasure,   only     Feb.  22. 
"  four  months  and  nineteen  days  had  elapsed  since  his  de- 
parture from  Asti.     An  ambassador  would  have  been  almost  as  long  in 
journeying  thither."     The  Milanese  Historian,  Corio,  indeed  relates  a 
popular  belief  that  in  derision  he  rode  a  mule  and  used  wooden  spurs, 
a  notion  which  seems  to  have  arisen  from  a  mot  of  Alexander  VI.,  who, 
in  order  to  describe  the  peaceful  advance  of  the  invaders,  used  to  say 
that  they  came  with  wooden  spurs,  and  harbingers  carrying  chalk   in 
their  hands  to  mark  out  their  lodgings  J.     The  French  were  received  by 
the  acclamation  of  a  populace  drunk  with  the  fumes  of  Revolution  and 
idly  imagining  that  any  change  must  be  improvement.     Nor  was  it  the 
Metropolis  only  which  declared  in  their  favour,  and  the  Historian  has 
but  an  easy  debt  to  discharge  when  he  enumerates  the  few  towns  which 

*  Who  were  afterwards  attacked  and  taken  prisoners  at  Nola. 

t  Guicciardini,  i.  i.  llf».  Paulus  Jovins.  f.  IJO,  says  that  the  gnards  of  the 
Governor  (Justus)  were  panic-stricken  by  the  superhuman  light  which  always  in  all 
fortunes  shines  forth  from  the  eyes  of  a  King! 

I  Commines,  c.  17.  from  whom  we  derive  this  anecdote,  mentions  the  wooden 
spurs  as  a  proverbial  expression. 


456  CONDUCT  OF  THE  FRENCH  IN  NAPLES.  [CH.  XVIII. 

remained  faithful  to  their  exiled  Prince.  In  Puglia,  Brindisi,  and  Galli- 
poli ;  in  Calabria,  Reggio  continued  inviolably  firm ;  and,  after  a  few 
days  of  apostasy*,  Turpia  and  Manzia  also  returned  to  their  former  alle- 
giance. Both  the  Castles  in  Naples  itself  (the  modern  building  of  St. 
Elmo  without  the  walls  did  not  yet  exist)  held  out  for  a  few  days  ;  but 
their  short  defence  was  perhaps  concerted  in  order  to  save  the  appear- 
ance of  direct  treachery ;  and  certainly  was  not  protracted  beyond  the 
term  which  military  etiquette,  demanded.  Charles,  we  are  told,  repaired 
to  the  batteries  after  he  had  heard  Mass  and  had  partaken  of  dinner,  in 

order  to  amuse  himself  with  the  siege.     On  the  surrender 
March  3.    of  Castel  Nuovof,  D'Avalos,  Marquess  of  Pescara  and  uncle 

to  the  fugitive  King,  with  such  of  his  followers  as  he  could 
still  command,  determined  to  share  the  fortunes  of  his  abdicated  Master, 

and,  as  Ischia  no  longer  afforded  sure  protection,  Ferdinand 
March  8.    removed  to  Sicily.     The  French,  meantime,  after  subduing 

Castel  del  Uovo,  which  held  out  five  days  longer,  were  en- 
gaged in  festivities ;  and  to  this  unlimited  indulgence  in  pleasure  has 
been  attributed  (he  rapid  decline  of  their  first  ascendancy,  which  may 
more  correctly  be  assigned  to  the  inadequate  means  they  possessed  for 
its  maintenance,  to  the  powerful  combination  by  which  it  was  menaced, 
and  to  the  revulsion  which  sooner  or  later  is  necessarily  consequent  upon 
every  great  Political  movement. 

Little  blame  surely  can  attach  to  the  youthful  conqueror  for  seeking 
relaxation  in  the  amusements  befitting  his  time  of  life  and  rank,  in 
Justings  and  Tournaments;  for  visiting  the  chief  objects  of  curiosity  in 
which  the  neighbourhood  abounds;  for  inspecting  the  natural  pheno- 
mena of  Posilippo,  Solfaterra,  and  the  Grotto  del  Cane ;  or  for  gazing 
with  awe  and  ignorance,  which  he  shared  in  common  with  the  wisest  of 
his  times,  over  the  yet  undetected  juggle  of  the  congelation  of  the  Blood 

of  St.  Januarius.     His  Coronation  exhibited  great  pomp; 
May  12.     and  it  was  remarked  as  ominous  of  his  future  intentions  that 

he  affected  an  Oriental  more  than  a  European  costume  in 
his  robes,  and  that  he  adopted  the  Imperial  style  of  Charles  Cresar 
Augustus  j.  Among  other  acts  of  Royalty,  he  officiated  at  the  Maundy 
supper,  he  repeatedly  touched  for  the  Evil,  and  he  coined  money ;  and, 
dining  his  short  reign,  the  Neapolitans  were  substantially  indebted  to 
him  for  the  remission  of  annual  imposts  amounting  to  200,000  ducats  §. 
Nevertheless,  want  of  urbanity  among  the  French  became  a  subject  of 
general  complaint.  The  native  Barons  were  deprived  of  personal  inter- 
course with  their  Sovereign,  and  found  difficulty  in  obtaining  audience. 
No  distinction  was  made  between  the  opponents  and  the  partizans  of  the 
Aragonese  dynasty  ;  or  if  any  such  difference  were  shown,  it  was  in  favour 
of  the  latter,  in  the  hope  of  conciliating  their  future  good  will||.     Every 

*  Guiceiardini,  i.  ii.  136.  f  Monstrelet,  xii.  c.  1.  J  Id.  c.  2. 

§  Guiceiardini,  i.  ii.  141.  ||   Commines,  c  20. 


A.  D.    1495.]  LEAGUE  AGAINST  FRANCE  IN  NORTHERN  ITALY.  457 

may,  (as  is  the  case  in  every  Revolution)  could  bring  forward  some  ser- 
vice which  he  had  afforded  to  the  State,  and  which  remained  unrequited; 
for  rewards,  it  was  said,  had  been  confined  solely  to  the  French,  and  the 
high  offices  and  the  Grants  of  domain  had  been  distributed  as  prizes 
among  the  conquerors.  The  few  Neapolitans  who  had  laboured  for  the 
overthrow  of  the  late  Government  from  a  disinterested  hope  of  amelio- 
rating the  condition  of  their  Country  were  perhaps  silent;  the  many 
who  had  been  disappointed  in  views  of  private  rapacity  expressed  cla- 
morous discontent.  In  this  temper*  of  the  public  mind,  it  was  utterly 
impossible  that  Charles  should  pursue  the  visionary  designs  upon  Greece 
which  he  had  originally  contemplated  ;  and  a  League,  which  was  con- 
structed in  the  North  of  the  Peninsula,  so  far  aggravated  his  peril,  as  to 
render  even  his  safe  return  to  France  (the  only  termination  for  which 
he  now  durst  hope)  an  enterprise  of  considerable  difficulty. 

The  reasons  for  the  change  of  policy  which  Lodovico  Sforza  had  adopted, 
and  which  placed  Charles  in  this  great  jeopardy,  are  sufficiently  obvious. 
The  Duke  of  Milan,  even  when  inviting  the  French  into  Italy,  by  no 
means  sought  to  establish  their  independence  in  Naples  ;  but  looked  only 
to  their  affording  him  some  counterbalance  against  the  pressure  of  the 
Aragonese.  The  unexpected  and  complete  triumph  of  Charles  had 
substituted  a  far  more  dangerous  Government  in  the  room  of  that  which 
had  been  expelled ;  and  exclusively  of  the  control  to  which  the  More 
might  be  forced  to  submit  by  a  permanent  French  dynasty,  the  very  ex- 
istence of  his  usurped  Crown  was  threatened  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
who  retained  command  of  an  army  in  Lombardy,  and  who  was  prepared 
to  assert  the  claims  of  his  House  upon  the  Duchy  of  Milan,  derived  from 
the  marriage  of  his  grandfather  with  Valentina  Yisconte.  Trivulzio,  upon 
whom  Charles  now  reposed  intimate  confidence,  was  Sforza's  avowed  and 
mortal  foe,  proscribed  as  a  Rebel  from  Milan ;  and  the  Principality  of 
Taranto,  which  had  been  promised  to  the  More  as  a  reward,  was  still 
detained  from  him  without  sufficient  pretext  for  delay. 

Among  the  other  Confederates,  the  King  of  Spain  felt  a  very  natural 
anxiety  for  the  security  of  his  own  Sicilian  dominions,  and  was  indignant 
at  the  overthrow  of  Ferdinand  *.  The  restlessness  of  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian always  prompted  him  to  any  new  enterprise,  especially  if  it  afforded 
hope  of  gratifying  the  hatred  which  it  was  little  likely  he  should  ever 
cordially  suppress  against  the  French  as  a  nation,  or  against  Charles 
himself  personally  ;  and  the  cautious  Signory  of  Venice,  after  long  dissi- 
mulation and  temporizing,  was  now  sufficiently  alarmed  by  the  conquest 
of  Naples,  to  share  openly  in  a  coalition  which  promised  to  assemble 
40,000  men  on  the  Lombard  borders  of  Italy,  in  order  to  intercept  all 
communication  between  the  King  of  France  anil  his  native  dominions. 
When  Charles,  apprized  of  his  peril,  determined  upon  retreat,  he  allotted 
the  conquered  territory  to  different  Commanders,  nominating  as  his  Lieu- 
*  His  illegitimate  Cousin. 


458  SAVANAROLA.  [CH.  XVIII. 

tenant  Gilbert  de  Bourbon,  Count  of  M  ontpensier,  an  Officer  who  appears 
to  have  had  few  recommendations  for  the  post  beyond  those  of  family 
connexion  and  of  merely  physical  courage.  "  He  was  a  valiant  and 
hardy  Knight,"  says  Commines,  "  but  of  no  great  sense,  and  so  careless 
that  he  kept  his  bed  every  day  till  noon  *."     Ferdinand  had  already 

crossed  with  a  few  troops  from  Sicily  to  Calabria,  and  a  Ve- 
May  20.     netian  armament  was  hovering  off  the  coast  of  Puglia  f  ; 

but  Charles  wisely  disregarded  these  attempts  at  diversion, 
and  marched  at  once  upon  Rome.  Half  his  army  was  necessary  for  the 
occupation  of  the  Neapolitan  conquest,  and  the  force  which  accompanied 
him  amounted  only  to  7000  mercenaries,  and  about  1500  gentlemen,  with 
which  little  band  he  was  to  traverse  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  Penin- 
sula, and  perhaps  to  fight  his  way  through  an  army  sixfold  exceeding  his 
numbers,  whenever  he  should  arrive  in  the  North.  The  Pope  on  his  ap- 
proach fled  first  to  Orvieto,  and  then  to  Perugia,  with  the  intention  of 
making  Venice  his  last  asylum  in  case  of  necessity. 

Charles  halted  only  ten  days  in  Rome,  and  pursuing  his  course  through 
Sienna,  he  there  gave  audience  to  Philip  de  Commines,  who  had  been 
Ambassador  in  Venice  during  the  last  eight  months.  The  veteran  diplo- 
matist more  clearly  foresaw  the  gathering  tempest  than  did  his  Master, 
who,  partaking  the  light  spirit  of  his  youthful  followers,  treated  the  threats 
of  the  Signory  with  disdain,  and  asked,  "  somewhat  merrily,"  whether 
Commines  really  believed  that  the  Venetians  would  send  to  stop  him  on 
his  way  ?  The  Lord  of  Argenton  expressed  himself  as  free  from  all  doubt 
that  they  would  do  so,  in  case  the  French  should  invade  the  Milanese 
territory ;  still  he  appears  throughout  to  have  been  deeply  impressed  with 
a  conviction,  which  he  more  than  once  indeed  unequivocally  avows,  that 
a  special  Providence  superintended  the  enterprise,  and  would  guide  it  to 
a  safe  conclusion.  This  belief  had  received  strong  confirmation  from 
the  assurances  of  Savanarola,  an  Enthusiast  of  noble  Ferrarese  ex- 
traction, who  at  that  time  was  regarded  at  Florence  as  a  Saint,  and  who, 
not  long  afterwards,  expiated  at  the  stake  his  opposition  to  the  Francis- 
cans and  his  precocious  attempts  at  Ecclesiastical  Reform.  "  I  asked 
him,"  says  Commines,  "  whether  the  King  should  pass  out  of  Italy  with- 
out danger  of  his  person,  seeing  the  great  preparations  the  Venetians 
made  against  him  ?  whereof  he  discoursed  perfectlier  than  myself  who 
came  from  there.  He  answered  me  that  the  King  should  have  some 
trouble  on  the  way,  but  that  the  honour  thereof  should  be  his,  though  he 
were  accompanied  but  with  a  hundred  men ;  and  that  God,  who  had 
guided  him  on  his  coming,  would  also  protect  him  on  his  return."  "  Thus 

*  Commines,  c.  24.  Guicciardini,  i.  43G,  mentions  a  rare  example  of  filial  attach- 
ment in  the  death  of  one  of  Montpensier's  sons  from  grief,  on  visiting  his  father's 
tomb.  The  matter-of-fact  commentator  on  this  touching  incident  doubts  its  phy- 
sical possibility  ;  molti vogliono  che  per  dolor e  non  si  possa  immediatamente  morire, 

t  Guicciardini,  i.  ii.  143. 


A.  D.  1495.]        HAZARDOUS  RETREAT  OF  THE  FRENCH.  459 

much  have  I  written,"  adds  Commines  after  some  attempts  to  interpret 
in  detail  Savanarola's  general  prophecy,  uto  the  end  it  may  yet  more 
manifestly  appear,  that  this  voyage  was  indeed  a  mere  miracle  of  God  *." 

While  Charles  was  still  threading  the  Apennines,  the  Confederates 
might  easily  have  overwhelmed  him.  "  A  handful  of  footmen,"  says 
Commines,  "  might  have  defended  the  strait  between  Lucca  and  Pietra- 
santa;  one  cart  set  overthwart  the  way,  with  two  good  pieces  of  artillery, 
and  but  a  handful  of  men  might  have  stopped  our  passage,  had  our  force 
been  never  so  great."  The  King  moreover  unadvisedly  diminished 
his  army,  originally  much  too  small  for  the  hazards  of  his  enterprise, 
by  ordering  a  considerable  detachment  to  assist  in  the  reduction  of 
Genoa.  If  a  battle  were  to  be  fought,  that  City  would  fall  of  itself  after 
victory,  and  in  the  case  of  defeat,  its  conquest  would  be  an  embarrass- 
ment rather  than  an  acquisition.  Nevertheless  Charles  was  persuaded 
to  detach  120  Lances  and  500  Infantry,  which  could  ill  be  spared  from 
his  army,  and  which  were  led  by  the  Genoese  emigrants  to  whose  san- 
guine hopes  they  were  confided  only  to  discomfiture.  But  the  Confede- 
rates were  slow  in  assembling,  and,  even  after  assembling,  were  undecided 
in  their  policy.  The  Van  of  the  French  during  five  days  lay  full  thirty 
miles  in  advance  of  the  main  army.  Their  artillery  was  entangled  amid 
li  huge  and  sharp  mountains  "  never  before  passed  by  a  train  so  cumbrous, 
and  the  troops  were  almost  famished  from  want  of  supplies ;  but  this 
opportunity,  so  precious,  was  neglected ;  and  the  Marquess  of  Mantua  f, 
to  whom  the  allies  had  entrusted  the  chief  command,  permitted  a  junction 
which  in  the  end  cost  him  dearly. 

The  Swiss,  during  their  advance  in  the  preceding  summer,  had  lost  a 
few  of  their  comrades,  put  to  death  by  the  villagers  of  Pontremoli,  in  re- 
prisal for  some  outrage.  They  had  vowed  revenge  if  opportunity  should 
ever  present  itself,  and  in  spite  of  a  capitulation  which  Trivulzio  had 
signed,  no  sooner  had  these  marauders  entered  the  town,  than  they  mas- 
sacred the  wretched  inhabitants  and  set  fire  to  their  dwellings.  Huge 
magazines  perished  in  the  conflagration  at  the  very  moment  in  which 
want  of  provisions  began  to  be  felt ;  and  the  peasantry,  whose  confidence 
had  been  destroyed  by  the  recent  breach  of  faith,  forebore  from  bringing 
food  to  the  Camp.  In  some  measure  to  atone  for  this  great  calamity 
which  their  want  of  discipline  had  occasioned,  the  Swiss  volunteered 
their  services  for  the  transport  of  the  ordnance,  which  the  French  were 
about  to  spike  and  to  hurl  down  the  precipices ;  and  companies,  of  one 
or  two  hundred  men  each,  coupling  themselves  with  strong  ropes,  suc- 
ceeded, after  incredible  labour,  in  dragging  to  the  summit  of  the  moun- 
tain-range fourteen  heavy  guns,  and  a  proportionate  number  of  pieces  of 

*  Commines,  c.  25. 

f  Francis  of  Gonzaga,  born  14(50,  died  1519,  tutto  fatto  a  Condottierie.  Sforza  him- 
self was  watching  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  whose  conduct  began  to  excite  suspicion,  at 
Asti. 


460  •  POSITIONS  OF  THE  TWO  ARMIES.  [CH.  XVIII. 

smaller  calibre.  The  chief  difficulty,  however,  seems  hut  to  have  com- 
menced at  this  point ;  the  rock  was  nearly  perpendicular,  scarped  by  na- 
ture and  unmitigated  by  any  toils  of  art ;  horses  and  men  were  now  as 
much  employed  in  retarding  as  they  had  hitherto  been  in  accelerating 
movement.  Every  man  at  arms  bore  some  burden  with  him  on  his  saddle ; 
La  Tremouille,  who  commanded  the  operation,  carried  two  bullets  weigh- 
ing fifty  lbs.  each  ;  and  by  thus  partitioning  the  implements  of  gunnery, 
the  descent  was  accomplished  on  the  fifth  evening  *. 

To  a  negotiation  attempted  through  the  agency  of  Commines,  when 
the  French  had  fixed,  their  head-quarters  at  Fornovo,  the 

July  5.  Venetians  replied,  that  War  had  been  virtually  declared 
against  the  Duke  of  Milan  by  the  seizure  of  his  barrier  town 
Pontremoli.  The  want  of  food  was  still  severely  felt,  the  bread  was  black 
and  of  exorbitant  price ;  three  parts  out  of  four  in  the  mixture  sold  as 
wine  proved  to  be  water.  An  unfounded  suspicion,  moreover,  had  arisen, 
that  even  these  scanty  supplies  were  poisoned  ;  and  the  discovery  of  two 
dead  Swiss  in  a  cellar  (in  which  they  had  perished  probably  from  intox- 
cation)  increased  this  painful  misgiving.  The  King,  on  his  first  arrival 
at  Fornovo,  alighted  and  partook  of  some  slight  refreshment,  but  the 
majority  of  his  followers  passed  twelve  hours,  from  noon  till  midnight, 
before  they  could  overcome  their  repugnance.  "  The  horses  (the  wiser 
of  the  two)  then  began  first  to  feed,  and  afterwards  the  men,  and  then 
we  refreshed  ourselves  well."  Commines  largely  shared  the  general  ap- 
prehension, but  he  adds  with  ingenuousness,  "  I  must  here  speak  some- 
what to  the  honour  of  the  Italian  nation,  because  I  never  found  in  all  this 
voyage,  that  they  sought  by  poison  to  do  us  harm,  yet  if  they  would,  we 
hardly  could  have  avoided  itf." 

The  hostile  armies  were  encamped  on  two  ridges  parallel  to  each  other 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Taro,  a  river  flowing  from  the  Ligurian  moun- 
tains into  the  Po,  which  it  was  necessary  that  the  French  should  cross 
in  order  to  continue  their  retreat.  The  position  chosen  by  the  Marquess 
of  Mantua  wras  about  two  miles  below  that  of  his  enemy ;  covering  the 
approach  to  Parma,  a  town  of  which  the  fidelity  was  reasonably  suspected ; 
and  the  intervening  valley  was  thickly  spread  with  low  wood.  The  river, 
unless  when  swollen  by  rain,  was  almost  every  where  fordable,  but  even 
after  it  had  been  passed,  the  only  practicable  route  lay  immediately  along 
its  left  bank,  within  easy  cannon-shot  of  the  Venetian  Camp.  The 
numbers  in  the  two  armies  were  widely  disproportioned;  the  Marquess  of 
Mantua  brought  into  the  field,  exclusively  of  Infantry,  at  least  20,000 
horsemen,  one  fourth  of  which  consisted  of  Stradiots,  a  light-armed  Ca- 
valry levied  in  theMorea  and  in  Albania,  distinguished  alike  for  hardihood 
and  ferocity.  Their  habits  were  semi-barbarous,  they  neither  gave  nor 
received  quarter,  and  they  carried  the  heads  of  their  slaughtered  oppo- 
nents as  trophies  on  the  points  of  their  spears  or  the  bows  of  their 
*  Commines,  c.  28.  f     Id.,c.  31. 


A.D.   1105.]  BATTLE  OF  FORNOVO.  401 

saddles*.  An  experienced  military  eye  considered  the  fighting  men  of 
the  Trench  not  to  exceed  9000,  those  of  the  allies  to  be  at  least  four 
times  that  number  |. 

The  French  passed  a  disturbed  night,  partly  from  marauding  attacks 
made  by  the  Stradiots  and  the  ellects  of  a  heavy  storm,  and  partly  (as 
may  readily  be  imagined)  from  gloomy  apprehensions  of  the 
morrow.  Early  in  the  morning,  they  moved  onward  in  three  July  6. 
battalions.  The  Van,  led  by  Trivulzio  and  the  Marechal  de 
Gie,  escorted  the  artillery,  and  as  upon  that  division  the  brunt  of  battle 
was  expected  to  fall,  it  was  composed  of  the  Elite  of  the  army  % ;  350 
French  Lances,  100  more  belonging  to  Trivulzio  himself,  3000  Swiss,  and 
a  few  cross-bowmen  of  the  Royal  Guard  formed  its  allotment  of  Cavalry. 
On  foot  were  Engilbert  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Cleves,  and  the  Bailiff  of 
Dijon,  300  dismounted  Scottish  archers,  and  almost  the  entire  Infantry. 
The  main  battalion  followed  after  a  short  interval ;  in  the  centre  rode  the 
King  in  complete  armour  and  a  gorgeous  surcoat  of  white  and  violet 
seme  witli  Jerusalem  crosses ;  his  helmet  was  profusely  plumed  §,  and 
he  was  mounted  on  "  Black  Savoy,"  a  charger  which,  although  blind  in 
one  eye,  was  of  distinguished  breed  and  power,  caparisoned  in  its  Master's 
colours,  and  named  after  the  Duke  who  was  its  donor.  The  Count  of 
Foix  brought  up  the  rear  ;  and  behind  the  whole  military  array  followed 
a  huge  train  of  baggage,  lading  above  6000  beasts  of  burden,  protected 
by  an  inadequate  guard,  either  from  want  of  numbers  or,  as  was  said, 
designedly,  in  order,  by  alluring  the  rapacity  of  the  Stradiots,  to  divert 
them  from  fighting.  Charles,  although  fully  prepared  for  battle,  did  not 
omit  the  single  chance  which  remained  for  negotiation ;  and  without  much 
hope  of  success  either  on  his  own  part  or  on  that  of  his  Envoy,  at  the 
moment  in  which  he  commenced  his  march,  he  despatched  Commines  to 
endeavour  to  open  a  parley  with  the  Venetian  Pro vveditori  who  followed 
the  allied  Camp,  and  with  whom  the  Lord  of  Argenton  was  personally 
acquainted.  Long  however  before  the  diplomatists  could  enter  upon  pa- 
cific discussion,  a  skirmishing  engagement  had  begun,  and  Commines, 
not  without  some  danger,  rejoined  his  Master.  As  the  French  divisions 
successively  passed  the  Taro,  the  Confederates  poured  out  of  their  Camp, 
and  formed  on  the  right  bank  before  their  tents.  The  Marquess  of  Mantua 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  his  600  choicest  men-at-arms,  and  a  large 

*  They  carried  off  forty  heads  in  a  skirmish  hefore  the  Battle  of  Fornovo,  and 
since  they  received  a  ducat  for  each  head  from  the  Provvrditori,  they  were  not  al- 
ways very  nice  in  selection.  Quidam  eorum  tie  vacuus  ex  i>r<v/io  rcdirc  vidcrciur, 
obtruncalo  crude/itvr  cujusdam  invoice  de  quostatiin  conquest um  est  milliium  ordini  se  nd- 
junxit.  The  Latin  of  Benedictus,  originally  most  barbarous,  is  moreover  greatly 
deformed  by  the  Printer. 

f  So  the  Count  Pitigliano  told  Commines. 

X    Che  erano  il  nerro  e  la  speranza  de  quello  esercito.     Guicc,  i.  ii.  C7» 

§  This  is  Brantome's  account  of  Charles's  attire  {Homines  Ulustres.  Disc.  I.  vol  iv., 
p.  I  Led.  17^7)  and  it  is  more  in  accordance  with  his  character  than  the  very  plain  dress 
Which  l'aulus  Jovins  ussigns  to  him.  Benedictus  (b"ij,  however,  agree*  with  Jovius, 


462  SUCCESS  OF  THE  FRENCH.  [CH.  XVIII. 

squadron  of  Stradiot  and  other  light-horse,  ordered  his  reserve  to  come 
up  at  the  moment  at  which  its  services  should  appear  to  be  most  needed, 
and  directed  the  remaining  Stradiots  partly  to  make  a  flank  movement, 
partly  to  cut  off  the  baggage.  Four  hundred  men-at-arms  and  two  thou- 
sand Infantry  crossed  at  the  same  instant  to  engage  the  French  Van,  and 
a  large  body  was  left  wholly  unemployed,  to  sentinel  the  Provveditori 
and  the  Camp.  The  King,  perceiving  that  his  rear  was  likely  to  be  over- 
whelmed by  a  superior  force,  hastily  galloped  back  to  its  assistance;  and 
notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  of  his  suite,  he  made  so  good  speed, 
that  when  the  assault  commenced,  he  was  found  in  the  front  rank  of 
combatants.  The  battle  now  soon  became  general ;  and  was  fought  not 
according  to  the  customary  Italian  manner,  in  which  squadron  suc- 
ceeded squadron,  and  each  drew  off  when  tired,  perhaps  without  the 
loss  of  a  man,  but  hand  to  hand  in  a  bloody  and  vigorous  melee.  When 
the  lances  were  shivered  and  many  a  Knight  was  unhorsed,  the  In- 
fantry broke  in,  and  with  their  heavy  maces  battered  and  despatched  the 
fallen  and  helpless  Cavaliers.  The  Marquess  of  Mantua  performed  all 
the  offices  of  a  valiant  soldier,  and  the  French,  giving  way  before  a  cloud 
of  enemies,  for  a  while  left  the  King  exposed  to  peril  from  which  he  was 
rescued  more  by  his  own  bravery  and  by  the  strength  of  his  horse,  than 
by  a  vow  of  pilgrimage  which  it  is  recorded  that  he  made  to  St.  Denis 
and  St.  Martin*,  or  by  the  aid  of  his  immediate  followers.  Matthew, 
the  Bastard  of  Bourbon,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  by  his  side, 
after  a  gallant  resistance ;  and  the  fortune  of  the  day  continued  doubtful 
till  Ridolfo  of  Gonzaga,  an  uncle  of  the  Marquess  of  Mantua,  and  a  brave 
Condottiere,  having  raised  his  vizor  for  breath,  was  struck  in  the  face 
by  the  staff  of  a  spear,  and  rolling  under  his  horse's  feet,  was  trodden  to 
death  or  suffocated  before  he  could  be  rescued.  He  was  a  brave  Knight, 
whose  loss  was  greatly  regretted  on  both  sides ;  by  his  own  men  as  it 
deprived  them  of  an  able  General,  by  the  French  because  he  was  known 
to  be  inclined  to  Peace,  and  to  have  dissuaded  his  nephew  from  the  very 
battle  in  which  he  lost  his  own  life.  His  fall  also  decided  the  combat, 
for  to  him  wras  entrusted  the  responsibility  of  ordering  the  reserve  to  ad- 
vance, and  the  concerted  signal  not  having  been  given,  the  troops  des- 
tined for  that  service  remained  motionless.  The  division  of  the  Marquess 
of  Mantua  was  not  only  left  unsupported  in  this  its  greatest  need,  but  it 
became  gradually  diminished,  owing  to  one  of  those  accidents  against 
which  no  prudence  can  guard  when  it  has  to  manage  a  half-disciplined 
force.  The  French  baggage  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  Stradiots  who  were 
commanded  to  intercept  it ;  and  their  comrades,  who  had  been  ordered 
to  charge  in  flank,  preferring  the  certainty  of  plunder  to  the  hazards  of 
action,  instead  of  obeying  their  instructions,  galloped  off  to  enrich  them- 
selves by  the  booty.    This  example  was  followed  by  many  of  the  regular 

*  An  account  of  the  fulfilment  of  this  vow,  which  was  made  an  excuse  to  cover  an 
intrigue  with  one  of  the  Queen's  Maids  of  honour,  is  given  by  Guicciardini,  i.  iii.  247. 


A.  D.  1495.]  RESULT  OF  THEIR  VICTORY.  4G3 

troops  already  engaged;  so  that  the  advantage  of  numbers  unexpectedly 
changed  to  the  side  of  the  French,  and  the  Marquess  of  Mantua  perceived 
no  hope  hut  in  regaining  his  own  bank  of  the  Taro*.  Even  flight  how- 
ever was  difficult,  for  the  stream,  like  all  mountain-torrents,  after  a  few 
hours'  rain  had  become  so  elevated  in  height  as  to  be  passable  only  at 
certain  spots.  The  French  thundered  behind  in  pursuit,  and  by  the 
ominous  cry  of  "  Remember  Guinnegate-j-,"  testified  that  quarter  was 
not  to  be  expected.  Prisoners  indeed  would  have  been  an  incumbrance 
with  which  no  retreating  army  could  venture  to  burden  itself,  and  the 
sword  therefore  unsparingly  mowed  down  all  who  were  overtaken. 

Meantime,  while  success  had  been  thus  doubtful  in  the  centre,  the 
advanced  guard  had  won  an  easy  victory ;  and  the  Italians,  struck  with 
terror  at  the  firmness  of  the  French  charge,  had  given  way  at  once  and 
had  recrossed  the  Taro.  The  Marechal  de  Gie  forbade  pursuit;  and 
although  in  so  doing  he  acted  the  part  of  a  prudent  General,  mistrusting 
the  tactics  of  his  enemy,  ignorant  that  they  were  defeated  in  his  rear, 
and  well  knowing  that  they  largely  outnumbered  him,  he  was  bitterly 
condemned  for  want  of  spirit,  and  the  event  might  probably  have  jus- 
tified him  in  greater  daring.  At  the  moment  all  was  confusion  in  the 
allied  Camp,  and  many  of  those  who  had  been  only  spectators  of  the  dis- 
astrous combat,  instead  of  attempting  to  redeem  it  by  succouring  their 
defeated  companions,  were  flying  or  preparing  to  fly  to  Parma.  But 
confidence  was  in  some  measure  restored  by  the  appearance  of  the  Mar- 
quess of  Mantua,  and  yet  more  perhaps  by  that  of  the  Count  Pitigliano, 
who,  escaping  from  his  sentinels  during  the  tumult  of  engagement,  re- 
ported that  the  French  were  in  far  greater  disorder  than  were  the  allies, 
and  ottered  to  renew  the  action  by  leading  fresh  troops  to  the  charge. 

When  Charles  regained  his  Van,  pursuit,  if  it  had  ever  been  advis- 
able, was  manifestly  no  longer  in  his  power,  and  he,  perhaps  not  unwil- 
lingly, advanced  to  Medesana,  a  rising  ground  about  a  mile  from  the 
scene  of  his  remarkable  victory.  The  French  had  lost  not  quite  200 
men;  of  the  Italians  full  3000  had  fallen,  many  of  whom  were  person- 
ages of  distinction,  and  at  least  a  tenth  were  men-at-arms.  The  battle, 
including  the  pursuit,  endured  for  little  more  than  an  hour  J,  and  was 

*  Monstrelet,  xii.  5.  describes  the  flight  vividly;  "  the  best  piece  of  all  their  armour 
was  the  point  of  their  spurs.''  words  which  are  employed  in  like  manner  by  Bayard's 
Secretary  and  Chronicler  in  ■peaking  of  the  Marquess  of  Mantua  !  v  luy 

iv/ihrent  hien  et  le  bon  vhrvaf  nkir  quoij  it  estoit  munlr.  c.  11.  Bayard  charged  with  the 
Sire  de  Ligny,  and  had  two  horses  killed  under  him.  The  King  presented  him  with 
500  crowns,  and  the  Knight  in  return  laid  at  the  Royal  feet,  a  guidon  of  horse  which 
he  had  captured  in  the  pursuit. 

f  The  Battle  of  Guinnegate  was  lost  by  too  great  avidity  for  prisoners,  or  rather 
for  ransom.  It  must  he  distinguished  from  the  Battle  of  the  Spurs,  in  which 
the  English  obtained  a  bloodless  victory  upon  the  same  spot  in  the  reign  of 
Louis  XII. 

X  Guicciardini,  i.  ii.  176. 


464  CHARLES  VIII.  REGAINS  ASTI.  [CII.  XVIII. 

rather  a  series  of  single  combats  than  a  combination  of  manoeuvres*. 
The  great  disproportion  between  the  numbers  of  the  killed,  and  the  un- 
impeded progress  of  the  march  of  the  French,  were  substantial  proofs  that 
success  belonged  to  them.  Yet  the  pride  of  the  Italians  found  compensa- 
tion in  the  attainment  of  plunder.  The  Royal  tents  and  baggage  were 
ostentatiously  displayed  as  trophies  f,  and  public  rejoicings  were  ordered 
in  the  chief  Cities  of  the  League,  especially  in  Venice,  for  the  Victory 
at  Fornovo. 

The  Italians,  although  still  greatly  superior  in  numbers,  were  dispirited 
and  ill  inclined  for  pursuit;  and  they  rejoiced  that  the  continuance  of 
rain  swelled  the  Taro,  and  prohibited  their  advance.  Charles,  after 
passing  the  night  in  much  destitution  and  alarm  J,  rested  the  whole  of 
the  following  day  at  Medesana ;  and  without  awaiting  the  return  of 
Commines,  whom  he  had  sent  back  with  propositions,  he  broke  up  at 
nightfall,  leaving  his  watch-fires  burning,  in  order  to  deceive  the  enemy ; 
and  by  gaining  the  advantage  of  several  hours'  march,  he  removed  all 
hazard  of  pressure  from  pursuit.  Three  hundred  Swiss  sufficed  to  re- 
pulse the  desultory  attacks  of  the  Stradiots,  who  from  time  to  time 
hovered  on  his  rear;    and  eight  days  after  the  battle  he  found  himself 

secure  under  the  walls  of  Asti,  without  the  loss  of  a  single 
July  30.     cannon.     On  one  night  of  the  march,  a  sudden  rise  of  the 

Trebia  intercepted  all  communication  between  the  main 
body  which  had  crossed  its  channel  and  the  artillery  which  was  pre- 
paring for  transport,  and  if  the  enemy  had  been  sufficiently  on  the  alert, 
the  triumph  at  Fornovo  would  have  proved  barren. 

On  gaining  Asti,  Charles  sought  remuneration  for  his  recent  hard- 
ships by  a  more  than  usual  addiction  to  pleasure ;  and  the  attractions  of 
Jane  de  Solari,  to  whom  he  devoted  himself,  induced  him  to  forget  the 
pressing  wants  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  was  enclosed  in  Novarra 

*  Monstrelet,  xii.  c.  5,  mentions  that  the  French  artillery  did  great  mischief,  and 
killed  one  of  the  enemy's  principal  cannoneers.  Bembo,  lib.  ii.  p.  02,  says  tbat, 
after  one  volley,  which  passed  for  the  most  part  overhead,  the  rain  made  it  unser- 
viceable. 

f  The  account  given  by  Benedictus  of  this  plunder,  which  he  saw,  is  curious.  Ex 
regio  apparatu  abacus  omnis  ex  auro  argentoque  cubiculi,  scrinia  raptu  sunt  in  quibus  ves- 
timenta,  stragula,  peristromata  et  vasa  convivialia  quce  Reges  longd  imperii  possessione 
cmnulaverant,  sacelli  sacri,  libn  prcliosi,  tabella  gemmis  ornata  et  sacris  veneranda,  cti- 
nuli  prceterea  gemmis  pretiosi.  In  ipsa  prcedd  librum  vidimus  in  quo  pellicmn  varies 
formce,  sub  diverso  habit u  ac  cetate,  ex  natara/i  depictce  erant,  prout  libido  in  qudque  urbe 
ac  vesanus  amor  eum  trajecerat ,  eas  memories  gratia  pictas  sccum  defcrebat.  80.  We 
need  not  follow  this  writer  into  his  disgusting  and  horrible  details  of  the  Field  of 
Battle.  But  it  appears  from  his  narrative  that  the  lirst  despatch  relative  to  vic- 
tory transmitted  to  the  Signory  of  Venice  was  sufficiently  ambiguous.  Bembo,  con- 
sidering the  office  which  he  held,  tells  the  story  very  fairly,  lib.  ii. 

X  The  picture  of  distress  given  by  Commines,  whose  cloak  had  been  oorrowed  by 
the  King,  c.  34,  is  most  vivid.  Bembo  sums  it  up  in  a  few  terrible  words  ;  magno 
cum  timore,  sub  dio,  sine  tabernacuiis,  sine  castris,  lib.  ii.  p.  04.  To  which  ought  to  be 
added  constant  apprehension  of  attack  from  an  enemy  known  to  be  superior  in 
numbers  and  not  known  to  be  defeated. 


A.D.  1495.]        SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER  OF  NOVARRA.  465 

with  a  starving  garrison.     Orleans,  as  will  be  remembered,  had  been 
left  behind  at  Asti,  on  the  advance  to  Naples,  in  conse- 
quence of  illness  :  and  he  had  recently  accepted  an  invitation     June  11. 
from  the  chief  gentlemen  of  Novarra,  who,  throwing  off 
allegiance  to  Lodovico  Sforza,  admitted  the  French  within  their  gates. 
His  troops,  swelled  by  the  reinforcements  which  were  marching  to  the 
assistance  of  Charles,  but  which  he  invariably  detained  for  his  own 
service,  amounted  to  7500  men,  an  army  for  the  support  of  which  the 
magazines  of  Novarra  soon  became  inadequate ;  and  Sforza,  warned  of 
this  deficiency,  invested  the  town  with  his  own  Milanese,  and  prevailed 
upon  the  Venetians  to  turn  aside  from  the  pursuit  of  Charles  to  a  more 
promising  enterprise. 

The  Duke  of  Orleans  estimated  the  generosity  of  Charles  too  highly 
by  believing  that  he  would  make  an  early  effort  for  his  deliverance ; 
and,  under  that  conviction,  he  remained  with  his  troops  in  their  ex- 
tremity, notwithstanding  that  more  than  one  occasion  presented  itself  on 
which  he  might  personally  have  withdrawn.  The  King,  however,  was 
otherwise  engrossed,  and  the  supplies  which  he  attempted  to  throw  into 
the  garrison,  being  inadequately  guarded,  almost  invariably  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  besiegers,  who  established  themselves  in  all  the  strong 
holds  of  the  neighbourhood.  Sforza,  who  never  moved  his  Court  with- 
out the  permission  of  Astrologers,  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  rally 
the  spirits  of  his  soldiers  by  the  invention  of  favourable  omens ;  and  on 
one  occasion  when,  during  a  Review,  his  horse  slipped  on  all  four  feet, 
and  the  Camp  was  struck  with  melancholy  at  so  unhappy  a  presage,  he 
adroitly  converted  the  accident  to  his  own  purpose,  by  declaring  that  it 
was  the  last  ill  which  would  betide  him  in  the  War*.  Nor  was  he  de- 
ceived in  his  prognostication,  for  Charles  at  length  consented  that  the 
town  should  be  evacuated,  and  having  made  a  vain  attempt  to  save  his 
honour  by  proposing  to  deliver  it  to  the  Imperial  Officers,  he  ordered 
that  it  should  be  surrendered  to  Lodovico,  with  whom  he  had  opened 
Conferences.  It  was  to  be  garrisoned  by  its  own  Citizens,  who  were  to 
receive  supplies  day  by  day  from  the  Milanese  Camp,  and  thirty  French- 
men were  to  remain  in  possession  of  the  Castle  till  the  negotiations  were 
concluded. 

It  seemed  little  likely  that  any  impediment  should  now  arise  to  ob- 
struct Peace  with  Sforza.  His  object  was  gained  whenever  the  King 
should  recross  the  Alps,  a  consummation  for  which  Charles  himself  ex- 
pressed the  most  unbounded  anxiety.  Such  a  step  must  of  necessity 
produce  a  revulsion  at  Naples,  and  the  Sovereign  of  Milan  little  wished 
to  aggrandize  the  power  of  Venice  in  Lombardy,  already  too  great  for 

*  Benedictus,  p.  92.    The  Astrological  observation  which  foreboded  good  and  de 
cided  Sforza  upon  quitting  Milan  was  as  follows :  Jove  in  Libra,  Luna  in  Leone,  ac 
Mercurio  in  Libra  pariter  sexlili  cnntmlu  Marie  quoque  cum  Lund  ad  irinum,  aspectu  in 
Sagittario  prosperos  eventus  signijicantibui.     Id.  p.  98. 

2h 


466  PEACE  OF  VERCELLI.  [CH.  XVIII. 

his  safety.  A  separate  Treaty  was  accordingly  signed  at  Vercelli  with 
Sforza,  by  which  he  recovered  entire  possession  of  Novarra, 
Oct.  10.  and  the  virtual  sway  of  Genoa,  still  to  be  nominally  reputed 
a  Fief  of  France.  The  Duke,  on  the  other  hand,  promised 
general  amnesty  and  the  restoration  of  Trivulzio  in  particular  to  his 
forfeited  estates  and  honours.  He  abandoned  his  alliance  with  Spain, 
and  he  pledged  himself  to  join  Charles  against  Venice,  in  case  that  Re- 
public should  defer  Peace  after  the  lapse  of  two  months.  The  Terms 
wore  a  fair  appearance,  and  Charles  too  eagerly  accepted  them  without 
guarantee.  A  small  fortress  in  Genoa,  the  only  security  offered,  was  to 
be  delivered  not  to  the  French  but  to  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  who  engaged 
in  turn  to  surrender  it  to  Charles,  in  case  Sforza  should  demur  about 
the  fulfilment  of  these  conditions.  But  the  More  had  married  a  daughter 
of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  who,  exclusively  of  this  bond  of  union,  was 
wholly  without  power  to  control  his  ally. 

One  obstacle,  however,  had  nearly  prevented  this  Peace  at  the  very 
moment  of  its  signature.     The  Bailiff  of  Dijon  had  been  instructed  to 
levy  5000  Swiss  mercenaries  for  the  relief  of  Novarra,  but  so  popular 
had  campaigns  in  Italy  become  among  the  mountains,  so  dazzled  were 
the  peasants  by  the  display  of  booty  which  their  Countrymen  who  re- 
turned home  from  them  exhibited,  that  they  thronged  almost  unbidden 
to  the  Standard  under  which  they  expected  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  a 
region  presenting  not  less  treasure  to  their  Imagination,  than  did  the  El 
Dorado  of  after-years  to  that  of  the  Spaniards.     Twenty  thousand  men 
accompanied  the  Bailiff  on  his  return,  and  it  became  necessary  to  bar 
the  frontiers  of  Piedmont  in  order  to  prevent  a  yet  larger  influx.    There 
can  be  little  doubt  that  if  Charles   thus  unexpectedly  strengthened 
had  broken  his  negotiation,  and  had  marched  at  once  upon  Milan  or 
Pavia,  he  would  (at  least  for  a  season)  have  established  his  dominion  in 
Italy ;  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans  employed  all  his  influence  to  produce 
such  a  resolution.      But  Orleans   personally  had   little   weight  with 
Charles.     The  Court  advisers  had  not  forgiven  his  deep  engagement  in 
the  Civil  Wars  of  the  Minority ;  and  Trivulzio,  who  shared  the  King's 
intimate  confidence,  had  more  scope  for  his   ambitious   views  if  the 
government  of  Milan  remained  in  possession  of  Sforza  than  if  it  were 
transferred,  as  it  probably  would  be,  to  the  hand  of  so  vigorous  a  rival 
as  Louis,  supported  by  the  whole  power  of  France.     The  Nobles  were 
fatigued  with  War,  and  panted  for  return  to  their  estates;  pains  there- 
fore were  taken  to  create  jealousy  of  the  mercenaries.     It  was  declared 
to  be  highly  impolitic  that  the  King  should  trust  himself  to  the  guardian- 
ship of  troops  who  had  often  before  shown  symptoms  of  insubordination. 
The  junction  at  Vercelli,  of  a  second  body,  of  equal  numbers,  which  was 
preparing  to  unite  itself  with  the  ten  thousand  Swiss  already  encamped 
under  the  walls,  was  prevented,  and  unfounded  terror  of  the  very  auxi- 
liaries who  ought  to  have  inspired  confidence  was  awakened  by  count- 


A.  D.  1496.]  EVENTS  IN  NAPLES.    -  467 

less  absurd  reports.  The  chief  difficulty  -was  the  want  of  funds;  Charles 
at  first  offered  a  month's  stipend,  which  would  not  have  defrayed  the 
expenses  of  their  march.  At  length,  on  the  promise  of  three  months' 
pay  (to  which  they  were  entitled  by  former  Conventions  with  Louis  XL), 
the  Swiss  agreed  to  return  to  their  mountains ;  and  for  that  sum  they 
received  hostages  and  paper  securities.  The  King,  leaving  500  Lances 
with  Trivulzio  at  Asti  for  the  protection  of  the  passes  into  Italy,  turned 
his  course  homeward ;  and  quitting  Turin  on  the  22nd  of  October, 
crossed  the  Alps  with  so  great  rapidity,  that  in  five  days  he  reached 
Grenoble. 

The  throne  of  Naples  may  be  considered  as  lost  to  France  at  the 
moment  at  which  Charles  commenced  his  retreat.     Ferdinand  II.,  in 
conjunction  with  a  Spanish  force  under  Gonzalvo  of  Cordova,  whose 
brilliant  services  at  Grenada  had  deservedly  obtained  for  him  the  name 
of  the  Great  Captain,  landed  at  Reggio  early  in  the  summer.     Mono- 
poly  on  the  coast  of  Puglia,  was  pillaged  with  great  cruelty  by  the 
Stradiots   in  a  Venetian   fleet;    and  the  French  avenged 
themselves  by  a  fearful  massacre  at  Gaeta,  in  which,  as  a     June  24. 
punishment  for  insurrection,  almost  the  entire  population  was 
butchered.     The  Neapolitans  had  not  yet  acquired  courage  to  withstand 
their  invaders  in  the  pitched  field ;  and  Ferdinand  and  Gonzalvo  were 
totally  defeated  by  scarcely  one  third  of  their  numbers  under  d'Aubigny 
when  they  ventured  to  give  battle  at  Seminara.     After  a  short  repose  in 
Sicily,  Ferdinand  however  again  repaired  to  his  Capital; 
the  Citizens  received  him  within  their  walls  on  the  day     July  7. 
after  the  Battle  of  Fornovo;  while  Montpensier  was  en- 
gaged in  a  sortie ;  and  the  French,  on  their  return,  found  that  no  more 
than  the  Castles  remained  in  their  power.     After  many  months'  siege, 
and  the  endurance  of  hardships  from  which  they  despaired  of  relief, 
Montpensier  agreed  to  a  capitulation,   the   conditions   of 
which  he  afterwards  shamefully  violated  by  withdrawing     Dec.  — . ' 
at  night  with  nearly  3000  men  who  ought  to  have  been 
considered  prisoners.     The  War  was  languidly  conducted   a.d.  1496, 
during  the  early  part  of  the  ensuing  year,  till  Montpensier, 
weakened  by  the  insubordination  of  his  mercenaries,  and  by  disagree  • 
ment  with  his  colleagues,  shut  himself  up  in  Atella.     Ferdinand  dis- 
creetly resorted  to  blockade;  and  the  want  of  provisions  soon  compelled 
the  French  General  to  accept  Terms  which  involved  not  only  the  sur- 
render of  his  own  immediate  garrison,  but  the  evacuation  of  every  town 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples  which  held  under  him.     Five 
thousand  men  laid  down  their  arms  on  the  ramparts ;  and     July  20. 
so  fearfully  did  the  summer-fevers  rage  among  those  un- 
happy prisoners  who  were  detained  in  cantonments  between  Baiae  and 
Pozzuoli,  that  scarcely  a  tithe  presented  themselves  for  embarkation  at 

2  h2 


4G8  FRIVOLITY  OF  CHARLES  VIII.  [cH.  XVIII. 

the  term  stipulated  for  their  release.  Montpensier  himself  was  among 
the  victims  of  the  epidemic. 

Charles,  after  his  return,  fixed  his  residence  for  the  most  part  at 
Lyons,  and  became  a  slave  to  habits  of  dissolute  pleasure.  Three  heirs 
with  which  the  Queen  presented  him  (the  first  before  his  Italian  expe- 
dition) died  successively  in  their  infancy;  and  it  is  said  that  some  un- 
seasonable gaiety  exhibited  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  in  the  hope  of  re- 
moving Anne's  grief  at  the  loss  of  her  first-born,  occasioned  great  offence, 
and  led  to  the  temporary  retirement  of  that  Prince  from  Court*.  The 
disasters  in  Italy  grieved  the  King,  who  more  than  once  resolved  upon 
some  personal  exertion  to  retrieve  his  fortunes  and  expended  much 
treasure  in  preparation.  But  he  was  unable  to  arouse  himself  from  his 
voluptuous  trance ;  he  grudged  the  time  which  necessary  audiences  ab- 
stracted from  frivolous  amusement ;  he  executed  no  business  by  his  own 
hand ;  and  Commines  more  than  implies  that  he  was  betrayed  by  the 
Ministers  to  whom  he  entrusted  State  affairs.  "  Whereby  it  manifestly 
appeared  that  God  had  altogether  withdrawn  His  Grace,  which  on  his 
going  to  Naples  He  had  poured  down  so  plentifully." 

Amid  this  uncertainty  of  counsel  it  cannot  astonish  us  that  whatever 
enterprises  were  undertaken  failed,  and  the  want  of  success  attendant 
upon  the  operations  which  Trivulzio  continued  in  Italy  is  to  be  attri- 
buted mainly  to  his  contradictory  instructions.  On  the 
a.  n.  1497.  frontiers  of  Spain,  War  was  waged  with  equal  languor ;  and 
Jan.  17.  after  the  signature  of  a  Truce,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  pro- 
posed or  accepted  a  treacherous  offer  for  the  partition  of 
Naples.  Under  cover  of  their  existing  alliance,  the  Spanish  Monarchs 
could  garrison  Frederic's  t  chief  towns  at  pleasure,  and  by  turning  their 
arms  against  him  suddenly,  they  might  overthrow  his  government,  and 
transfer  it  to  the  French  in  exchange  for  the  Throne  of  Navarre,  the 
cession  of  which  entire  Kingdom  they  coveted  far  more  than  a  divided 
sway  in  Naples.  The  execution  of  this  nefarious  plot  was  interrupted 
by  the  unexpected  death  of  the  Infante  John  J,  which  postponed  it  how- 
ever but  for  a  short  period. 

Towards  the  close  of  1497,  Charles  transferred  his  Court  to  Amboise, 
the  place  of  his  birth,  which  he  always  regarded  with  especial  affection, 
and  where  he  commenced  the  erection  of  a  sumptuous  Palace.  The 
Castle,  as  we  shall  presently  have  occasion  to  show,  certainly  admitted 
much  improvement  as  a  Royal  abode ;  and  the  King  had  brought  from 

*  Commines,  c.  45  ;  a  better  authority  than  Brantome,  who  probably  only  gos- 
siped from  hearsay.  Dames  I/lust.  Disc ,  i. 

f  Ferdinand  II.  died  Sept.  7, 1490,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Frederic. 

%  Married,  as  before  stated,  to  Margaret,  the  daughter  of  Maximilian  ;  died 
October  4,  1497.  The  succession  devolved  upon  the  eldest  daughter,  Consort  of  two 
consecutive  Kings  of  Portugal.  Upon  her  death,  August  24,  1498,  Jane  the  Simple 
(la  Folk),  second  daughter,  and  Consort  to  Philip  son  of  Maximilian,  became 
heiress  of  this  vast  inheritance. 


in. 
stat 
mos 


A.  D.  1498.]  HIS  DEATH.  469 

Italy  a  taste,  or  at  least  a  fancy,  fur  Architecture.  We  are  told  also  that 
he  had  discovered  the  futility  of  dissipation;  that  he  at  length  perceived 
how  little  repose  could  be  secured  by  indolence,  and  how  greatly  pleasure 
is  dependent  for  its  full  zest  upon  previous  toil.  He  thought  seriously 
upon  the  affairs  of  Italy;  he  planned  financial  reforms  and  the  reduc- 
tion of  public  imposts  and  Court  expenditure.  He  gathered  Religious 
men  about  his  person,  and  he  laboured  much,  but  fruitlessly,  for  the 
abolition  of  Ecclesiastical  Pluralities.  Alms  were  bestowed  by  him  in 
abundance ;  and  vhowever  doubtful  it  may  be  whether  he  possessed 
sufficient  energy  to  persevere  in  his  new  and  beneficial  course,  it  is  cer- 
tain, upon  the  testimony  of  Commines,  that  he  had  begun  to  tread  it  in 
earnest.  i(  He  had  built  a  public  audience- chamber,  where  himself 
heard  the  suits  of  all  men,  especially  of  the  poor,  and  despatched  many 
matters.  Myself  saw  him  in  the  place  two  hours  together  but  eight 
days  before  his  death,  which  was  the  last  time  that  ever  I  saw  him.  No 
measure  of  great  importance  was  despatched  there,  but  by  this  means  he 
held  many  in  fear,  especially  his  officers,  some  also  of  the  which  he  dis- 
missed for  exorbitance  and  bribery.' ' 

But  this  goodly  career  was  too  soon  fatally  interrupted.  On  the  Eve 
of  Palm  Sunday,  the  King,  in  company  with  his  Consort, 
attended  upon  a  match  at  Tennis  played  in  the  Castle  ditch,  a.  d.  1498. 
In  order  to  obtain  access  to  this  spot,  it  was  requisite  to  pass  April  7. 
through  a  filthy  corridor,  the  laystall  of  the  Palace,  called, 
from  a  Warder  who  once  had  the  care  of  it,  the  Haquelebac  Gallery. 
The  entrance  was  so  low,  that  the  King  in  passing  under  it  (notwith- 
standing his  diminutive  stature)  struck  his  forehead  against  the  arch- 
way ;  but  the  accident  was  too  slight  to  draw  attention ;  he  looked  at 
the  players  for  a  long  time,  and  he  conversed  freely  with  the  by-standers. 
The  Bishop  of  Angers,  his  Confessor,  was  among  the  spectators ;  and 
Charles,  perhaps  led  by  his  presence  into  reflections  of  a  higher  tone 
than  were  likely  to  be  suggested  by  the  scene  before  him,  had  just  ex- 
pressed to  that  Prelate  a  hope  that  his  future  life  might  be  unstained  by 
any  mortal  sin,  when  he  fell  back  and  lost  his  speech.  The  fit  com- 
menced about  two  in  the  afternoon,  and  although  he  thrice  recovered  some 
power  of  articulation  and  commended  himself  to  the  Virgin  and  his  Patron 
Saints,  removal  was  considered  hazardous.  An  old  straw-mattress  was 
provided  for  his  support;  and  in  this  wretched  out-house  of  his  magnificent 
Palace,  a  thoroughfare  dedicated  to  ignoble  purposes  and  whose  shut- 
tered entrance  exposed  him  to  public  view  during  his  last  agonies,  he 
lingered  for  nine  hours.  He  expired  about  eleven  at  night,  in  the 
twenty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirteenth  of  his  reign ;  leaving 
behind  him  a  reputation  which,  if  it  fell  short  of  a  very  high  standard 
in  talent  and  in  virtue,  was  still  not  without  considerable  value  in  the 
station  which  he  filled.  Commines  pronounces  him  to  have  been  "  the 
most  courteous  and  gentle  Prince  that  ever  existed*." 

*  For  the  reform  and  death  of  Charles  VIII,  see  Commines,  c.  52,  53. 


470  ACCESSION  AND  DIVORCE  OF  LOUIS  XII.  [CH.  XIX. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

From  a.  d.  1498,  to  a.  d.  1515. 

Accession  of  Louis  XII. — His  Divorce  and  second  Marriage  with  Anne  of  Bretany 
— Conquest  of  Milan — Return  of  Lodovico  Sforza — His  betrayal  by  tbe  Swiss  at 
Novarra — Captivity  and  Death — Treacherous  conquest  of  Naples — Expulsion  of 
the  French  by  the  Spaniards — Illness  of  the  King — Treaty  of  Blois — Recovery  of 
the  King — He  is  saluted  "  Father  of  his  Country  "  by  the  States  General — Insur- 
rection in  Genoa — League  of  Cambrai — Battle  of  Agnadello — Death  of  the  Car- 
dinal d'Amboise— Continued  hostility  of  Julius  II.  against  France — His  personal 
service  at  Concordia  and  Mirandola — Failure  of  the  pseudo-Council  of  Pisa — The 
Holy  League — Gaston  de  Foix  killed  at  the  Victory  of  Ravenna — The  French 
again  expelled  from  Italy — Dissensions  in  the  Holy  League — Defeat  of  the 
French  at  Riotta— Restoration  of  Maximilian  Sforza  to  Milan — Descent  of 
Henry  VIII.  on  Picardy — Battle  of  the  Spurs— Capture  of  Theroanne— The 
Swiss  invade  Burgundy,  and  are  bribed  into  retreat  from  Dijon — Capture  of 
Tournai — Death  of  Anne  of  Bretany — Re-marriage  of  Louis  XII.  with  Mary  of 
England — His  Death. 

Louis  XII.  Duke  of  Orleans,  upon  whom  the  Crown  devolved,  a  grand- 
son of  a  brother  of  Charles  VI.  was  in  his  thirty-sixth  year, 
a.  d.  1498.  of  an  active  disposition,  and,  as  our  narrative  has  evinced, 
had  seen  great  varieties  of  fortune.  He  confirmed  the  chief 
Ministers  of  his  predecessor  in  their  several  appointments,  bestowing 
however  his  principal  confidence  on  a  long-tried  retainer  of  his  own, 
George  of  Amboise,  Archbishop  of  Rouen.  La  Tre'mouille,  Chamber- 
lain of  the  late  King,  had  reason  to  apprehend  some  displeasure,  for  he 
had  commanded  at  the  Battle  of  St.  Aubin,  in  which  Louis  had  been 
made  prisoner,  but  the  new  Monarch  relieved  his  fears  by  a  generous 
speech,  which  has  deservedly  become  familiar,  "  A  King  of  France  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  enmities  of  a  Duke  of  Orleans;  "  and  he  de- 
spatched him  on  an  honourable  mission  to  convey  the  remains  of  Charles 
to  St.  Denis  for  interment.  The  grief  manifested  by  the  widowed  Queen 
was  far  greater  than  was  expected  from  the  slender  attention  she  had 
received  from  her  late  Consort ;  yet  it  by  no  means  impeded  strong  mea- 
sures for  the  assertion  of  the  independence  of  her  Ducal  rights  in  Bretany. 
She  visited  the  Province,  issued  Edicts,  coined  money,  and  convoked  the 
States  at  Rennes  ;  till  either  alarm  at  a  political  separation,  or,  as  some 
have  said,  a  revival  of  early  tender  feelings,  induced  Louis  to  resolve  upon 
offering  her  his  hand. 

A  Divorce  from  his  present  wife  was  a  necessary  preliminary.  Jane, 
youngest  daughter  of  Louis  XL,  had  been  married  to  him  from  nine  years 
of  age ;  and  although  deformed  and  lame,  she  had  proved  an  affectionate 
and  faithful  wife,  from  whose  influence,  in  many  troubles  during  a  union 


A.  D.  1499.]  U1S  DESIGNS  UPON  ITALY.  471 

of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  he  had  derived  protection.  But  Louis  unde- 
terred by  gratitude,  and  strongly  influenced  by  motives  of  State,  applied 
to  the  Court  of  Rome,  and  made  his  bargain  with  the  mercenary  Pontiff 
who  then  held  the  Keys.  Alexander  stipulated  for  the  immediate  pay- 
ment of  20,000  ducats,  and  for  the  Duchy  of  Valence  *  with  a  pension 
of  20,000  livres  for  his  son  Caesar  Borgia,  who  wished  to  renounce  the 
Cardinalate  and  to  re-enter  upon  a  secular  life.  To  these  requests  was 
added  one  other  for  the  aid  of  100  Lances  to  assist  in  the  subjugation  of 
Romagna.  In  return  he  engaged  to  sanction  the  Divorce  by  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Church,  to  bestow  a  Cardinal's  Cap  upon  George  of  Amboise, 
and  to  forward  views  which  the  King  of  France  entertained  for  the  con- 
quest both  of  Milan  and  of  Naples ;  views  which  he  avowed,  by  assuming 
on  his  accession,  in  addition  to  the  title  of  King  of  France,  those  of  Duke 
of  Milan  and  King  of  the  two  Sicilies  and  of  Jerusalem. 

Jane  herself  was  less  tractable.     There  were  circumstances,  however, 
attendant  upon  her  Process  which  grievously  outraged  feminine  delicacy, 
and  the  unhappy  Princess,  resisting  these  unseemly  demands,  made  her 
final  appeal  to  the  oath  of  her  husband.     Louis  either  falsely  swore,  or 
permitted  others  to  register  an  oath  under  his  hand,  that  consummation 
had  been  physically  impossible.     The  Court  accordingly  pronounced  for 
the  Divorce,  and  the  repudiated  Queen  secluded  herself  during  the  re- 
maining seven  years  of  her  life,  in  a  Convent  which  she  had  founded  at 
Bourges.     After  an  attempted  subterfuge  on  the   part  of 
Caesar  Borgia,  who  endeavoured  to  procure  from  the  King   a.  d.  1499. 
a  larger  reward  than  that  for  which  he  had  stipulated,  the      Jan.  7. 
requisite  Bulls  were  delivered,  and  the  new  marriage  was 
celebrated  at  Nantes,   exactly  nine  months  after  the  demise  of  Charles 
VIII. 

A  year  was  occupied  in  preparations,  in  securing  tranquillity  at  home, 
and  in  cementing  alliances  abroad,  before  the  King  crossed  the  Alps. 
Besides  the  alliance  of  Alexander  VI.,  he  had  treated  for  that  of  the  Swiss 
and  of  Venice ;  and  the  latter  Republic  having  engaged  to  co-operate  with 
a  powerful  army,  required  only  the  Cremonese  as  her  share  of  spoil. 
Sforza  meantime  was  destitute  of  support ;  his  nephew  in  law  Maximi- 
lian was  occupied  in  a  ruinous  and  unnecessary  struggle  with  the  Swiss ; 
Frederic  of  Naples,  who  had  promised  assistance,  was  scarcely  able  to 
maintain  his  own  authority,  and  the  Sultan  Bajazet,  with  whom  the 
More  always  kept  up  a  strict  alliance,  and  who  was  most  faithful  to  his 
engagements,  could  operate  only  by  diversion  upon  the  Venetian  territory 
in  Greece. 

By  midsummer,  Louis  had  assembled  nearly  25,000  men  at  Lyons, 
under  the  command  of  D'Aubigny,  of  Trivulzio,  and  of  the  Count  of 

*  Caesar  Borgia  was  Cardinal  Bishop  of  Valenza,  in  Spain  :  his  temporal  title,  de- 
rived from  the  Duchy  of  Valence,  in  Dauphine,  was  Duke  of  Valentiuois. 


472  TREACHEROUS  ABANDONMENT  OF  L.  SFORZA  [dl.  XIX. 

Ligny.  Before  the  middle  of  August,  they  had  crossed  the  mountains, 
while  the  Venetians,  by  a  simultaneous  march,  approached  the  eastern 
frontier  at  Caravaggio.  The  French  men-at-arms,  and  more  especially 
the  Swiss,  evinced  great  ferocity  during  their  advance,  and  the  Italians 
everywhere  gave  way  without  a  blow.  Lodovico  found  that  even  his 
personal  safety  depended  upon  rapid  flight,  and  withdrawing  with  his 
treasure  and  his  children  by  Como  and  the  Valteline,  he  sought  refuge 
with  Maximilian  at  Inspruck. 

After  a  short  visit  paid  to  the  new  conquest  which  he  had  thus  ac- 
quired in  less  than  three  weeks,  Louis  returned  to  France,  leaving  Tri- 

vulzio  Governor  of  Milan.  The  austerity  of  that  Lieutenant 
A.  d.  1500.    rendered  him  unpopular,  and  the  inhabitants  soon  discovered 

that  they  had  by  no  means  attained  freedom  by  their  recent 
Feb.  6th.     change  of  masters,  so  thafthe  More  found  but  little  difficulty 

in  regaining  his  Capital.  With  30,000  Swiss,  whom  the 
March  22.    preservation  of  his  treasure  had  enabled  him  to  enlist,  he 

invested  and  took  Novarra.  But  no  sooner  did  these  mer- 
cenaries, who  had  unconditionally  accepted  his  pay,  perceive  that  the 
ranks  of  the  French  General  also  were  chiefly  rilled  with  their  own  Coun- 
trymen, than  they  refused  to  perform  the  service  for  which  they  had  been 
hired.  La  Tremouille,  who  had  been  despatched  against  them,  readily 
allowed  them  to  retire.  A  safe-conduct  was  granted  for  themselves  and 
their  baggage,  but  no  stipulation  was  made  for  the  Lombards  or  for  the 
Stradiot  Cavalry,  whoserved  under  the  same  banner.  The  mutineers 
refused  to  deliver  Sforza  himself  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  but  they 
consented  to  an  arrangement  by  which  his  escape  became  almost  impos- 
sible. The  Swiss,  after  laying  down  their  arms,  were  to  pass  two  by  two 
through  the  French  lines,  and  if  the  More  were  recognized,  there  were 
no  means  by  which  his  arrest  could  be  prevented. 

The  Lombard  Cavalry  which  issued  from  Novarra,  was  for  the  most 

part  either  put  to  the  sword  or  made  prisoners.     Of  the 
April  10.    Stradiots,  pushed  on  by  the  Swiss  pikes  in  rear,  and  cut  down 

by  the  French  in  front,  3ome  few,  owing  to  the  speed  and 
strength  of  their  horses,  gained  and  swam  the  Tesino.  About  20,000 
Swiss  then  remained,  each  of  whom  threw  down  his  halberd,  as  he  ad- 
vanced to  the  French  lines  for  inspection.  Nearly  a  moiety  had  already 
passed,  and  Sforza  was  still  undiscovered.  La  Tremouille  threatened  to 
charge,  unless  the  illustrious  prisoner  were  delivered;  but  his  troops 
refused  their  support,  and  circumstances  appeared  critical  till  two  Swiss 
soldiers  bargained  to  point  out  their  leader,  on  the  payment  of  200  crowns. 
He  was  detected  in  a  very  miserable  disguise  *.    His  brother,  the  Cardinal 

*  There  is  considerable  difference  respecting  the  disguise  under  which  Lodovico 
Sforza  attempted  escape.  Guicciardini  says,  iv,  1,  405,  Meseolalo  nello  squadrone 
comminuva  a  piede,  vesliio  e  armato  come  St/izzcro.  Bembo  mounts  him  on  a  lean  horse 
fravettiio  da  vittano.     La  Tremouille  in  his  Memvires,  affirms  that  he  took  him  with. 


A.  D.  1500.]  BY  THE  SWISS  AT  NOVARRA.  473 

Ascanio,  who  was  soon  afterwards  delivered  up  by  the  Venetians,  was 
confined  vigilantly  at  Bourges ;  and  captivity,  indeed,  indiscriminately 
awaited  every  descendant  of  the  great  Francesco  of  whom  Louis  could 
obtain  possession.  The  More  himself,  after  close  seclusion  in  other  dun- 
geons, was  transferred  to  the  hateful  Tower  of  Lochcs ;  and  lingered 
there  till  his  death,  during  ten  years  of  absolute  solitude,  in  which  his 
sufferings  wercheightened  by  a  refusal  of  even  the  companionship  of 
books  *, 

Odious  as  were  the  crimes  by  which  Lodovico  Sforza  had  attained  ele- 
vation, no  surer  means  of  rendering  him  an  object  rather  of  compassion 
than  of  abhorrence  could  have  been  found  than  were  furnished  by  the 
treachery  of  the  Swiss  and  the  severity  of  Louis ;  and  perhaps  there  is 
not  any  individual  whose  memory  is  more  indebted  to  his  fall,  and  for 
whom  misfortune  has  stood  more  in  the  stead  of  virtue.  Scarcely  any 
act  indeed  is  recorded  by  History,  which  reflects  greater  National  disgrace 
upon  its  perpetrators,  than  the  desertion  at  Novarra.  A  Soldier  must  re- 
coil from  it  as  a  violation  of  honour,  a  Trader  as  a  breach  of  compact ; 
nevertheless  it  was  committed  by  men  who  affected  to  unite  the  pursuits 
of  Commerce  with  those  of  the  Sword.  Unwillingness  to  shed  the  blood 
of  a  fellow-countryman  is  a  natural  and  a  praiseworthy  feeling ;  obedience 
to  legitimate  government  is  a  virtue  ;  but  if  the  Swiss  were  justified  in 
declining  combat  with  each  other,  (and  we  are  far  from  thinking  that 
they  were  not  so,)  they  were  at  least  bound  by  ties  not  less  strong  than 
those  which  knit  them  to  their  brethren,  to  ensure  the  safety  of  the  Prince 
upon  whose  bread  they^were  feeding,  and  with  whom  they  had  volunta- 
rily contracted  service  ;  and  although  an  Edict  of  the  Cantons  had  sum- 
moned both  parties  indiscriminately  to  their  homes,  they  had  set  at  nought 
similar  Edicts  before,  when  it  suited  their  interests  to  enlist  t- 
I  Milan  redeemed  herself  by  the  payment  of  ,300,000  crowns,  and  by 
the  tlelivery  of  some  of  her  chief  Citizens  to  the  executioner;  and  the 
Cardinal  of  Amboise  disposed  of  the  troops  which  he  no  longer  needed, 
and  which  therefore  were  becoming  burdensome,  by  placing  them  partly 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Florentines,  partly  of  Crcsar  Borgia.  Each  measure 
was  calculated  to  occasion  a  just  outcry.  The  first  involved  Pisa  in  dis- 
aster, notwithstanding  France  had  engaged  to  protect  her  independence  ; 
the  second  gave  a  bloody  triumph  in  Romagna  to  one  who   has  been 

his  own  hand,  that  he  was  dressed  ai  a  Cordelier  and  hadly  mounted,  in  order  that 
he  might  pus  for  Chaplain  to  the  Army.  Jean  d'Anton  attributes  his  discovery 
to  the  Count  of  Ligny,  and  dresses  him.  so  far  as  we  understand  the  words,  in  the 
habit  of  a  Swiss  pikeman,  a  ioi/s  scs  vhevcux  (rotates  xrtr  tin  io\(fe>  vne  yorijvcttc 
autuur  ilr  col.  un  pomrpomi  de  mtin  erammti  ti  des  ekntt$tt»  icarlutcs.  la  hu/Udurrfe  oh 
point/.  M.  de  Sismondi  (from,  whom  we  derive  the  quotation)  adopts  La  Titmouille's 
account  in  the  Jirp.  Hal.  xiii.  p.  G4  ;    d'Antons,  in  the  Hist.  dts  Francis,  xy.  p.  317. 

*  Paulus  Jovius,  lib.  xiv.adjin. 

f  The  levies  of  the  French  were  publicly  authorised  by  the  Helvetic  Diet :  those 
of  Sforza  were  made  by  himself  privately.  M.  de  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Fr.*  jcv. 
312. 


474  INIQUITOUS  TREATY  OF  GRENADA.  [CH.   XIX. 

charged  with  every  crime  which  disgraces  human  nature.     But  a  yet 
greater  sacrifice  of  good  faith  to  ambition  was  offered  when 
a.  d.  1500.    Louis  ratified  the  Treaty  of  Grenada  with  Ferdinand  and 
Nov.  11.     Isabella.  Its  conditions  were  very  similar  to  those  which  we 
have  already  detailed  as   proposed  a  few  years  before  to 
Charles  VIII.     The  Neapolitan  Monarchy  was  to  be  dismembered,  and 
the  Abruzzi,  the  Terra  de  Lavoro,  Gaeta  and  the  Capital  were  to  become 
the  spoil  of  Louis  as  King  of  Naples  and  of  Jerusalem  *.     The  long- 
disputed  sovereignty  of  Rousillon  and  Cerdagne  was  to  be  conceded  to 
Spain,  who  was  to  annex  also  to  her  territory  the  Duchies  of  Calabria 
and  of  Puglia. 

Against  the  force  of  an  open  enemy  and  the  falsehood  of  a  perfidious 

ally,  Frederic,  King  of  Naples,  was  unable  to  offer  any  effectual  resistance. 

The  Pope  issued  a  Bull  depriving  him  of  his  Throne,  and  Gonzalvo  of 

Cordova  took  possession  of  his  chief  strong-holds,  under  the 

a.  d.  1501.  pretext  of  rendering  them  secure.    Capua  was  the  only  town 

July  25.     which  checked  the  advance  of  the  French ;  it  was  sacked 

while  treating  for  capitulation,  and  after  a  series  of  murderous 

combats,  the  victors  glutted  themselves  with  both  pillage  and  massacre. 

All  the  treasure  of  the  neighbourhood  had  been  conveyed  within  its  walls, 

as  to  a  depot  which  offered  safety;  and  7000  of  the  inhabitants  were  put 

to  the  sword,  in  order  to  gratify  the  licentiousness,  the  fury,  or  the  avarice 

of  the  invaders. 

When  the  French,  unimpeded  in  their  progress,  took  possession  of 
Naples,  their  Commander  d'Aubigny  assented  to  the  retirement  of  Fre- 
deric to  Ischia,  on  which  rock  he  was  to  be  allowed  a  six  months'  armis- 
tice for  the  adjustment  of  a  definitive  Treaty  with  Louis;  but  no  sooner 
had  Philip  of  Ravenstein,  who  commanded   the  Spanish  Fleet,  warped 
his  squadron  into  the  harbour,  than  he  declared  this  long  suspension  of 
arms  to  be  dangerous  and  unnecessary ;  since  Frederic  was  already  sub- 
dued, and  nothing  remained  for  him  but  submission  to  the  mercy  of  the 
conquerors.    The  Prince  was  deprived  of  choice,  and  having 
Oct.  —     accepted  a  safe-conduct,  presented  himself  before  Louis  at 
Blois.     He  was  received  with  graciousness ;   a  pension  of 
50,000  livres  was  allowed  for  his  maintenance,  on  condition  that  he 
should  not  again  quit  France ;  and  sentinelled  by  a  nominal  guard  of 
honour,  he  survived  during  three  years  of  gentle  detention  in  the  Province 
of  Anjou. 

Ravenstein  proceeded  onward  with  his  Fleet  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  Turks  in  the  Archipelago,  which  was  unfortunate  in  its  results. 
The  influence  of  the  French  in  Naples  very  rapidly  diminished ;  and 
when  Louis  d'Armagnac  f  Duke  of  Nemours  arrived  as  Viceroy,  he 
found  himself  in  command  of  a  force  little  adequate  to  preserve  the 

*  Guicciardini,  i.  4,  422. 

T  Son  of  the  Duke  beheaded  by  Louis  XI.  in  1477. 


A.  D.  1503.]    EXPULSION  OF  THE  FRENCH  FROM  NAPLES.         4T5 

conquest,  and  placed  over  the  heads  of  veterans  who  were  not  unjustly 
jealous  that  the  harvest  should  be  gathered  by  one  who  had  not  shared 
with  them  in  the  toil  of  reaping  it.    This  weakness  and  these  dissensions 
were  soon  apparent  to  the  vigilant  eye  of  Gonzalvo  de  Cordova,  who  had 
been  employed  in  the  more  slow  but  more  certain  reduction  of  Puglia 
and  Calabria.    A  pretext  for  quarrel  with  the  French  was  easily  furnished 
by  the  indistinct  wording  of  the  Treaty  of  Grenada,  and  by  the  incorrect 
defineinent  of  the  boundaries  of  the  Neapolitan  Provinces.     The  French 
military  arrangements  required  the  occupation  of  Atripalda,  a  Town  in 
the  Basilicata,  from  which  they  were  forcibly  expelled  by  the  Spaniards 
who  also  asserted  a  claim  to  it.     After  a  Conference  between  the  Duke 
of  Nemours  and  Gonzalvo,  the  ultimate  question  was  left  to  the  decision 
of  their  respective  Governments  ;  but  mutual  confidence  appears  to  have 
been  at  an  end  from  the  moment  of  this  seizure.     A  favourite  project  of 
Anne  of  Bretany,  to  which  she  obtained  the  consent  of  her  husband,  was 
the  contract  of  their  infant  daughter  Claude  with  Charles  of  Luxem- 
burgh,  a  son  recently  born  to  Philip  Arch-duke  of  Austria,  who  governed 
the   Netherlands    for   his  father  Maximilian.     Upon  this 
couple  it  was  proposed  to  settle  the  Duchy  of  Milan,  an  in-  a.  d.  1501. 
vestiture  to  which  after  some  difficulty  the  Emperor  Elect      Oct.  13. 
consented  in  a  Treaty  signed  with  the  Cardinal  of  Amboise 
at  Trent,  and  which  was  further  confirmed  by  the  Arch-duke,     Dec.  12. 
during  a  visit  which  he  paid  soon  afterwards  to  the  Court 
of  France  at  Blois. 

But  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  although  seemingly  a  party  to  this  arrange- 
ment for  his  grandson,  never  for  a  moment  suspended  the  project  which 
he  was  maturing  for  the  establishment  of  single  dominion  in  Naples ;  and 
Louis  was  awakened  from  dreams  of  negotiation  at  Blois  by  the  announce- 
ment of  positive  hostilities  in  Italy.  Whether  the  first  acts  of  aggression 
were  commenced  by  the  French  or  by  the  Spaniards  appears  uncertain, 
and  is  of  little  moment.     When  the  pile  is  raised,  any  accidental  spark 
easily  kindles  it,  and  the  spirit  of  each  People  was  equally 
ready  for  inflammation.  The  War  was  uninteresting,  although    a.  d.  1502. 
distinguished  by  many  acts  of  individual  bravery,  and  when     Aug.  26. 
Louis  arrived  in  Genoa,  D'Aubigny  had  obtained  some  success 
in  Calabria,  and  Nemours  had  been  less  fortunate  in  his  Puglian  campaign. 

Louis  however,  still  blindly  relying  upon  the  Treaty  of  Blois,  counter- 
manded his  orders  for  active  hostilities ;  and  was  not  a  little 
astonished  to  learn  that  his  troops  had   suffered  two  heavy  a.  d.  1503. 
defeats,     D'Aubigny  was  overthrown  at  Seminara,  a  spot  on     April  21. 
which  he  had  won  a  battle  seven  years  before  ;  and  the  Duke 
of  Nemours  lost  both  his  army  and  his  life  on  the  Friday     April  28. 
following  at  Cerignola,  whither  Gonzalvo  de  Cordova  had 
repaired  after  disengaging  bimself  from  a  long  blockade  at  Barletta,  a 
town  about  three  miles  distant.     Renault  mentions  the  recurrence  of 


4*16  TREATY  OF  BLOIS.  [CH.  XIX. 

defeat  on  the  same  day  in  two  consecutive  weeks,  as  the  origin  of  the 
"fatality  "  which  condemns  Friday  as  ill-omened*.  Those  who  derive 
greater  pleasure  from  the  contemplation  of  strength  than  of  weakness  in 
the  human  mind,  will  gladly  turn  their  attention  from  this  superstition 
to  the  address  with  which  the  Spanish  General  converted  to  his  account 
a  disaster  which  might  have  been  attended  with  evil  consequences,  by 
dispiriting  his  soldiery.  Early  in  the  action  some  random  shots  set  fire 
to  the  tumbrils  laden  with  his  ammunition.  "It  is  a  happy  presage," 
cried  Gonzalvo,  on  hearing  the  explosion;  "  the  victory  is  our  own,  we 
have  no  more  need  for  powder  f." 

Notwithstanding  this  undisguised  violation  of  the  Treaty  of  Blois,  Louis 
still  allowing  himself  to  believe  that  the  Arch-duke  Philip 
Dec.  —     was  sincere  in  his  desire  of  executing  its  conditions,  enter- 
tained him  with  distinguished  magnificence  at  Lyons  on  his 
return  from  Spain,  and  there  received  a  renewal  of  his  promises.  Neither 
Gonzalvo  however,  nor  the  King  his  Master,  recognised  this  Treaty ;  the 
former  occupied  Naples,  the  latter  repulsed  attacks  directed 
a.  d.  1503.  against  Rousillon  and  Fontarabia.     In  Rome,  the  French 
Aug.  18.    interests  were   materially  injured  by  the  sudden  death  of 
Alexander  VI.  and  by  the  subsequent  disasters  of  Caesar 
Borgia.     The  policy  of  Julius  II.,  who  succeeded  to  the  Vatican  J  ,  was 
altogether  warlike  :  and  the  French,  after  undergoing  a  signal  defeat  near 
Gaeta  §,  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  Neapolitan  territory,  without  any 
stipulation  in  favour  of  their  adherents. 

Thus  terminated  the  short-lived  rule  of  the  French  in  Naples ;  and 
Louis,  far  from  idly  attempting  its  re-establishment  by  arms,  showed  that 
he  would  be  content  to  disengage  himself  from  the  struggle,  if  he  could 
so  do  without  positive  dishonour.     Yielding  therefore  to  the  importunity 
of  Anne,  whose  whole  views  were  concentrated  on  the  aggrandisement 
of  her  daughter  Claude,  he  proposed  that  on  her  union  with 
a.  d.  1504.    Charles  of  Luxemburgh,  she  should  receive  not  only  the 
Sep.  22.     Duchy  of  Milan,  but  also  the  Royal  Crown  of  Naples.     It 
is  not  easy  to  unravel  diplomacy  so  far  as  to  ascertain  the 
motives  for  this  Treaty,  by  which,  if  it  had  been  really  executed,  the  bride- 
groom, the  future  Charles  V.,  would  have  obtained  almost  universal  do- 
minion in  Europe.     By  descent  he  possessed  Spain,  Austria,  Bohemia, 
Burgundy,  and  the  Netherlands,  territories  which  made  succession  to  the 

*  Tom.  ii.  p.  489.  Aubrey,  an  admitted  authority  on  such  matters,  says,  that 
M  Friday  was  observed  to  be  very  fortunate  to  the  great  renowned  Captain  Gonsalvo, 
he  having  on  that  day  given  the  French  many  memorable  defeats.  Miscellanies, 
p.  18.  If  the  allusion  here  be  to  the  Battles  of  Serainara  and  Cerignola,  it  may  be 
remarked  that  the  former  was  not  won  by  Gonsalvo. 

f  Guieciardini,  i.  5.  491.     Paulus  Jovius,  lib.  ii.  p.  516. 

\  Pius  III.,  who  immediately  succeeded  Alexander  VI.,  reigned  from  only  Sept. 
22,  to  Oct.  18. 
§  December  27. 


A.D.  1505.]  DANGEROUS  ILLNESS  OP  LOLIS  XII.  417 

Imperial  Throne  but  little  doubtful.  By  the  proposed  marriage,  he  would 
add  to  this  vast  rule  the  two  Sicilies  and  Milan ;  and  the  fate  of  the  re- 
mainder of  Lombardy  was  decided  by  a  secret  Treaty  concluded  at  the 
same  moment,  which  bound  the  contracting  parties  to  attack  Venice,  (at 
that  time  in  alliance  with  France,)  and  to  despoil  her  of  all  her  dominions 
on  Terra  Firma.  What  barrier,  it  may  be  asked,  was  likely  to  preserve 
the  independence  of  France  itself  against  a  Power  thus  colossal  when- 
ever it  should  please  to  demand  this  sacrifice? 

Yet  in  constructing  such  a  Power,  Louis  assisted  with  his  own  hands; 
and  the  single  apology  which  has  ever  been  offered  for  his  political  blind- 
ness is  ill-health,  which  it  is  said  had  reduced  him  altogether 
to  the  control  of  Anne.  Certain  it  is  that,  in  the  Spring  of  a.  d.  1505, 
1505,  the  Queen,  well  knowing  the  unpopularity  in  which  April  — 
she  would  become  involved  on  the  disclosure  of  this  probable 
future  dismemberment  of  France,  had  made  preparations  for  a  hasty  re- 
treat, at  whatever  moment  her  sick  Consort  might  expire.  |Her  treasure 
was  embarked  upon  the  Loire,  and  vessels  were  provided  for  the  convey- 
ance of  herself  and  the  Princess  Claude  to  Bretany  ;  but  the  vigilance 
and  firmness  of  Pierre  de  Rohan*,  Marechal  of  Gie,  detected  and  frus- 
trated the  project.  To  that  Nobleman  had  been  consigned  the  education 
of  Francis  Count  of  Angouleme,  the  heir  presumptive  ;  and  foreseeing 
the  danger  to  which  his  illustrious  charge  might  become  exposed,  he 
doubled  the  garrison  of  the  Castle  of  Amboise,  in  which  the  Prince  re- 
sided, in  order  to  prevent  any  hazard  of  his  abduction,  and  he  placed 
under  embargo  the  ships  which  Anne  had  laden. 

The  King  unexpectedly  recovered,  and  Anne  retained  sufficient  influ- 
ence to  procure  the  disgrace  of  De  Gie,  whom  she  pursued  with  the  most 
unrelenting  hatred.  M  I  am  satisfied,"  is  said  to  have  been  her  remark, 
on  hearing  a  most  unjust  sentence  which  she  had  bribed  the  Parliament 
of  Toulouse  to  award ;  "  I  seek  not  his  blood,  rather  may  he  continue  to 
live  as  abased  and  as  lowly  as  he  has  heretofore  been  great !  may  he  linger 
on  in  pain,  sorrow,  and  remorse,  a  hundred-fold  worse  than  death  itself !" 
For  the  sake  of  charity,  and  for  the  honour  of  human  nature  we  rejoice 
to  be  able  to  consider  this  anecdote  as  apocryphal  -f. 

But  although  thus  basely  abandoning  a  faithful  and  devoted  servant 
to  the  revenge  of  an  imperious  woman,  Louis  arose  from  his  bed  of  sick- 
ness with  an  unshaken  resolution  to  terminate,  at  every  risk  of  danger 
and  even  of  dishonour,  a  Treaty,  which  he  now  felt  must  compromise  the 

*  Pierre  de  Rohan  was  an  old  opponent  of  the  Dake  of  Bretany,  and  a  reputed 
lover  of  Louisa  of  Savoy.  "Whatever  might  be  his  ruling  motive,  lie  saved  r  ran  to 
on  this  occasion. 

f  We  believe  that  the  speech  does  not  rest  on  better  authority  than  that  of  Bran- 
tome,  whose  words  possess  untranslatable  strength.  Car  etattt  mort  il  srroit  imp 
heureux,  metis  elle  vouloit  qtiil  rccut  has  et  ravale,  ainsi  qu'il  avoit  etc  paraia/if  yrand ; 
ufin  quit  vecut  en  marissons,  douleurs,  et  tristesses,  qui  ltd  feroient  plus  de  mal  cent  fois 
que  la  mort  meme.     Femmes  Illust.,  Anne  de  Bretagne. 


478  LOUIS  XII.  SALUTED    lC  FATHER  OP  HIS  COUNTRY.  [CH.  XIX, 

independence  of  his  Country.    He  had  learned  enough  of  the  alarm  with 
which  France  contemplated  the  execution  of  the  Treaty  of  Blois,  to  render 

him  as  desirous  for  its  breach,  as  he  had  ever  hitherto  shown 
a.  d.  1504.  himself  for  its  completion,  Isabella  of  Castile  was  already 
Nov.  26.  dead,  but  the  provisions  of  her  Will  were  likely  to  afford  fer- 
tile grounds  for  dispute  between  her  widowed  husband  Fer- 
dinand and  the  Arch-duke  Philip ;  for  by  one  clause  she  invested  the 
former  with  the  Regency  of  Spain,  until  Charles  of  Luxemburgh  should 
attain  his  one-and-twentieth  year,  provided  either  Philip  or  Jane  should 
prove  incompetent  to  the  task.  Rumour  had  already  declared  the  un- 
happy Princess  to  be  a  lunatic  ;  and  Louis  took  all  pains  to  foment  the 
dispute  which  he  foresaw  must  consequently  arise  between  the  Arch-duke 

and  his  father-in-law.     In  the  very  face  therefore  of  the 

a.  d.  1505.    Treaty  of  Blois,  he  secretly  ceded  all  his  claims  on  Naples 

Oct.  12.     to  Ferdinand,  upon  his  accepting  the  hand  of  Germaine  de 

Foix*,  a  niece  whom  the  King  of  France  thus  richly  dowered 
A.  d.  1506.  in  order  to  promote  discontent ;  and  he  employed  the  many 
Jan.  April,    months  during  which  the  avarice  of  Henry  VII.  retained 

Philip  as  a  virtual  prisoner  in  England,  in  negotiations  which 
might  give  him  strength  to  avow  his  ultimate  design. 

At  length  when  his  preparations  were  fully  matured,  he  summoned  the 

States-General  to  Tours.    The  Kingdom  at  the  moment  was 
May  14.     in  profound  tranquillity  ;    and  the  laudable  economy  with 

which  the  revenue  had  been  administered,  even  during  pre- 
ceding seasons  of  less  repose,  made  any  new  impost  unnecessary.  Con- 
jecture therefore  exercised  itself  fruitlessly  in  divining  reasons  for  this 
most  unexpected  meeting.  The  Deputies  waited  upon  the  King  at  Tours, 
and  instead  of  presenting  a  Remonstrance  or  an  Address  concerning 
Grievances,  documents  with  which  for  the  most  part  they  had  been  in 
the  habit  of  approaching  the  throne  of  his  predecessors,  they  enumerated 
the  great  benefits  which  France  had  derived  from  his  sway,  the  suppres- 
sion of  military  licence,  the  careful  expenditure  of  the  finances,  and  the 
equitable  distribution  of  justice  which  had  distinguished  his  reign  ;  and 
on  these  accounts,  in  the  name  of  their  colleagues  they  hailed  him  "  Fa- 
ther of  his  Country."  The  new  Titus  received  with  tears  this  mark  of 
National  applause ;  and  it  might  have  remained  doubtful  whether  the 
former  part  of  the  scene  were  the  result  of  pre-concertment,  but  for  the 
peroration  with  which  the  chief  Deputy  concluded.  "  Sire,  we  have  come 
hither,  under  your  pleasure,  to  urge  a  request  for  the  general  good  of  your 
Realm ;  and  your  servants  in  all  humility  beseech  you  that  you  would 
confer  your  only  daughter  in  marriage  upon  Francis  Count  of  Angouleme 
here  present,  who  is  in  all  respects  a  staunch  Frenchman."  Louis  pre- 
tended surprise,  and  answered,  through  his  Chancellor,  that  the  proposition 

*  Sister  of  Gaston  de  Foix,  daughter  of  John  de  Foix  and  his  third  wife  Mary  of 
CleVes,  sister  of  Louis  XII. 


A.  D.   1501.]  INSURRECTION  AT  GENOA.  419 

was  entirely  new  to  him,   but  that  be  would  discuss  it  with  the  Princes 
of  bis  Blood,  and  would  act  according  to  their  advice. 

The  consultation  with  the  Princes  was  not  long  protracted,  nor  was 
the  announcement  of  its  result  tardy.     Louis  replied  to  the 
Estates,  that  be  condescended  to  grant  their  request,  and  that     May  22. 
the  betrotbment  should  be  celebrated  immediately.     Within 
two  days,  indeed,  the  Cardinal  of  Amboise  pronounced  the  blessing  *. 
Philip  was  too  deeply  engaged  in  Castilian  politics  to  resent 
this  breacb  of  contract  at  the  moment ;  and,  before  the  close     Sep.  25. 
of  September,  a  pestilential  fever,  contracted  at  Burgos,  ter- 
minated his  life  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-eight  years,  and  left  the  wrong 
unavenged. 

It  was  from  Italy  that  the  first  interruption  of  tranquillity  was  to  occur 
to  France;  and  the  turbulent  Julius  II.  (a  ruler  far  better  adapted  to 
the  helmet  than  to  the  tiara)  not  long  after  his  attainment  of  the  Papal 
throne,  determined  upon  the  reduction  of  all  the  Feudatories  who  had 
defied  the  authority  of  his  predecessors  ;  a  step  which  he  considered  pre- 
paratory to  his  secretly  cherished  design  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Barba- 
rians who  had  intruded  within  the  Alps.     Perugia  and  Bologna  were  the 
first  objects  upon  which  he  successfully  directed  his  attempts,  and  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  an  insurrection,  which  for  awhile  menaced  the 
French  predominance  in  Genoa,  was  aided,  if  not  caused,  by  his  emissa- 
ries.    The  new  masters  had  not  borne  themselves  meekly  in  that  city, 
and  they  had  supported  the  Nobility  altogether  against  the  Plebeian  in- 
terest, among  which  Julius  had  large  family  connexions. 
An  act  of  aggression  by  one  of  these  licensed  oppressors   a.  d.  1506. 
occasioned  a  popular  tumult;  and  the  lower  Orders  were      July  18. 
for  the  most  part  successful  in  a  series  of  struggles,  in 
which  they  were  headed  by  one  of  their  own  class,  who,  according  to 
established  custom,  filled  the  office  of  Doge.     This  silk-dyer,  Paolo  di 
Novi,  is  represented  to  have  been  a  man  of  courage,  of  abilities,  and  of 
integrity;  and  his  progress  so  far  alarmed  the  King  of  France, 
that  he  determined  to  confront  him  personally.   The  Citizens    a.  d.  1507. 
were  too  rich,  too  commercial  in  their  habits,  and  too  divided     April  29. 
in  their  opinions  to  make  any  long  or  effectual  resistance,  and 
after  a  few  slight  skirmishes,  Louis  entered  the  walls  in  triumph  f,  and 
pardoned  the  rebels.     But  from  the  provisions  of  the  Act  of  Grace,  se- 
venty-nine persons  were  excepted ;  Novi  himself  was  seized  and  executed 
a  few  months  afterwards  in  Corsica  ;  and  a  mulct  of  300,000  florins  was 
imposed  upon  the  inhabitants  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  War.     The 

*  Francis  was  only  twelve  years  of  age  ;    Claude  but  six. 

f  Entro  in  Genova  la  persona  del  Re,  con  tutte  le  genie  d'arme  e  arciere  del/a  gvardia, 
td  egli  a  piede,  sotto  il  baldanchino  armato  tutto  di  armi  bia/iclie  con  un  slocro  undo  in 
tnano.  Guicciardini,  ii.  8.  p.  125.  M.  de  Sismondi,  Rep.  It.  xiii.  57->  refers  to 
this  passage  among  others,  and  inadvertently  states  that  Louis  made  his  entry  a 
cheval. 


480  RELATIONS  BETWEEN  FRANCE  AND  VEiNICE.  [cil.  XlX. 

impossibility  of  raising  this  levy,  amounting  to  a  moiety  of  the  taxation 
of  all  France,  was  the  single  motive  which  induced  Louis  to  accept  one- 
third  of  it  in  commutation  ;  and  having  bridled  *  the  City  by  the  erection 
of  a  strong  fortress,  and  by  the  curtailment  of  several  muni- 
May  14.  cipal  privileges,  he  disbanded  his  army,  and  returned  to  cele- 
brate some  fetes  at  Milan. 

Louis  was  scarcely  disengaged  from  the  chastisement  of  Genoa,  before 
he  joined  one  of  the  most  remarkable  confederacies  presented  by  Modern 
History,  whether  we  consider  the  versatility  of  the  chief  contracting 
parties,  or  the  false  policy  and  perfidious  nature  of  the  object  which 
France  proposed  to  herself.  With  the  single  exception  of  the  short 
campaign  of  Charles  VIII.  preceding  the  engagement  at  Fornovo, 
thirteen  years  before,  Venice  had  been  the  professed  and  faithful  ally 
of  France.  She  had  assisted  in  the  conquest  of  the  Milanese  in  1599, 
and  yet  later  she  had  drawn  down  upon  herself  an  attack  from  Maxi- 
milian by  refusing  a  passage  through  her  dominions  which 
A.  d.  1508.   might  facilitate  his  views  upon  Lombardy.    She  had  rejected 

June  7.  an  overture  for  separate  Peace  offered  by  the  Emperor,  and 
it  was  not  till  he  had  included  France  in  the  negotiation 
that  she  consented  to  a  general  Truce  in  all  Italy  for  the  next  three 
years. 

Louis  indeed  affected  some  resentment  that  the  Duke  of  Gueldres, 
who  was  engaged  in  a  petty  war  with  Maximilian  and  whose  cause  the 
French  therefore  espoused,  was  not  invited  to  share  in  this  Treaty ;  but 
the  Venetians  justly  replied,  that  the  Duke  of  Gueldres  was  not  their 
ally,  and  that  existing  compacts  bound  them  only  to  the  protection  of 
the  Milanese.  The  great  wealth,  the  large  possessions,  the  unbroken 
prosperity,  and  the  consummate  prudence  of  the  Signory  had  long 
awakened  universal  jealousy;  and  the  hereditary  Monarchs  of  Europe 
were  mortified  whenever  they  found  themselves  in  contact  with  the  Mer- 
chants of  the  Adriatic,  who  exercised  the  power  without  bearing  the 
title  of  independent  Royalty.  In  the  XVIth  Century  immediate  gain 
formed  the  wisdom  of  Statescraft ;  and  we  look  in  vain  for  that  sounder 
policy  which  foresees  and  averts  prospective  danger.  Louis  had  already 
lost  Naples ;  and  unscrupulous  as  to  means  of  indemnification,  it  ap- 
peared to  him  far  more  easy  to  enlarge  the  Milanese,  which  he  still  re- 
tained, than  to  recover  the  conquest  which  had  been  wrung  from  him. 
To  despoil  an  ancient  ally  for  his  own  advantage  was  in  his  eyes  no 
breach  of  public  virtue;  nor  did  he  perceive  the  folly  of  effecting  that 
purpose  by  entering  into  new  engagements  with  those  who  had  hitherto 
been  his  enemies,  and  who  doubtless  would  again  become  so  whenever 
the  bond  was  removed  which  linked  them  in  temporary  union.  While 
the  Veronese  and  Friuli  remained  as  a  barrier  in  the  hands  of  Venice 

*  La  quale  perche  pun  offendere  hitto  il  porto  e  parte  del/a  Citta  t  non  immeritamente 
chiamata  la  Briglia.     Guicciardini,  ii.  8.  126. 


A.D.  1508.]  THE  LEAGUE  OF  CAMBRAY.  481 

supported  by  France,  the  Milanese  was  impregnable  from  Germany ; 
and  it  seems  to  have  required  but  little  sagacity  to  perceive  that  if  the 
Barbarians  were  once  admitted  to  a  share  of  those  fertile  plains,  they 
would  in  time  possess  themselves  of  the  whole. 

The  experience  purchased  by  the  results  of  the  Treaty  of  Grenada  was 
lost  however  upon  France ;  and  Louis  proposed  a  Conference  between 
his  Minister  the  Cardinal  of  Amboise,  and  Margaret  the  widowed 
Duchess  of  Savoy,  who  governed  the  Netherlands  for  her  father  Maxi- 
milian. The  adjustment  of  the  quarrel  with  Gueldres  was  the  nominal 
object  of  discussion,  and  both  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Spain  were 
invited  to  send  Envoys  to  the  Congress.  Before  the  arrival  however  of 
Plenipotentiaries  from  either  of  these  Powers,  the  vigorous  diplomatists 
of  France  and  Germany  had  proceeded  to  a  definitive  Treaty, 
and  assuming  the  consent  of  the  absent  parties,  they  had  Dec.  10. 
signed  the  celebrated  League  of  Cambray.  Without  touch- 
ing upon  the  feud  with  the  Duke  of  Gueldres,  or  the  disputed  Regency 
of  Castile,  Maximilian,  in  a  Protocol  which  was  immediately  published, 
renounced  the  claim  of  his  grandson  to  the  hand  of  the  Princess  Claude, 
and  granted  to  the  French  King  a  new  investiture  of  Milan  upon  the 
receipt  of  100,000  crowns.  Far  more  important  terms  were  contained 
in  a  secret  document  which,  after  a  disclaimer  on  all  hands  of  any  al- 
liance with  Venice,  revived  the  Articles  formerly  arranged  at  Blois. 
Louis  engaged  to  attack  the  Republic  in  the  ensuing  Spring,  and  to  con- 
tinue the  War  until  he  had  mastered  Brescia,  Crema,  Bergamo,  Cre- 
mona, and  la  Ghiarra  d'Adda,  or  the  gravelly  district  bounded  by  that 
River.  Within  forty  days  from  the  movement  of  the  French,  the  Pope 
was  to  excommunicate  the  Doge  and  Signory,  to  seize  Ravenna,  Cervia, 
Faenza,  Rimini,  Imola,  and  Cesena,  and  to  summon  the  Emperor  Elect 
to  his  assistance  as  Advocate*  of  the  Church.  Padua,  Verona,  and 
Vicenza  were  to  fall  to  Maximilian  as  the  share  of  the  Empire ;  Rove- 
redo,  Trevisa,  and  Friuli  as  that  of  Austria.  The  King  of  Aragon  might, 
if  he  so  pleased,  possess  himself  of  maritime  Puglia;  and  the  Regency 
of  Castile,  remaining  in  abeyance  till  six  months  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  War,  was  then  to  be  decided  by  umpires.  Minor  baits  were  at  the 
same  time  thrown  out  by  which  the  Kings  of  Hungary  and  of  Cyprus, 
the  Dukes  of  Ferrara  and  of  Savoy,  and  the  Marquess  of  Mantua,  were 
allowed  to  join  the  mighty  host  thus  iniquitously  arrayed  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  an  unoffending  Power  f. 

Julius  II.,  notwithstanding  his  hatred  of  Venice  and  the  impetuosity 
of  disposition  which  betrayed  him  into  frequent  acts  most  unbecoming  a 
Spiritual  Prince,  was  not  without  a  dogged  sense  of  justice,  which  in  the 
first  instance  revolted  from  the  disgraceful  part  assigned  to  him  by  this 
Treaty;  nor  was  he  altogether  satisfied  that  the  Cardinal  of  Amboise  had 
thought  fit  to  pledge  him  without  direct  authority.  When  the  Venetian 
*  See  Note  %,  p.  40.  f  Guicciardini,  I.  viii.  torn.  ii.  p.  180. 

2i 


482  BATTLE  OF  [CH.  XIX. 

Resident  therefore  had  neglected  some  indirect  communication  made  to 
him  by  the  Pontiff's  desire,  Julius  invited  him  into  his  own  barge, 
under  the  pretext  of  a  water-excursion,  and  then  laid  before  him  a  Copy 
of  the  League,  at  the  same  time  offering  to  renounce  all  connexion  with 
it  provided  the  Senate  would  restore  Faenza  and  Rimini.  The  pro- 
position was  received  coldly.  Venice,  although  surrounded  with  so  great 
a  throng  of  foes,  felt  confidence  in  the  justice  of  her  cause  and  prepared 
for  defence,  resolved  not  to  surrender  without  a  struggle  that  which  it 
must  cost  a  victory  to  win  from  her.  Perhaps  she  mistrusted  the  sin- 
cerity of  the  Vatican,  and  her  politic  statesmen  fully  appreciated  the 
want  of  tenacity  which  rendered  the  dissolution  of  the  League  certain 
unless  it  succeeded  in  its  first  attack. 

The  French  army  amounted  to  about  30,000  men,  more  than  two- 
thirds  of  which  were  infantry,  great  part  of  them  levied  for  the  first  time 
among  the  native  Peasantry,  and  officered  by  gallant  Knight  adven- 
turers, by  Bayard,  Molart,  Richemont  La  Crote,  Odet  d'Aydet,  and 
others  of  equal  distinction  in  the  Military  Chronicles.  The  opulence  of 
Venice  enabled  her  very  rapidly  to  assemble  a  force  superior  in  numbers, 
and  formed  of  the  best  condottieri  whom  Italy  supplied;  and  she  quar- 
tered upon  the  banks  of  the  Oglio  2500  lances,  1500  light-armed  horse, 
1800  Stradiots,  18,000  mercenary  infantry,  and  12,000  militia.  This 
great  army  was  headed  by  two  Generals  of  widely  different  temperaments. 
Bartholomew  of  Alviano  impetuously  panted  to  chase  the  invaders  alto- 
gether from  Lombardy ;  Nicholas  Pitigliano  wras  content  with  defensive 
measures,  and  with  the  occupation  of  an  intrenched  camp  until  the 
French  should  be  exhausted  by  the  siege  of  fortresses  on  the  Adda. 

In  consequence  of  this  backwardness,  the  middle  of  May  arrived 
without  the  French  having  been  able  to  provoke  a  Battle,  which  Louis 

for  his  own  glory  was  anxious  should  occur  before  he  was 

a.  d.  1509.  joined  by  his  allies.     The  Pope  had  already  issued  his  Bull 

April  27.     of  Excommunication,  in  which,  after  the  Venetians  had 

been  fiercely  denounced  as  usurpers,  traitors,  and  perpetual 
enemies  of  the  Christian  name,  all  the  Faithful  were  invited  to  confede- 
rate for  their  destruction,  to  share  in  the  confiscation  of  their  existing 
property,  and  of  whatever  produce  might  hereafter  be  derived  from  the 
sale  of  their  persons  as  slaves. 

Both  armies  were  encamped  on  the  left  of  the  Adda,  the  passage  of 
which-  river  Trivulzio  boasted  to  Louis  was  equivalent  to  a  victory  ;  the 
Venetians  within  lines  near  Triviglio,  which  the  French  were  unable  to 
force,  and  in  connection  witli  their  Magazines  at  Crema.    Louis  marched 

upon  that  town  by  a  circuitous  road,  which  led  along  the  river- 
May  14.     bank  through  Rivolto  and  Agnadello,  the  Venetians  took  a 

much  shorter  but  a  more  difficult  route  along  the  heights  of 
Vaila.  A  ravine  thickly  planted  prevented  all  sight  of  each  other  until 
that  village  was  gained ;  and  it  had  already  been  left  behind  by  Pitigliano 


a.  d.  1509.]  'iii.vra  d'adda.  483 

who  commanded  the  van,  when  d'Alviano,  in  debouching  upon  it  with 
the  rear,  became  engaged  with  the  advanced  guard  of  the  French. 

D'Alviano  requested  his  colleague  to  halt  for  his  support,  but  the  elder 
General,  who  knew  how  much  his  brother  commander  desired  an  action, 
resisted  the  application  as  a  stratagem,  and  continued  his  onward  march. 
Thus,  while  the  French  were  increasing  in  numbers  by  the  advance  of  the 
main  body,  the  Venetians  were  proportionately  diminished.  D'Alviano, 
however,  took  what  advantage  the  ground  afforded,  and  disposing  his 
infantry  among  some  vineyards,  and  his  artillery  upon  a  dyke  formed  to 
stem  a  torrent  at  that  time  dry,  gallantly  maintained  an  unequal  combat 
for  more  than  four  hours.  At  one  time  the  French  men-at-arms  were 
broken,  but  they  were  rallied  on  more  open  ground  by  Louis  in  person, 
unmindful  of  the  danger  to  which  he  became  exposed;  nor  was  it  till 
d'Alviano  himself  had  been  severely  wounded  in  the  face,  8000  of  his 
choicest  foot  slain,  and  twenty  cannons  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  that  he  consented  to  surrender.  A  band  of  6000  infantry  levied 
in  the  Romagna,  and  bearing  the  name  of  Naldo  de  Brisighella,  by 
whom  they  had  been  trained,  fell  to  a  man  in  this  most  bloody  contest, 
and  the  loss  of  this  division  alone  was  more  than  double  that  of  the 
numbers  killed  in  the  entire  French  army. 

Louis  followed  up  his  victory  with  consummate  skill  and  great  ra- 
pidity ;  he  mastered  Bergamo,  Caravaggio,  and  Peschiera  in  a  few  days, 
but  unfortunately  he  sullied  his  success  by  egregious  cruelty,  putting 
both  the  garrisons  and  the  inhabitants  for  the  most  part  to  the  sword. 
In  fifteen  days  he  conquered  that  share  of  Lombardy  which  had  been 
assigned  to  himself  by  the  League  of  Cambray,  and  added  a  yearly 
revenue  of  200,000  ducats  to  the  Treasury  of  Milan.  Some  accounts  * 
affirm  that  having  penetrated  into  Mestre,  he  discharged  five  or  six 
hundred  shots  from  a  battery  raised  at  Fusina,  in  order  that  he  might 
make  the  idle  boast  of  having  bombarded  Venice.  Daru,  however, 
maintains  that  the  French  never  advanced  beyond  Verona. 

Meanwhile   the  confederates  were  not  wanting  in  their  respective 
quarters;  and  the  Pope,  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  the  Marquess  of  Mantua, 
and  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  were  alike  successful  in  the  districts  assigned 
to  them.     Maximilian  alone  was  absent :  he  had  spent  his  subsidies, 
and  when  his  vassalfl  at  last  began  to  assemble,  it  was  at  their  own  ex- 
pense.    Louis  was  deeply  offended  by  the  Emperor's  failure  at  a  Con- 
ference appointed  to  be  held  at  the  Castle  of  Guarda,  and  he  returned  to. 
Prance  after  disbanding  his  army,  and  leaving  not  more  than  500  lances 
to  act  as  auxiliaries  under  La  Palisse.     The  chivalric  Bayard,  with  200 
gentlemen  volunteers,  annexed  himself  to  this  force ;  but  in  spite  of  their 
gallantry  and  of  the  enormous  host,  exceeding  60,000  men, 
which  the  Emperor  at  length  gathered  before  Padua,  he  was      Oct.  3. 
compelled  to  raise  its  siege  and  to  abandon  his  enterprise. 
*  Brantorae,  Louis  XII. 

2i  2 


484  JULIUS  II.  WITHDRAWS  FROM  THE  LEAGUE.      [CH.  XIX. 

The  vengeance  of  Julius  II.  was  now  fully  gratified;  he  had  recovered 
the  lost  Fiefs  of  the  Church  in  Romagna,  and  with  all  his  faults  he  was 
free  from  nepotism.  Not  seeking  therefore  for  the  aggrandisement  of 
his  own  family,  he  easily  perceived  that  the  destruction  of  Venice  would 
weaken  his  favourite  project  of  expelling  the  Barbarians.  Reverting  to 
this  design,  as  the  French  had  invited  first  the  Spaniards,  and  after- 
wards the  Germans,  with  the  French  he  resolved  to  begin. 

With  this  view  he  published  a  Bull  reconciling  Venice  to  the  Church, 
and  on  the  remonstrance  of  Louis  that  such  a  step  was  a 
a.  d.  1510.  breach  of  the  League,  he  not  only  pleaded  the  right  of  the 
Feb.  24.  common  parent' of  Christendom  to  pardon  jepentant  sinners, 
but  he  also  accused  Louis  of  having  first  violated  the  League 
by  protecting  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.  He  made  overtures  to  Henry  VIII. 
of  England,  who  had  recently  ascended  his  father's  throne,  and  he  pre- 
sented him  with  the  Paschal  Rose*  as  a  mark  of  especial  favour.  But 
it  was  in  Swisserland  that  his  intrigues  were  most  successful;  and  by 
the  agency  of  the  Cardinal,  Bishop  of  Sion  in  the  Valais,  he  prevented 
a  renewal  of  the  ten  years'  Truce  with  France  which  had  just  expired, 
and  for  the  purchase  of  which  an  increased  price  was  required  by  the 
mountaineers. 

During  these  intrigues,  the  King  of  France  lost  from  his  councils  the 
most  able  and  the  most  confidential  of  his  Ministers.  The 
May  25.  Cardinal  of  Amboise  expired  at  Lyons,  burthened  with  years 
and  with  riches :  his  coffers  contained  eleven  millions  of 
livres  ;  and  all  his  relations  had  been  elevated  to  lucrative  offices. 
Louis  himself  assuming  the  reins  of  government,  renewed  the  campaign 
with  vigour,  and  largely  reinforced  the  Imperial  army  to  the  great  detri- 
ment of  the  Venetians,  who,  on  the  death  of  Pitiglianof)  were  but  lan- 
guidly commanded  by  their  new  General,  Baglione.  The  cruelties  per- 
petrated by  the  Germans  during  this  campaign  were  so  horrible,  that  we 
gladly  avoid  any  mention  of  them. 

Julius,  pursuing  the  system  which  had  hitherto  been  so  successful, 
granted  the  investiture  of  Naples  to  Ferdinand  the  Catholic 

July  7.  in  the  course  of  the  summer ;  and  he  arranged  that  at  the 
same  moment  a  Venetian  fleet  should  excite  insurrection  by 
appearing  before  Genoa,  15,000  Swiss  should  descend  upon  Milan,  and 
the  Papal  troops  under  his  own  nephew  the  Duke  of  Urbino,  supported 
by  a  Spanish  corps,  should  enter  the  Ferrarese.  Want  of  concert  in  the 
execution,  which  so  frequently  is  the  bane  of  detached  movements,  frus- 
trated this  well- conceived  project,  so  that  each  of  the  diversions  proved 
only  partially  successful.     Louis,  not  less  anxious  for  spiritual  than  for 

*  The  Popes  were  in  the  habit  of  consecrating  a  richly-perfumed  Golden  Rose 
every  Easter,  which  they  sent  as  a  mark  of  especial  favour  to  some  sovereign  Prince. 

■\  He  died  at  the  end  of  February  in  this  year,  in  consequence  of  fatigue  endured 
during  the  siege  of  Padua. 


A.  D.   1510.]  HIS  MILITARY  ARDOUR.  485 

military  support  in  a  War  which  brought  him  into  direct  collision  with 
the  Head  of  Christendom,  threw  himself  upon  his  clergy, 
and  convoked  an  assembly  of  the  Gallican  Church  at  Tours,    Sept.  14. 
which  authorized  him  to  make  war  upon  the  Pope  in  de- 
fence either  of  himself  or  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara,  and  to  break  all  tem- 
poral relations  with  the  Vatican.     Julius  in  return  issued  a  Bull  of  Ex- 
communication against  the  chief  Commanders  of  the  French  army,  whom 
he  specified  by  name.     Chaumont,  however,  undeterred  by  this  spiritual 
artillery,  advanced  upon  Bologna,  a  City  little  capable  of  defence,  and 
in  which  the  Papal  Court  lay  unprotected  by  troops.    The  near  approach 
of  a  hostile  army  struck  terror  into  every  breast  except  that  of  the  in- 
trepid old  man;  but  Julius,  though  confined  to  his  bed  by  a  severe 
attack  of  fever,  partly  by  stimulating  the  sluggishness  of  the  Venetians, 
and  partly  by  amusing  the  French  with  a  show  of  negotia- 
tion, obtained  a  timely  succour  which  enabled  him  to  defy     Oct.  13." 
attack.    The  Pope  on  his  convalescence,  personally  invested 
Concordia  and  Mirandola*,  the  first  of  which  towns  surrendered  by  the 
middle  of  December.     Mirandola,  far  stronger  of  the  two, 
offered  a  more  protracted  resistance,  and  the  opening  days   a.  d.  1511. 
of  the  new  year  exhibited  the  unseemly  spectacle  of  the 
"  Vicar  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  "  directing  a  battery  with  his  own  hands. 
So  careless  Avas  Julius  of  the  fire  of  the  garrison,  that  two  of  his  do- 
mestics were  killed  in  the  quarters  which  he  commonly  occupied.     So 
little  did  he  regard  his  own  personal  safety,  that  it  was  only  the  acci- 
dental delay  of  a  few  minutes  opportunely  occasioned  by  a  snow-storm 
which  saved  him  from  being  cut, off  by  an  ambuscade,  which  "the 
Knight  without  fear  and  without  reproach"  had  laid  for  him  in  one  of 
his  reconnoissancesf.     On  the  surrender  of  Mirandola,  he  mounted  the 
breach  by  a  ladder,  and  entered  the  town  at  the  head  of  his 
conquering  troops.    Chaumont,  who  received  instructions  to    March  11. 
stem  this  victorious  course,  died  from  vexation  at  his  want 
of  success,  and  was  succeeded  in  command  by  Trivulzio,  who  for  a  time 
attempted  negotiation. 

In  the  Congress  which  assembled  at  Mantua  for  the  adjustment  of  a 
general  Peace,  France  perhaps  was  the  only  Power  sincere 
in  the  intention  of  terminating  the  War;  and  the  wild  and    April  25. 
impetuous  demands  of  the  Pope  soon  rendered  the  meeting 
unproductive.     The  recapture  of  Concordia,  and  an  advan-     May  21. 
tage  obtained  over  the  Papal  army  at  Casalecchio  proved 
fruitless  owing  to  the  supincness  of  Maximilian ;  and  Louis,  perceiving 
that  he  was  ill  seconded  in  the  field,  disbanded  his  army. 

He  next  attempted  to  meet  the  military  Priest,  not  by  martial  but  by 
sacerdotal  weapons.     Five  discontented  Cardinals  had  taken  refuge  in 

♦Concordia  and  Mirandola  belonged  to  the  little  territory  of  Luigi  Pico,  who, 
having  married  a  daughter  of  Trivulzio,  was  in  the  French  interest. 
f  Hut.  de  Chev.  Bayard,  cap.  43. 


1 


486  GASTON  DE  FOIX.  [ciI.  XIX. 

Tuscany,  and  their  agency  was  employed  to  summon  an  (Ecumenical 
Council  to  meet  on  the  next  first  of  September  at  Pisa.    The  experiment 
failed  altogether.    Both  Ferdinand  of  Spain  and  Henry  VIII.  of  England 
signified  disagreement.     The  Clergy  of  France  received  the  proposition 
with  coldness.    The  Pope  issued  a  Bull  for  the  Convocation  of  a  General 
Council  at  the  Lateran  in  the  ensuing  year,  and  when  the  schismatic 
Cardinals  met  at  Pisa,  they  were  compelled  to  disperse  with  ridicule. 
Julius  meantime  had  succeeded  in  consolidating  what  he  termed  a  Holy 
League  in  defence  of  the  Church,  in  which  the  chief  parties  were  him- 
self, the  King  of  Spain,  and  the  Republic  of  Venice.      A  menaced 
descent  of  the  Swiss  upon  the  Milanese,  from  which  they  were  bribed 
to  desist  by  ample  payment,  for  awhile  arrested  the  prompt  movements 
which  Louis  had  designed  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  signature  of 
this  League ;  and  the  Spanish  General  Raymond  de  Car- 
Feb.  1  5.     dona  effected  a  junction  with  the  Papal  troops  under  Bo- 
logna before  he  could  be  confronted  by  Gaston  de  Foix, 
Duke  of  Nemours,  and  nephew  of  Louis,  who,  although  only  in  his 
twenty-second  year,  had  evinced  the  most  brilliant  military  qualities. 
The  relief  of  Bologna  was  the  first  exploit  in  the  short 
Feb.  19.     career  of  this  gallant  young  leader.      A  spirited  assault 
upon  Brescia,  which  the  Venetians  had  surprised  during 
his  absence,  is  chiefly  remarkable  on  account  of  a  severe  wound  which 
for  a  time  deprived  the  French  of  the  services  of  the  Chevalier  Bayard  ; 
and  the  sack  of  the  town,  which  followed  after  a  bloody  carnage,  tended 
greatly  to  impair  the  discipline  of  the  French  army. 

Henry  VIII.,  meantime,  allured  by  the  hope  of  recovering  Guyenne, 
and  yielding  to  the  persuasions  of  the  King  of  Spain,  his  father-in-law, 
declared  his  accession  to  the  Holy  League ;  and  it  every  day  became 
more  evident  that  the  wavering  conduct  of  Maximilian  would  end  in  a 
total  withdrawal  from  alliance  with  France.  Gaston  de  Foix  indeed 
received  certain  intelligence  that  a  Truce  had  been  already  signed,  and 
that  a  courier  was  on  the  road  to  order  the  retirement  of  the  Germans, 
who  formed  at  least  one-third  of  his  army.  Stimulated  by  this  infor- 
mation, by  the  instructions  of  his  Court,  and  by  the  natural  ardour  of 
youth,  he  earnestly  sought  battle,  which  Cardona  as  ear- 
April  11.  nestly  declined.  The  skilful  manoeuvres  of  Gaston,  how- 
Easter-day.  ever,  brought  on  a  murderous  engagement  under  the  walls 
of  Ravenna.  The  army  of  the  League  was  wholly  broken 
by  the  superiority  of  the  artillery  of  the  Duke  of  Ferrara  which  enfiladed 
its  line*;  not  however  until  38  out  of  40  Captains  commanding  the 
French  and  more  than  2000  men  had  been  slain  by  a  vigorous  fire  from 
the  confederate  entrenchments.     The  Spanish  Infantry,  however,  which 

*  The  Duke  of  Ferrara's  cannonade  swept  to  the  opposite  flank  of  the  French, 
whose  line  was  arrayed  semicircularly.  Alfonso  strenuously  denied  to  Paulus 
Jovius  {Ftta,  p.  831)  a  calumny  which  accused  him  of  saying  that  it  was  of  no  con- 
sequence whether  his  bullets  killed  French  or  Spaniards,  since  both  alike  were 
Foreigners,  Barbarians,  and  Knemies 


A.D.   1512.]  BATTLE  OF  RAVENNA  48*7 

had  been  ordered  at  first  to  lie  flat  on  the  ground,  still  resisted.  They 
were  the  most  distinguished  soldiers  in  Europe  :  employing  muskets 
intermingled  With  halberds,  and,  heavily  armed  in  complete  mail,  they 
threw  themselves  with  sword  and  dagger  upon  the  unwieldy  pikes  of  the 
fctetman  Landsknechts*.  It  was  not  till  the  French  men-at-arms  con- 
centrated themselves  for  a  final  charge  that  the  Spaniards  began  to  retire, 
and  even  then  they  withdrew  slowly  and  in  good  order.  Many  leaders 
of  distinction  were  slain  in  the  pursuit;  Lautrec  was  left  for  dead  with 
twmty  gashes,  and  the  brave  Gaston  was  killed.  It  is  recorded  of  him 
that,  for  the  love  of  his  mistress,  he  wore  his  arm  without  mail  from  the 
elbow  to  tile  wrist,  and  that  after  shivering  the  first  lance  which  was 
broken  on  this  day,  he  rode  about  the  field  giving  orders,  and  not  re- 
serving to  himself  any  particular  position ;  he  was  unhorsed  in  the  pur- 
suit, and  the  cry  of  his  comrades  declaring  his  name,  and  urging  the 
Spaniards  to  give  quarter  to  the  brother  of  their  Queen,  was  unheard  or 
unregarded  by  some  unknown  and  obscure  enemy,  who  plunged  a  swrord 
into  his  bosom.  Among  the  distinguished  prisoners  captured  by  the 
French  was  the  Legate  Cardinal  John  of  Medici.  The  field  was  covered 
with  dead  :  and  Guicciardini,  whose  computation  is  much  lower  than 
that  of  other  Historians,  names  10,000  men,  one-third  of  whom  belonged 
to  the  conquerors.  The  loss  was  not  a  little  enhanced  on  both  sides  by 
the  high  rank  of  most  of  the  killed  f. 

The  illustrious  birth,  the  military  skill,  the  chivalrous  qualities,  the 
brilliant  success,  and  the  early  death  of  Gaston  de  Foix  have  deservedly 
given  him  a  high  rank  in  the  catalogue  of  heroes,  and  the  day  of  Ra- 
venna, although  tarnished  with  grief  for  his  fall,  is  still  among  the 
brightest  epochs  of  French  glory.  But  Glory  was  the  only  produce 
reaped  from  this  blood-sodden  field.  Reinforcements  were  denied  to 
La  Palisse  who  succeeded  to  command,  and  the  parsimony  of  the  Com- 
missaries disbanded  the  greater  part  of  even  the  National  troops  which 
remained  to  him  after  the  Germans  had  withdrawn  according  to  the 
orders  of  Maximilian.  That  restless  and  vacillating  Prince  not  only 
dissolved  his  alliance  with  France,  but  he  permitted  the  Swiss  to  pour 
an  overwhelming  Body  of  mountaineers  over  St.  Gothard  into  Lombardy. 
An  insurrection  at  Genoa  commenced  almost  simultaneously,  so  that, 
notwithstanding  the  brilliant  opening  of  the  Campaign,  before  the  close 
of  the  year  the  French  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  whole  of  their 
Italian  conquests,  and  the  dynasty  of  Sforza  was  restored  at 
Milan  in  the  person  of  Maximilian,  a  son  of  Lodovico  the  Dec.  29. 
More,  under  the  protection  of  the  Swiss  and  of  the  Holy 
League. 

*  These  pikes  were  from  sixteen  to  eighteen  feet  in  length.  iMtidskncchts  must 
be  carefully  distinguished  from  /sinz/oiec/its.  The  former  means  country-folk,  i.e., 
men  of  the  open  country,  not  mountain. 

t  Guicciardini,  lib.  x.  torn.  ii.  p.  4b7.  The  64th  chapter  of  the  //«/.  de  C/icv. 
Bayard  gives  a  very  confused  account  of  the  battle. 


488  ACCESSION  OF  LEO  X.  [CII.  XIX, 

The  Holy  League,  however,  was  ill  compacted  for  long  duration ;  and 
the  very  success  which  attended  its  outset  contributed  to  accelerate  its 
decay,  on  account  of  the  extravagant  pretensions  advanced  by  the  con- 
tracting parties.  To  reconcile  the  opposite  claims  of  the  Swiss,  of  the 
Pope,  of  Ferdinand,  and  of  Maximilian,  was  by  no  means  an  easy  task ; 
and  Louis,  after  a  vain  endeavour  to  procure  reconciliation  with  the 
Helvetic  Cantons,  was  on  the  eve  of  again  confiding  in  the  Emperor  and 

the  Venetians,  when  these  contradictory  negotiations  were 

a.d.  1513.   interrupted  by  the  unexpected  death  of  Julius,  his  chief 

Feb.  21.      enemy.    A  slight  fever  accompanied  with  dysentery  brought 

to  their  close  the  days  of  a  Pontiff  who,  notwithstanding  the 
unbecoming  vehemence  with  which  he  pursued  his  designs,  has  had  few 
who  can  compete  with  him  in  ability,  and  in  earnestness  for  that  which 
he  considered  to  be  the  legitimate  aggrandizement  of  the  Holy  See. 

The'Cardinal  of  Medici,  who  succeeded  under  the  title  of  Leo  X.,  and 
who  had  been  made  prisoner  at  the  Battle  of  Ravenna,  had  escaped  from 
captivity  on  the  evacuation  of  the  Milanese  by  the  French.  So  strongly 
was  he  impressed  by  a  remembrance  of  his  misfortunes,  that  he  chose 
for  his  Coronation  the  anniversary  of  the  Battle,  and  rode  to  the  Lateran 
on  the  very  horse  which  had  carried  him  on  that  fatal  day.  Louis 
earnestly  desired  reconciliation  with  the  Holy  See,  and  it  was  with  re- 
luctance that  he  was  again  forced  into  hostilities.  The 
March  23.    diplomacy  of  this  period  is  most  complicated,  but  it  may 

suffice  to  say  that  Venice  became  the  ally  of  France,  and 
April  5.      that  by  a  Treaty  signed  at  Malines,  the  Emperor,  the  new 

Pope,  the  Kings  of  England  and  of  Spain  were  leagued  in 
opposition.  No  sooner  had  La  Tremouille  descended  the  Alps,  than  the 
fickle  Lombards  and  Genoese  revolted  in  his  favour.  Milan,  dissatisfied 
with  the  experiment  which  it  had  made  of  Swiss  mastery,  expelled 
Maximilian  Sforza,  who  took  refuge  in  Novarra;  and  on  the  same  spot 
which  thirteen  years  before  had  witnessed  the  discomfiture  of  his  father, 
the  son  was  attacked  by  the  same  General,  and  protected  by  the  same 
friends. 

La  Tremouille  accordingly,  and  apparently  with  just  confidence,  an- 
ticipated a  result  very  similar  to  that  which  had  attended  his  former 
enterprise,  and  he  was  prepared  to  make  new  disbursements  for  the  pur- 
chase of  a  captive.  But  the  motives  of  the  Swiss  who  had  betrayed 
Lodovico  and  of  those  who  now  espoused  the  cause  of  Maximilian  were 
widely  different.  The  former  had  served  only  as  mercenaries,  and  they 
considered  honour  as  a  not  less  marketable  commodity  than  life.  The 
latter  were  volunteers,  armed  in  behalf  of  a  Prince  whom  they  had 

chosen,  and  whose  success  they  identified  with  the  glory  of 
June  6.     their  Country.     Such  were  the  feelings  with  which  they 

marched  upon  the  Camp  near  Riotta,  stormed  its  batteries 
which  they  turned  against  the  French  themselves,  repulsed  the  men-at- 


A.  P.   1513.]  SIEGE  OF  TEROUANNE.  489 

arms  by  their  forest  of  pikes,  and,  after  mowing  clown  10,000  infantry 
(half  *of  which  were  German  landsknechts  whom  they  regarded  with 
peculiar  bitterness  as  supplying  their  own  place),  returned  in  triumph 
to  Novarra,  unable  to  follow  up  pursuit,  on  account  of  their  total  want 
of  cavalry. 

Pursuit  however  was  quite  needless,  since,  in  spite  of  the  remon- 
strances of  the  Venetian  Proweditori,  La  Tremouille,  without  attempting 
the  defence  of  Piemont,  instantly  recrossed  the  Alps.  France,  indeed, 
wanted  all  her  soldiers  for  the  protection  of  her  own  frontiers,  and  it  was 
with  the  utmost  difficulty  that  the  funds  requisite  for  her  safety  were 
provided  by  increase  of  taxes,  by  voluntary  donations,  and  by  mortgages 
of  the  Royal  domains. 

The  most  serious  attack  wras  made  by  the  English.  '  Henry  VIII.,  in- 
dignant that  his  father-in-law  Ferdinand  had  entered  into  a  secret  Con- 
vention with  Louis,  projected  a  combined  invasion  with  Maximilian  and 
the  Swiss.  The  former  applied  to  his  own  use  the  hundred  thousand 
crowns  transmitted  to  him  as  a  subsidy,  and  then  flattered  the  idle  va- 
nity of  the  young  English  Monarch,  by  stating  that  he  disdained  to  serve 
in  the  same  ranks  with  peasants,  and  that  he  would  place  himself  under 
the  orders  of  the  King,  at  a  pay  which  he  fixed  at  a  hundred  crowns  per 
day.  Henry  received  this  despatch  on  his  arrival  at  Calais,  and  enjoyed 
the  empty  gratification  of  counting  the  first  monarch  in  Christendom 
among  his  hired  soldiers. 

Terouanne,  the  City  which  he  resolved  to  besiege,  was  defended  by  a 
garrison  of  400  men,  and  although  strongly  fortified,  was 
badly  provisioned.     The  army  despatched  for  its  relief  re-       June  17. 
ceived  positive  orders  not  to  fight,  which  it  obeyed  too  strictly 
on  one  occasion,  when  the  chances  _were  greatly  in  its  favour  *.     The 
Commander  of  the  garrison  found  means  to  signify  that  his  stores  were 
nearly  exhausted,  and  the  French  Generals  wishing  to  divert 
the  attention  of  the  English  while  they  threw  in  supplies,     Aug.  16. 
directed  1400  men-at-arms  on  the  heights  of  Guinegatte, 
while  a  body  of  light  cavalry  was  instructed  to  approach  the  ditch  of 
Terouanne,  into  which  each  man  was  to  toss  from  his  horse's   head  a 
barrel  of  salted  meat,  and  another  of  gunpowder.    The  latter  part  of  the 
enterprise  was  successfully  conducted;    but  the  destination  of  the  men- 
at-arms  became  known  to  the  enemy,  and  on  arrival  on  the  heights  the 
French  were  surprised  by  finding  arrayed  against  them  10,000  English 
Archers,  4,000  landsknechts,  and  eight  pieces  of  Artillery.     The  confu- 
sion was  immediate  and  general,  and  each  man  fled  for  his  life.    The  few 
Captains  who  gallantly  attempted  resistance  were  taken,  and  if  the  En- 
glish had  possessed  cavalry,   the  whole   Body  must  have  shared  their 
fate.    Among  the  prisoners  were  the  most  illustrious  of  the  French  War- 

*  Hist,  de  Che  v.  Bayard,  cap.  57. 


490  THE  BATTLE  OF  SPURS.  [CH.  XIX. 

riors  :    the  Duke  of  Longueville  *,  La  Palisse,  Bayard,  La  Fayette, 
Clermont  d'Anjou  and  Bussy  d'Amboise.     The  day  received  its  name, 
the  Battle  of  Spurs,  from  the  only  weapon  which  the  French 
Aug.  22.     Soldiery  actively  employed;  and  Terouanne,  hopeless  of  suc- 
cour, surrendered  to  Maximilian,  who  razed  it  to  the  ground  f. 
Meantime,  the  Swiss  with  a  formidable  band  of  20,000  men  had  made 
an  irruption  into  Burgundy,   and  had  already  effected  two  breaches  in 
the  old  and  crumbling  walls  of  Dijon.     La  Tremouille,  who  commanded, 
knew  the  mercenary  nature,  of  the  enemy  against  whom  he  had  to  act ; 
and  having  bribed  the  chief  officers,  he  concluded  a  Treaty 
Sept.  13.    which  he  must  have  foreknown  Louis  would  refuse  to  ratify, 
but  which  succeeded  in  inducing  the  army  of  Zurich  to  return 
to  its  Canton.     The  Peace  stipulated  that  the  King  should  immediately 
restore  any  possession  belonging  to  the  Holy  See  which  he  might  then 
occupy,  that  he  should  evacuate  the  Citadels  of  Milan,  of  Cremona,  and 
of  Asti,  and  respect  the  independence  of  the  Duchy  of  Milan  as  now  re- 
established.    It  was   agreed  also  that,  exclusively  of  private  gratuities, 
400,000  crowns  should  be  paid  to  the  Diet.     The  King  was  indignant 
when  he  received  intelligence  of  this; degrading  contract.    La  Tremouille 
endeavoured  to  appease  him  by  pleading  constraint,  and  Louis,  by  tem- 
porizing, evaded  payment,  but  encountered  the  lasting  resentment  of  the 
Swiss,  After  the  surrender  of  Terouanne,  Maximilian  and  Henry  directed 
their  arms  against  Tournay.     That  ancient  town  was  proud,  among  its 
other  privileges,  of  exemption  from  a  garrison,  and  when  Louis  had  offered 
to  provide  for  its  defence  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  he  received  ft 
punning  reply,  "That   Tournay  never   had  turned  and  never  would 
turn  J."     A  few  hours'  cannonade,  however,  compelled  the 
Sept.  24.     burghers  to  lower  their  boastful  tone,  and  they  capitulated 
to  Henry,  who,  having  concerted  a  renewal  of  the  campaign 
Oct.  17.    in  the  ensuing  Spring,  returned  to  England,  well  satisfied 

with  his  essay  in  arms. 

'  During  the  winter,  however,  an  event  occurred  productive  of  much 

change  in  general  politics.    Anne  of  Bretany,  who  exercised 

a.  d.  1514.  great  control  over  her  husband,  and  who  had  always  evinced 

Jan.  9.      marked  dislike  to  any  rupture  with  the  Pope,  expired  at 

Blois  after  a  long  illness,  and  Louis,  still  anxious  for  a  male 

heir,  determined  to  renew  the  nuptial  contract.     One  of  the  immediate 

consequences  of  the  death  of  the  Queen  was  the  union  of 

May  —     Francis  d'Angouleme,Duke  of  Valois,  and  heir  -presumptive, 

with  the  Princess  Claude,  to  whom  he  had  been  betrothed 

*  Husband  of  Mary  of  Guise,  future  Queen  of  Scotland. 

,  f  The  Secretary  of  Bayard  says  that  it  was  dismantled  by  Henry  VIII.,  in  viola- 
tion of  the  Terms  of  surrender.     Cap.  57. 

X  "  Que  Tournay  rC  avoit  jamais  tourne,  ni  encore  ne  tourneroitp  Memoir esde  Fleu- 
ranges,  1 51,  cited  by  M.  de  Sismondi,  xv.  654, 


A.D.  1515.]  RE-MARRIAGE  AND  DEATII  OF  LOUIS  XII.  491 

eight  years ;  a  marriage,  the  completion  of  which  had  been  prevented  by 
the  speculation  which  Anne  continued  to  cherish  of  obtaining  the  heir  of 
Austria  as  her  son-in-law ;  and  by  her  hatred  and  jealousy  of  Louisa  of 
Savoy,  mother  of  the  Duke  d'Angouleme.     The  Austrian  party  still 
hoped  to  provide  Louis  himself  with  a  bride  from  that  House  which  they 
favoured,  and  they  suggested  first  Margaret,  Regent  of  the  Netherlands, 
for  whom  the  King",  had  already  shown  some  symptoms  of  inclination. 
But  that  Princess,  although  she  had  been  twice  married,  was  childless 
by  each  husband,  and  Louis  hearkened  with  greater  readiness  when  her 
niece  Eleanor  was  proposed,  the  acceptance  of  whose  hand  would  bind 
him  closely  to  Ferdinand  and  Maximilian.     The  Duke  of  Longuevillc, 
however,  who  during  captivity  in  England,  since  the  Battle  of  the  Spurs, 
had  contracted  great  familiarity  with  Henry  VIII.  *,  negociated  for  Mary, 
a  younger  sister  of  that  King,  who  had  long  since  been  betrothed  to 
Charles  of  Austria ;  and  Louis,  who  preferred  the  alliance  of  England  to 
that  of  the  Empire,  anxiously  urged  on  the  Treaty.     The  dower  of  the 
Princess  was  to  be  400,000  crowns,  but  Louis  renewing  the  terms  of  the 
Treaty  of  Etaples,  engaged  to  pay  the  King  of  England  a  sum  of  100,000 
crowns  for  ten  years,  a  payment  which  was  variously  de- 
scribed as  a  tribute,  and  as   a  Treaty.     The  marriage  was     Aug.  7. 
celebrated  at  Greenwich,  where  the  Duke  of   Longueville  . 
officiated  as  proxy.     The  bride  soon  afterwards  embarked,     Aug.  13. 
and  was  received  by  her  expectant  husband  at  Abbeville. 
The  union  terminated  a  dangerous  War  with  England,  but    Oct.  11. 
the  disproportion  of  years  between  the  contracting  parties, 
and  the  change  of  habits  which  it  brought  to  the  King,  soon  hurried  him 
to  the  grave  f.     After  a  round  of  Fetes  and  Court  Ceremonies,  to  which 
he  had  been  little  accustomed,  he  expired  at  Paris,  worn 
out  with  debility,  on  the  first  of  January,   1515;   and  his   a.  d.  1515. 
young  widow,  who  had  either  surrendered  her  private  incli-      Jan.  1. 
nations  to  ambition,  or  had  been  compelled  to  sacrifice  them 
to  State  policy,  within  two  months  after  his  death  became  the  willing 
bride  of  her  favoured  lover,  Charles  Brandon,  Duke  of  Suffolk. 

*   Henry  was  in  the  habit  of  playing  tennis  with  the  Duke,  and  on  one  occasion 
purposely  lost  to  him  his  ransom  of  50,000  crowns. 

-|-  Brantome,  whose  authority  is  not  worth  much  whenever  a  Lady's  reputation  is 
at  Stake,  speaks  very  slightingly  of  Queen  Mary.  The  Secretary  of  Bayard  (cap.  58) 
mat  Louis  had  no  great  inclination  to  the  match,  but  that  a  like  a  peluan"  he 
sacrificed  himself  for  the  good  of  his  People. 


492  [ch.  xx. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

From  a.  d.  1515  to  a.d.  1529. 

Accession  of  (Francis  I. — The  Ministry — Renewal  of  the  War  in  Italy — Battle  of 
Marignano — Capture  of  Milan — Bourbon  appointed  Governor — Concordat  with 
Leo  X. — Francis  returns  to  France — Accession  of  Charles  V. — Charles  V.  and 
Francis  I.  Candidates  for  the  Empire — Success  of  Charles  V. — Interview  of 
"  the  Field  of  the  Cloth  of  Gold" — Treaty  between  Francis  and  Leo  X.  for  the 
partition  of  Naples — Treachery  and  death  of  Leo  X. — Misfortunes  of  Lautrec — 
Battle  of  Bicocca — Execution  of  Semblancay — Disgrace  and  revolt  of  the  Con- 
stable Bourbon — Expedition  of  Bonnivet  to  Italy — Death  of  the  Chevalier 
Bayard — Bourbon  invades  the  South  of  France — besieges  Marseilles — his  retreat — 
Francis  invades  Italy — Siege  and  Battle  of  Pavia — Captivity  of  Francis — Energy 
of  the  Queen  Mother — Transfer  of  Francis  to  Madrid — Ungenerous  conduct  of 
Charles — illness  of  Francis — his  interview  with  Charles — reception  of  Bourbon — 
Francis  threatens  to  abdicate — is  released  by  the  Treaty  of  Madrid — Violation  of 
its  terms  by  Francis — The  Holy  League — Storm  of  Rome  by  Bourbon — his  death 
— Unfortunate  campaign  and  death  of  Lautrec — Doria  and  the  Genoese  renounce 
alliance  with  France  and  engage  with  the  Emperor— Francis  challenges  Charles 
— the  French  defeated  at  Landriano— Peace  of  Cambray. 

Francis  I.,  Count'of  Angouleme,  was  in  his  twenty-first  year  when  he 

ascended  the  throne.     His  chief  confidence  was  given  to 

a.  d.  1515.    his  mother,  Louisa  of  Savoy,  and  her  principal  agent,  An- 

Jan.  1.  toine  du  Prat,  whom  he  created  Chancellor.  Charles, 
Duke  of  Bourbon,  was  appointed  Constable,  and  Philip 
Chabot,  Lord  of  Brion,  and  Anne  of  Montmorenci,  who  had  enjoyed 
the  King's  boyish  favour  by  having  been  educated  with  him,  were  ad- 
mitted to  his  inmost  counsels. 

It  was  not  likely  that  a  young  and  ardent  Prince,  eminently  distin- 
guished by  those  personal  qualities  which  for  the  most  part  seem 
requisite  for  the  acquirement  of  military  glory,  would  long  abstain  from 
war,  after  ,he  had  once  felt  that  he  possessed  means  for  waging  it  with 
success.  Having  accordingly  -  renewed  alliances  with  England,  with 
Venice,  with  Genoa,  and  with  Austria,  Francis  prepared  for  the  recovery 
of  the  Milanese,  in  which  dominion  Maximilian  Sforza  was  supported 
by  the  favour  of  Rome  and  the  arms  of  Swiss  mercenaries.  Many 
foreign  officers  of  distinguished  merit  engaged  as  volunteers  in  this  ex- 
pedition, and  among  them  may  be  selected  for  mention  a  brave  Spaniard, 
Pietro  Navarra,  who,  having  been  taken  prisoner  at  the  Battle  of  Ra- 
venna, had  been  neglected  by  his  master,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and 
offered  himself  to  the  service  of  France  with  6000  Basques  and  Gascons, 
whom  he  had  trained  after  the  model  of  the  Spanish  infantry.  The 
Queen  Mother  was  appointed  Regent,  and  Francis  having  assembled  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Lyons  nearly  60,000  men,  and  a  proportionate 


A.  D.  1515.]  BATTLE  OF  MARIGNANO.  493 

train  of  artillery,  commenced  his  march  to  pass  by  Nice  and  the  sea- 
coast  through  the  Marquisate  of  Saluzzo.  The  Constable  went  in  ad- 
vance with  three  days'  provision,  and  engaged  himself  in  a  pass  of 
the  Alps  hitherto  impenetrated  by  any  great  army  to  the  left  of  Mount 
(ii'nevre.  The  Swiss  employed  in  the  defence  of  the  Milanese  were 
completely  baffled  by  the  unprecedented  daring  of  this  brilliant  attempt. 
Part  of  them  surrendered,  and  part  negotiated  for  retreat,  upon  the  pay- 
ment of  a  certain  sum  of  money.  While  this  bargain  was  yet  pending, 
a  re-inforcement  of  20,000  of  their  compatriots  descended  from  the 
mountains,  and  indignant  at  the  proposed  terms,  persuaded  their  Coun- 
trymen to  endure  the  hazard  of  battle.  The  advanced  posts  of  the 
French  were  scarcely  a  league  distant  from  the  gates  of  Milan,  and  the 
head-quarters  of  Francis  were  pitched  at  Marignano,  about  ten  miles 
from  that  city.  The  Swiss,  unsupported  by  their  allies, 
who  were  far  too  distant  to  assist  in  the  attack,  poured  out  Sept.  13. 
of  Milan  about  three  in  the  afternoon,  and  advanced  straight 
forward  with  a  ditch  on  either  side,  and  without  any  attention  to  tactics. 
The  King,  who  was  sitting  down  to  table  at  the  moment  he  received 
intelligence  of  the  attack,  ordered  up  about  9,000  landksnechts  to  harass 
the  flanks  of  the  Swiss  beyond  the  ditches,  while  his  artillery  mowed 
them  down  in  front.  The  Battle,  however,  continued  to  rage  with 
violence,  and  apparently  without  advantage  to  either  side  till  the  setting 
of  the  Moon  involved  both  armies  in  darkness,  under  cover  of  which  the 
Chevalier  Bayard  effected  a  most  hazardous  escape.  His  horse  had  car- 
ried him  away  across  one  of  the" fosses  through  the  first  line  of  the  Swiss, 
and  was  already  approaching  the  second,  when  his  rider  finding  means 
to  dismount,  and  disencumbering  himself  from  the  heaviest  parts  of  his 
armour,  lay  concealed,  till  nightfall  enabled  him  to  creep  on  his  hands 
and  feet  unperceived  to  join  his  comrades*. 

The  King  passed  the  night  on  the  carriage  of  one  of  his  cannons,  and 
the  only  refreshment  which  he  could  obtain  was  some  water  dabbled 
with  blood,  brought  him  in  a  helmet  fronTa  neighbouring  puddle.  In 
the  morning  the  attack  was  renewed  by  the  Swiss,  but  they  were  alarmed 
by  the  arrival  of  some  Venetian  columns,  which  they  mistook  for  the 
whole  army  of  the  Republic ;  and  after  a  short  skirmish  they  effected 
their  retreat  upon  Milan  in  good  order,  and  defying  pursuit.  Twelve 
thousand  of  their  number  and  about  half  as  many  of  the  French  had  fallen, 
and  among  the  latter  are  mentioned  several  names  of  distinction.  The 
Duke  of  Chatelleraut,  Imbercourt  the  Count  of  St.  Cyr,  Bussy,  Talmond, 
La  Meilleraye,  de  Rove,  and  the  young  Count  of  Pitigliano.  The  prize 
of  valour  in  the  two  days'  combat  was  assigned  by  universal  consent  to 
the  Chevalier  Bayard,  and  Francis  honoured  him  accordingly  by  re- 
ceiving knighthood  from  his  sword  f.  "  Heretofore,"  remarked  the  veteran 

*  Histoire  de  Chevalier  Bayard.  Chap.  O'O.  f  Id.,  ibid. 


49-1  CHARLES  V.  ELECTED  EMPEROR.  {CH.  XX. 

Trivulzio,  "  I  have  often  fought  with  men,  but  the  contest  of  Marig- 
nano  must  be  considered  a  Battle  with  Giants*." 

Pietro  Navarra  pushed  on  to  Milan,  and  Sforza,  abandoned  by  the 
Swiss,  surrendered  his  Castle  and  retired  into  France  on 
Oct.  4.      an  allowance  of  30,000  crowns,  from  the  bounty  of  the  King. 
During  the  winter  the  King  of  France  negotiated  very  leni- 
Dec.  10.    ently  with  Leo  X.,  and  arranged  a  Concordat  in  a  Con- 
ference at  Bologna,  which  was  highly  advantageous  to  the 
a.  d.  1516  Church.    In  the  following  Spring,  after  returning  to  Lyons, 
he  disbanded  his  Italian  army,  leaving  Milan  to  the  defence 
of  the  Constable  de  Bourbon. 

An  attempt  upon  Lombardy  tardily  made  by  the  Emperor  Maximilian 
scarcely  deserves  notice.     The  death  of  Ferdinand  the   Catholic  had 
already  placed  his  Grandson,  Charles  of  Austria,  in  possession  of  his 
Spanish  dominions,  and  the  Emperor  was  at  length  persuaded 
Dec.  4.     to  accede  to  a  Treaty  originally  signed  at  Noyon  August  13th, 
by  which  were  concluded  the  numerous  Wars  arising  out 
of  the  unnatural  League  of  Cambray.     Various  other  negociations  also 
with  England,  with  Swisserland,  and  with  Venice,  appeared  to  ensure 
the  repose  of  France.     Henry  VIII.  consented  to  restore  Tournay  on 
the  payment  of  600,000  crowns,  more  than  half  which  sum  was  to  be 
assigned  as  a  portion  to  his  daughter  the  Princess  Mary  be- 
a.  d.  1518.  trothed  to  the  Dauphin.     But  the  unexpected  death  of  the 
Oct.  4.      Emperor  Maximilian  removed  all  these  fair  appearances  of 
a.  d.  1519.  tranquillity,  and  when   the  Kings  of  Spain  and  France 
Jan.  11.    offered  themselves  as  rival  Candidates  for  succession  to  the 
Imperial  Crown,  it  was  manifest  that  seeds  of  much  future 
contest  would  be  scattered  abroad.     Bribes  were  lavishly  dispensed  by 
each  of  them.     The  Elector  of  Mayence  espoused  the  cause  of  Charles, 
the  Archbishop  of  Treves  that  of  Francis,  but  the  harangues  which  they 
respectively  delivered  in  behalf  of  their   Favourites  tended   more  to 
awaken  the  fears  of  the  Electoral  College  as  to  the  danger  which  was  to 
be  expected  from  the  success  of  either  party,  than  to  confirm  the  pre- 
tensions which  they  were  intended  to  support.     The  Crown  accordingly 
was  tendered  to  Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony,  and  when  he  prudently  and 
magnanimously  declined  the  glittering  but  perilous  offer,  and  gave  his 
suffrage  for  the  King  of  Spain,  a  unanimous  vote  called 
July  5.     Charles  V.  to  the  Throne,  after  a  discussion  which  lasted 
during  five  months    and  ;ten  days.     Francis  received  the 
announcement  of  his  failure  with  considerable  dignity,  and  observed  to 
the  Spanish  Ambassadors  "  that  a  disappointed  suitor  in  Ambition,  as 
well  as  in  Love,  never  ought  to  cherish  resentment  if  he  were  dismissed 
by  his  mistress  f." 

*  The  Battle  of  Marignano  is  related  by  Guicciardini,  lib.  xii. 
f  Guicciardini,  lib.  xiii. 


a.  u.  1520.]  rriE  field  of  the  cloth  of  gold.  495 

Notwithstanding  this  specious  appearance  of  self-control,  Francis 
was  bitterly  mortified  by  his  rejection,  and  lie  accordingly  sought  to 
strengthen  alliances  which  might  sooner  or  later  enable  him  to  take  up 
arms.  The  avarice  of  Wolsey  was  always  accessible  by  gold,  and  he 
had  already  been  gained  to  support  Charles  by  a  pension  of  7,000  ducats 
secured  upon  two  Spanish  Bishopricks,  and  an  assurance  of  prompt 
assistance  on  the  next  vacancy  of  the  Popedom,  the  well-known  ultimate 
object  of  his  ambition.  Wolsey  therefore  had  contrived  a  meeting,  as  if 
by  accident,  between  the  Emperor  and  his  Master,  while  the 
latter  was  awaiting  embarkation  at  Calais,  for  a  much  more  a.  d.  1520. 
formal  interview  with  Francis,  on  that  which  from  its  mag-  May  2. 
nificence  has  been  denominated  "  the  Field  of  the  Cloth 
of  Gold*,"  between  Ardres  and  Guines.  The  chief  houses  of  those 
towns  were  set  apart  for  the  Ladies  of  the  two  Courts,  the  Princes  them- 
selves occupied  a  temporary  encampment,  if  wooden  residences  may  so 
be  called,  which  were  distributed  into  three  stories  of  apartments,  saloons, 
and  galleries,  and  in  the  Courts  of  which  numerous  fountains  welled  out 
Wine,  Water,  and  Hippocras.  The  Lords  on  either  side  vied  with  each 
other  in  ruinous  gorgeousness  of  equipage,  and  many  Courtiers,  as  we 
are  assured  by  a  contemporary  authority,  bore  on  their  shoulders  their 
forests,  their  granaries,  and  their  meadows  f.  Francis  was  soon  wearied 
by  the  sombre  etiquette  which  had  thrown  round  all  intercourse  the 
nicest  barriers,  and  without  communicating  his  intention,  he  rose  betimes 
one  morning,  and  accompanied  only  by  a  single  Page  and  two  gentlemeu 
as  attendants,  he  rode  before  day-break  to  the  English  lines.  Two  hun- 
dred Archers  who  guarded  the  Royal  tent  were  astonished  at  this  appa- 
rition, but  Francis  demanded  immediate  admittance  to  their  Master's 
pavilion.  There,  undrawing  the  curtains,  he  awakened  Henry,  who 
received  the  confidence  thus  bestowed  upon  him  with  a  fitting  acknow- 
ledgment, and  after  a  mutual  exchange  of  courtesy  and  of  rich  presents, 
and  the  return  of  a  similar  visit  from  Henry  on  the  following  morning,  a 
most  unreserved  communication  was  established  between  the  two  Camps. 
Jousts,  Tournaments,  and  athletic  sports  formed  the  occupation  of  the 
day,  under  two  artificial  trees,  each  twelve  feet  in  height,  their  leaves 
composed  of  green  damask,  their  branches  and  stems  of  cloth  of  gold, 
bearing  silver  flowers  and  fruits,  a  hawthorn  and  a  raspberry,  which 
were  erected  on  a  hill,  as  symbols  (we  know  not  why)  of  England  and 
of  France. 

The  English  seem  to  have  been  particularly  distinguished  as  Wrest- 
lers. On  one  occasion,  indeed,  it  is  said,  that  Henry  seized  his  Brother 
King  by  the  collar  and  challenged  him  to  a  fall.  Francis,  who  had  the 
advantage  in  age  and  agility,  overthrew^  his  opponent,  and  when  Henry 

*  Fletiranges,  p.  -Hill.  j  Bellay,  I.,  p.  86. 


496  TREACHERY  AND  DEATH  OF  LEO  X.  [CH.  XX. 

demanded  his  revenge,  the  by-standers  discreetly  interfered.  These 
rude  amusements  were  succeeded  by  balls  and  banquets,  in  which  the 
ladies  performed  their  parts'  also,  and  the  Courts  separated  after  three 
weeks  of  festivity,  with  evident  demonstrations  of  affection  and  satisfac- 
tion, but  with  no  real  progress  in  the  State  business  which  had  ostensibly 
brought  them  together. 

The  territory  of  Navarre  was  disputed  between  Henry  II.,  a  youth  in 
his  fourteenth  year,  Son  of  Jean  and  Catherine  d'Albret,  and  Charles  V., 
who  claimed  it  as  a  descendant  of  Germaine  de  Foix.     Henry  was 
educated  in  the  French  Provinces,  which  were  the  only  portions  of  his 
heritage  remaining  to  him,  and  the  first  show  of  hostility  towards  Charles 
V.  on  the  part  of  the  King  of  France  was,  by  his  appearing  as  an  aux- 
iliary in  an  unsuccessful  invasion  projected  for  the  recovery 
a.  d.  1521.  of  the  dominions  of  this  minor.    But  a  more  grievous  source 
June.      of  quarrel  was  opened  in  Italy  by  the  very  Power  which 
ought  most  to  have  laboured  for  the  continuance  of  Peace,  and 
Leo  X.  almost  at  the  same  moment  signed  Treaties  directly  contradictory 
of  each  other  with  the  Courts  of  Paris  and  of  Madrid.     The  Pope  en- 
gaged himself  to  Francis  to  assist  in  the  conquest  of  Naples,  in  the  par- 
tition of  which  all  the  districts  southward  of  the  Garigliano  were  to  fall  to 
the  share  of  the  Church,  the  remainder  was  to  be  erected  into  a  Kingdom 
for  the  second  Son  of  Francis,  under  the  tutelage  of  an  Apostolic  Legate 
until  he  should  attain  his  majority.     With  Charles  the  wily  Pontiff 
stipulated  for  the  expulsion  of  the  French  from  Italy,  after  which  Milan 
was  to  be  restored  to  Francesco  Sforza,  second  Son  of  Lodovico  the  More, 
and  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Ferrara  were  to  be  annexed  to  the  Holy  See. 
This  traitorous  double  negotiation  was  discovered  by  Lautrec,  the  French 
General,  on  whom  the  command  had  devolved,  and  who  represented  that 
400,000  crowns  were  requisite  for  the  defence  of  the  Milanese;  the 
poverty  of  the  Exchequer,  or  an  intrigue  of  Semblanc,ay,  Intendant  of 
the  Finances,  directed  by  the  Queen  Mother,  to  whom  Lautrec  was  per- 
sonally obnoxious,  as  brother  of  the  favourite  Royal  Mistress,  Madame 
de  Chateaubriand,  prevented  this  necessary  supply.     After  a  disastrous 
campaign,  Lautrec  abandoned  Milan,  and  the  three  Cities  coveted  by 
the  Pope  fell  into  his  possession.  The  joy  of  the  Pontiff  was 
a.  d.  1521.  excessive,  and  he  died  so  suddenly  after  the  receipt  of  the  in- 
Dee.  1 .      telligence,  as  not  to  leave  his  unexpected  removal  entirely  free 
from  suspicion  of  poison,  an  imputation  frequently  attached 
with  insufficient  grounds  to  the  last  hours  of  the  Great. 

The  unruly  Swiss  in  the  French  service,  who  meted  out  their  blood  in 
a  nice  balance  according  to  their  weight  of  pay,  loudly  demanded  battle 
or  dismissal,  and  it  was  in  vain  that  Lautrec,  who  knew  that  the  Im- 
perialists were  more  straitened  than  even  himself,  entreated  them  to 


A.  D.  1522.]  REVOLT  OF  BOURBON.  497 

abstain  for  a  short  time  from  a  contest  which  he  foresaw  would  be 

hazardous.      A  brutal  doggedncss  of  courage  was  the  only 

quality  which  they  displayed  when  in  the  presence  of  the    a.  d.  1522. 

enemy,  and  having  lost  3,000  men  by  an  attack  of  the  Im-     April  29. 

perial  batteries  at  Bicocca*  in  front,  they  retired  among 

the  mountains  with  all  their  artillery  and  baggage.     Lautrec  presented 

himself  at  Court,  and  so  far  made  good  his  complaints  of  the  neglect 

which  had  destroyed  him,  that  Semblancay  was  condemned  to  the  gibbet 

for  having  obeyed  the  Queen  Mother. 

Meantime  a  languid  show  of  War  was  made  by  the  English  and 
Flemings  in  Picardy;  yet  notwithstanding  the  calamities  of  Lombardy, 
it  was  still  in  Italy  that  the  fate  of  arms  was  to  be  decided.  The  Con- 
stable de  Bourbon  having  become  a  Widower,  refused  an  alliance  to 
which  it  is  said  the  Queen  Mother  solicited  him,  and  accompanied  the 
rejection  with  insulting  language,  which  Louisa,  who  still  retained  much 
personal  beauty,  although  now  in  her  forty-seventh  year,  was  little  likely 
to  forgive.  That  haughty  woman  accordingly  instigated  against  him  a 
Process  of  the  Parliament  which  menaced  the  deprivation  of  all  his  fiefs 
and  dignities,  and  at  length  goaded  his  fiery  spirit,  in  the  hope  of 
revenge,  into  traitorous  negotiation  with  the  agents  of  Spain  ^and  of 
England. 

Bourbon  indeed  by  no  means  intended  to  transfer  the  Sovereignty  of 
France  to  Henry  VIII.,  but  his  vengeance  projected  its  dismember- 
ment. He  required  that  Provence  and  Dauphine  should  be  united  with 
his  own  apanage  of  Bourbonnois  and  Auvergne,  and  erected  into  a 
Kingdom  in  his  own  favour,  the  Crown  of  which  he  was  to  wear  in  con- 
junction with  Eleanor,  Sister  of  the  Emperor  and  Queen  of  Portugal  f, 
who  was  to  be  given  him  in  marriage  with  an  enormous  portion.  On 
these  conditions  he  engaged  to  assist  Charles  V.  in  the  subjugation  of 
Languedoc,  Burgundy,  Champagne,  and  Picardy,  while  Henry  VIII. 
should  overrun  the  remainder  of  France.  In  order  to  complete  this 
service,  he  was  ready  to  join  the  Imperial  Army,  with  1,000  Gentlemen 
and  6,000  foot,  on  the  moment  at  which  Francis  should  pass  the  Alps 
on  an  expedition  which  he  was  known  to  meditate  for  the  recovery  of 
the  Milanese. 

This  Conspiracy  was  too  widely  ramified  to  escape  detection,  but 
Francis,  in  order  that  he  might  more  vigilantly  watch  over  the  Con- 
stable, dissembled  his  knowledge,  and  resolved  to  secure  his  presence  in 
Italy.  Bourbon,  however,  prevented  this  derangement  of  his  plans  by 
feigning  confinement  to  bed  from  illness  during  a  visit  which  the  King 

*  The  battle  of  Bicocca  is  related  by  Guicciardini,  lib.  xiv.,  and  the  details  of 
..autrec's  unfortunate  Campaign  are  very  ably  compressed  by  M.  de  Sismondi, 
Rep.  //.,  torn,  xv.,  1 14. 
f  Afterwards,  on  the  death  of  Queen  Claude,  married  to  Francis  I.  in  1530. 

2k 


498  DEATH  OP  BAYARD.  [CH.  XX. 

paid  him  at  Meulins,  but   no   sooner  had  Francis  withdrawn  than, 
taking  to  a  litter  till  he  had  disencumbered  himself  from 
Sept.  *7.     the  spies  with  whom  the  King  had  surrounded  him,  he  threw 
himself  on  horseback,  and  traversing  the  frontiers  of  Auvergne 
and  Dauphine*,  through  remote  paths  and  in  perpetual  fear  of  discovery, 
he  at  length  found  himself  in  safety  beyond  the  confines  of  France.    His 
chief  associates,  although  arrested,  escaped  punishment,  and  the  first 
attacks  which  he  had  concerted  by  12,000  landsknechts  upon  Cham- 
pagne, and  by  some  Spaniards  upon  Bayonne,  were  effectually  repulsed. 
The  Duke  of  Norfolk  (Thomas  Howard)  with  15,000  English  under 
his  command,  and  in  combination  with  a  somewhat  larger  number  of 
Imperialists,  made  a  more  vigorous  attempt  on  Picardy,  and  planted  his 
banners  within  eleven  leagues  of  Paris  * ;  but  La  Trernouille  made  a 
gallant  resistance.    The  King  despatched  a  large  reinforce- 
No  v.       ment  from  Lyons,  and  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  apprehensive 
of  being  enclosed  between  two  armies,  retired  to  his  ships. 
Francis,  thus  detained  by  the  treachery  of  Bourbon,  intrusted  the  ex- 
pedition against  Milan  to  the  young,   brave,    debauched,  and  incon- 
siderate Bonnivet,  who  was  met  on  his  descent  into  Lom- 
a.d.  1524.  bardy  by  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Pope  Hadrian  VI. 
Sept.  14.   Bonnivet's   campaign   exhibited   little  military  skill,    and 
having  failed  in  the  siege  of  Arona,  he  was  compelled  in  the 
ensuing  Spring  to  fall  back  upon  a  reserve  of  Swiss  which  awaited  him 
on  the  banks  of  the  Sesia.     The  retreat  was  conducted  under  great  suf- 
fering and  disaster,  but  is  chiefly  distinguished  by  the  death  of  the  Che- 
valier Bayard,  who  commanded  the  rear-guard  at  the  moment  in  which 
the  Sesia  was  gained,  in  consequence  of  a  wound  which  had  removed 
Bonnivet  from  that  post  of  honour.     No  sooner  did  the  Knight  "  with- 
out fear  and  without  reproach  "  receive  the  ball  which  disabled  him, 
than  he  requested  to  be  placed  with  his  back  against  a  tree,  and  with 
his*  face  towards  the  Enemy,  and  in  that  position  employing  the  hilt  of 
his  sword  as  a  crucifix,  he  fervently  performed  his  devotions.     The 
Duke  of  Bourbon  passed  by  while  the  last  agonies  of  the  hero  were  ap- 
proaching, and  expressed  pity  at  the  untimely  fate  of  so  distinguished  a 
Chevalier.     u  It  is  not  upon  me  that  you  should  waste  pity,"  exclaimed 
the  dying  Bayard,  when  this  remark  was  conveyed  to  him,  "  it  is  rather 
for  yourself  that  it  should  be  reserved.     /  fall  like  a  man  of  honour, 
but  cordially  do  I  pity  you  who  are  serving  against  your  Prince,  against 
your  Country,  and  against  your  oath."     As  the  nature  of  his  wound,  by 
which  the  spine  was  shattered,  would  not  permit  removal  without  much 
hopeless  suffering,  the  Spaniards  themselves  pitched  a  tent  at 
a.  d.  1524.  the  spot  upon  which  their  Enemy  was  expiring,  and  where 
April  30.   he  continued  to  linger  for  three  hours  before  death  relieved 
him  from  his  tortures. 

*  Bellay,  lib.  ii.  p.  300. 


A.   D.  1525.]  SIEGE  OP  PAVIA.  499 

Bourbon,   inflated  by  the   success  which   had   thus  expelled   Bon- 
nivet   from   Italy,   prevailed   upon  Charles   V.    to   autho- 
rize  an  invasion  of  Southern  France.     The  Marquess  de     July  7. 
Pescara  was  associated  with  him  in  command,  and   these 
Generals,  distrustful  of  each  other,  after  the  rapid  conquest  of  many 
inferior   towns,   led   about    16,000    men   to  the   siege    of 
Marseilles.     After   forty  days'  investment,  during  which    Aug.  19. 
they  encountered  a  most  brilliant  defence,   the   besiegers 
attempted  an  assault,  the  want  of  success  in  which,  com-   Sept.  24. 
bined  with  intelligence   of  the  near  approach  of  a  Fleet 
under  Andrea  Doria,  and  of  an  Army  led  by  Francis  him-      Oct.  8. 
self,  induced  them  to  retreat  to  Monaco. 

Francis  had  been  delayed  by  the  illness  and  death  of  his  Queen 
Claude*;  little  affection,  perhaps,  existed  between  them, 
and  her  loss  appears  to  have  imposed  slight  restraint  upon    July  30. 
his  habitual  debaucheries  f.     At  length  he  passed  the  Alps 
with   a  force  which  the  Imperialists  were  unable  to  withstand  in  the 
field,  and  which  they  accordingly  resolved  to  oppose  by  distributing  them- 
selves into  garrisons  among  their  various  strongholds,  while  Bourbon 
entered  Germany  to  solicit  reinforcements.     Instead  of  pur- 
suing his  enemies  beyond  the  Po,  the  King  unadvisedly     Oct.  28. 
undertook  the  siege  of  Pavia,  because,  as  his  rash  Favourites 
assured  him,  it  was  beneath  the  dignity  of  a   King  of  France  that  so 
strong  a  town  should  be  left  in  arms  behind  him.     During  the  invest- 
ment of  that  city,  the  chief  Powers  in  Italy,  believing  the  French  to  be 
the  stronger  of  the  two  contesting  parties,  were  prompt  in  offers  of  nego- 
tiation, and  the  Pope  (Clement  VII.)  and  the  Venetians  assured  Francis 
that  they  would  at  least  remain  neutral.    Misled  by  too  hasty 
a  reliance  upon  these  promises,  the  King  despatched  a  force  a.  d.  1525. 
which  he  could  ill  spare,  amounting  to  more  than  ten  thou- 
sand men,  under  James,  Duke  of  Albany,  late  Regent  of  Scotland,  to 
favour  a  revolutionary  movement  against  the  Spaniards  in  Naples  ;  and 
while  he  thus  diminished  his  own  numbers,  his  Enemy  received  about 
an  equal  increase  from  the  re-inforcement  which  Bourbon  had  succeeded 
in  gathering,  and  to  which  the  Signory  of  Venice,  in  despite  of  their 
recent  engagements  to  the  contrary,  allowed  free  passage  through  their 
dominions. 

Although  the  Imperialists  now  out-numbered  the  French,  the  latter 
might  still  have  retired  in  safety  ;  but  a  blind  and  thoughtless  arro- 
gance, similar  to  that  which  had  originally  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Pavia, 
pronounced  that  its  abandonment  upon  compulsion  would  be  eminently 

*  By  the  death  of  Queen  Claude,  the  Fief  of  Britany  lapsed  to  the  Crown  of 
France,  hut  it  was  not  finally  annexed  to  it  till  the  solemn  vote  of  the  States- 
General  in  1532. 

j-  For  a  remarkable  and  very  touching  anecdote  on  this  point,  see  a  Note  on  the 
Memoires  du  Bellay,  livre  ii.,  page  250,  and  M.  de  Sismondi,  xvi.,  219. 

2k2 


mem 


500  BATTLE  OF  PA  VIA.  [cH.  XX. 

dishonourable.  Bonnivet  in  particular  urged  the  necessity  of  provoking 
rather  than  of  escaping  battle,  and  his  advice  unhappily  prevailed  with 
his  youthful  Master  over  the  grave  remonstrances  of  more  experienced 
soldiers,  who  affirmed  that  the  Art  of  War  consisted  as  much,  if  not 
more  so,  in  avoiding  as  in  giving  combat. 

The  object  of  Pescara  appears  to  have  been  solely  the  relief  of  the 

garrison  of  Pavia,  which  began  to  be  straitened  for  sup- 
Feb.  24.     plies.     For  this  purpose  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 

traverse  the  whole  of  the  French  line  from  left  to  right 
strongly  intrenched  within  the  Park  of  Mirabello,  a  hunting  seat  of  the 
Duke  of  Milan  *  During  this  bold  and  hazardous  movement  he  was 
exposed  to  a  flank  fire  from  batteries,  covering  at  intervals  a  distance  of 
scarcely  less  than  three  miles  in  extent.  Having  breached  the  wall  of 
this  Park  during  the  night,  at  a  part  remote  from  the  hostile  camp,  he 
proceeded  for  some  short  time  undiscovered,  till  the  opening  of  a  brisk 
cannonade  from  the  French  lines  accelerated  his  march  in  hope  of 
shelter,  and  produced  some  confusion  in  his  battalions.  The  French 
cavalry  stationed  on  the  wings  believed  that  victory  was  already  won, 
and  pouring  forward  in  rapid  charge,  obstructed  the  hitherto  success- 
ful volleys  of  their  own  artillery,  and  exposed  themselves  to  certain 
slaughter  from  very  greatly  superior  numbers.  The  Swiss  on  the  French 
right,  terrified  by  the  absence  of  the  horse  upon  whose  support  they  had 
relied,  gave  way  after  a  very  slight  and  inadequate  resistance  before  a 
corps  of  Spanish  Musqueteers,  and  fled  from  the  field,  upon  which  they 
left  their  Commander  Diesbach  killed  in  a  vain  attempt  to  rally  the 
fugitives.  The  Dukes  of  Fleuranges  and  of  Montmorency  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  La  Palisse  was  shot  in  cold  blood  after  his  surrender,  in 
a  dispute  concerning  ransom  between  his  captors,  a  Spaniard  and  an 
Italian.  Bonnivet,  perceiving  the  great  disaster  which  his  impetuosity 
had  occasioned,  raised  his  vizor,  and  dashing  upon  the  pikes  of  the 
enemy,  sought  and  found  a  speedy  death.  The  Duke  of  Alencon,  who 
commanded  the  rear  guard,  made  no  attempt  to  retrieve  the  battle,  but, 
overwhelmed  by  panic,  galloped  from  his  post,  and  in  remorse  for  this 
act  of  cowardice  died  broken-hearted  within  a  month  afterwards.  La 
Tr^mouille,  a  veteran  in  his  seventy-fifth  year,  and  St.  Severin  were 
among  the  many  who  fell  in  defending  the  King's  person,  and  Francis 
himself,  after  an  exhibition  of  much  prowess,  and  slaying  with  his  own 
hand  three  enemies  of  distinguished  rankf,  might,  perhaps  not  unwil- 

*  Guicciardini,  lib.  xv.    "* 

f  One  of  these  was  Fernando  Castriota,  the  last  direct  representative  of  Scander 
Beg,  or  George  Castriote,  for  a  time  a  successful  rebel  against  the  Porte,  under  the 
title  of  Iscander  Beg,  or  the  Lord  Alexander.  During  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury he  resisted  all  the  Powers  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  as  independent  .Prince  of 
Albania  ;  and  on  his  fall  in  1547,  he  died  a  fugitive  in  the  Venetian  territory.  His 
family  was  invested  with  a  Neapolitan  dukedom,  and  the  Albanian  cavalry,  under 
the  name  of  Stradiotti,  became  celebrated  in  the  wars  of  Italy.  See  Gibbon,  chap. 
IxyH. 


A.  D.  1525.]  DEFEAT  AND  CAPTIVITY  OP  FRANCIS  1.  501 

lingly,  have  shared  the  fate  of  his  chief  Generals  and  friends,  unless  he 
had  seasonably  been  recognised  by  one  of  Bourbon's  followers.  He 
was  slightly  wounded  in  two  places,  lying  under  his  horse,  which  had 
fallen  in  attempting  to  cross  the  Tesino,  and  exposed  to  the  violence  of 
some  Spanish  Musquetecrs,  who  were  wrangling  about  the  division  of 
his  rich  spoils,  when  the  French  officer  interfered,  and  announced  the 
prisoner's  quality.  The  King  refused  all  communication  with  Bourbon, 
but  inquiring  for  Lannoy  the  Spanish  Viceroy,  delivered  to  him  his 
sword  in  token  of  surrender.  Lannoy  received  his  prisoner  with  all 
fitting  respect,  but  did  not  in  any  way  relax  from  the  vigilance  demanded 
by  so  important  a  charge.  At  supper  the  King  conversed  very  freely 
about  the  Battle,  which  though  of  little  more  than  an  hour's  duration, 
had  been  unusually  bloody,  costing  the  lives  of  8000  French,  and  of 
nearly  as  many  hundred  Imperialists.  He  imputed  his  defeat  chiefly  to 
the  pusillanimity  of  the  Swiss,  whom  he  stigmatized  with  profound  in- 
dignation. Against  Bourbon,  who  was  honoured  by  assisting  him  in 
washing  at  the  conclusion  of  the  meal,  he  did  not  express  any  discon- 
tent, and  on  his  removal  for  confinement  to  the  Castle  of  Pizzighittone, 
he  addressed  that  celebrated  letter  to  his  Mother  the  Queen  Regent, 
which  a  writer  not  generally  distinguished  for  pointed  or  epigrammatic 
style  has  immortalized,  by  converting  it  into  a  brilliant  Laconism.  The 
words  "  Madam,  all  is  lost  except  life  and  honour,"  really  do  occur  in 
this  despatch,  but  it  extends  altogether  to  twenty  lines.  It  has  perhaps 
of  late  been  criticised  a  little  too  severely,  and  we  should  prefer  assign- 
ing to  resignation,  rather  than  to  abasement,  the  humble  expressions 
in  which  it  is  couched  *. 

Charles  V.  affected  to  receive  the  announcement  of  this  splendid 
victory  with  the  utmost  humility  and  moderation ;  he  referred  every 
thing  to  God,  who,  he  said,  had  watched  over  a  righteous  cause;  he  ex- 
pressed tender  interest  in  the  misfortunes  of  his  prisoner,  and  he  pe- 
remptorily forbade  any  public  demonstrations  of  joy.  The  general  terror 
which  agitated  France  on  intelligence  of  the  captivity  of  her  King  was 
skilfully  and  vigorously  counteracted  by  the  energy  of  the  Queen  Regent. 
She  assembled  troops  round  the  Capital,  protected  the  frontiers,  and 
concerted  alliances  with  the  chief  Powers  who  were  likely  to  be  jealous 
of  the  Emperor's  success.  Among  these  were  Henry  VIII.  of  England, 
the  Pope,  and  the  Venetians.  Lannoy  was  soon  alarmed  at  the  escape 
from  the  Castle  of  Pavia  of  another  distinguished  prisoner,  Henry 
d'Albret,  King  of  Navarre,  who,  under  the  cover  of  a  dark  night,  and  by 
the  assistance  of  a  brave  friend  and  of  a  rope  ladder,  recovered  his 

"  *  u  Pour  vous  avertir  comment  se  porte  le  report  de  mon  infortune,  de  toutes  choses  ne 
in  est  dcmeurc  que  fhonneur  ct  la  vie  qui  est  sauvt'e.''  Pere  Daniel,  Hist,  de  France, 
torn.  v.  p.  545,  is  the  first  reciter  of  these  memorable  words,  which  M.  de  Sismoudi 
examines,  xvi.  p.  24-. 


502  bourbon's  reception  at  Toledo.  [ch.  xx. 

freedom.  The  Spanish  Viceroy,  therefore,  sought  to  be  relieved  from 
the  perilous  custody  of  the  yet  more  important  captive  whom  he  still 
retained.  He  had  acquired  the  confidence  of  Francis,  and  having  per- 
suaded him  that  a  transfer  to  Madrid  would  of  necessity  mitigate  the 
rigour  with  which  he  had  hitherto  been  treated  by  Charles,  he  procured 
his  conveyance  thither  without  the  Emperor's  privity. 

Francis  was  lodged  in  the  Alcayar,  and  Don  Ferdinand  Alarcon, 
General  of  the  Spanish  infantry,  an  officer  of  unblemished  honour  and 
well-known  bravery,  but  whose  austerity  peculiarly  adapted  him  to  the 
post  of  gaoler,  was  made  responsible  for  his  security.  Little  relaxation 
was  permitted,  and  during  the  short  rides  which  the  King  was  allowed 
to  take,  he  was  hidden  from  public  view  by  clouds  of  armed  sentinels. 
Charles,  although  much  solicited,  for  many  weeks  evaded  or  refused  an 
interview  which  his  captive  desired,  and  it  seemed  as  if  he  ungenerously 
intended  by  this  rigour  of  usage  to  extort  the  highest  possible  ransom. 
This  unworthy  treatment  deeply  aggrieved  the  high-spirited  Prince,  and 
at  length  affected  his  health.  When  the  physicians  reported  that  life 
was  in  peril,  a  fear  that  all  further  advantage  might  be  lost,  at  length 
induced  Charles  to  pay  the  desired  visit.  The  meeting  was  short,  for 
the  King  of  France  was  too  feeble  to  maintain  prolonged  conversation ; 
and  the  Emperor,  after  exciting  a  few  vague  hopes,  was  well  pleased  to 
disembarrass  himself  from  the  risk  of  committal  by  any  certain  promise. 
Francis  recovered ;  but  he  must  have  been  sensibly  mortified  by  the 
distinction  with  which  Bourbon  was  received  when  he  paid 
Nov.  13.  a  visit  to  Toledo.  The  Emperor  went  forth  beyond  the  city 
gates,  to  meet  him,  and  entertained  him  with  all  possible 
testimonies  of  confidence  and  affection.  The  sacrifice  which  he  thus 
offered  to  policy  was  not  imitated  by  his  Nobles,  and  the  nice  and  deli- 
cate sense  of  honour  cherished  by  the  Castilians  revolted  from  all  com- 
munication with  a  perjured  rebel.  "  I  shall  afford  my  Palace  with 
cheerfulness,  since  such  is  your  Majesty's  command,  as  a  residence  for 
the  Duke  of  Bourbon,"  was  the  uncompromising  answer  of  the  Marquess 
de  Villena,  upon  receiving  an  application  to  that  effect.  "  But  your 
Majesty  must  not  be  surprised  if  I  burn  it  to  the  ground  immediately 
after  he  has  ceased  to  occupy  it;  for  a  house  once  polluted  by  a  traitor 
is  unfit  to  be  the  abode  of  a  man  of  honour*."  During  Bourbon's  stay, 
he  consented  to  relinquish  his  pretensions  to  the  hand  of  the  Emperor's 
sister  Eleanor,  Queen  Dowager  of  Portugal,  concerning  whose  acquies- 
cence some  doubts  were  entertained ;  and  in  consequence  of 
Dec.  —  this  surrender  he  was  promoted  to  the  high  office  of  Com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  Imperial  armies  in  Italy,  vacant  by 
the  premature  death  of  the  Marquess  de  Pescara,  and  to  the  forfeited 
Duchy  of  Milan. 

*  Guicciardini,  lib.  xvi. 


A.  D.  1526.]  TREATY  OF  MADRID.  503 

Francis,  disappointed  in  all  his  other  hopes,  tried  a  menace  of  abdi- 
cation in  favour  of  his  Son.  If  this  proposition  had  been  sincere,  it 
would  no  doubt  have  effectually  relieved  him  from  the  acceptance  of 
shameful  conditions,  and  from  their  subsequent  yet  more  shameful  vio- 
lation ;  but  Charles  at  once  perceived  the  hollowness  of  this  stratagem 
by  a  clause  in  the  deed  of  resignation,  which  stipulated  for  the  resti- 
tution of  the  Crown  in  case  the  King  should  by  any  means  here- 
after regain  his  liberty.  The  Emperor,  therefore,  persisted 
in  his  demands,  which  were  at  length  accepted  in  a  Treaty  Jan.  14. 
signed  at  Madrid,  in  the  commencement  of  the  ensuing  year.  1526. 
By  its  conditions  he  obtained  full  Sovereignty  over  Bur- 
gundy and  certain  important  Lordships  connected  with  that  Duchy. 
The  Kingdom  of  Naples,  the  Duchy  of  Milan,  the  Cities  of  Genoa  and 
Asti,  and  the  Counties  of  Flanders  and  Artois,  were  altogether  resigned 
to  him.  The  King  of  France  engaged  to  espouse  Eleanor,  to  conclude 
an  offensive  and  defensive  League  with  the  Emperor,  to  furnish  him 
with  a  contingent  both  by  land  and  by  sea  whenever  he  should  pro- 
ceed to  his  Coronation  in  Italy,  and  to  accompany  him  in  person  in  any 
expedition  which  he  might  undertake  against  the  Infidels.  Bourbon 
and  his  adherents  were  to  be  pardoned  and  to  receive  indemnification 
for  all  their  losses ;  the  towns  on  the  Somme,  which  had  been  disputed 
since  the  time  of  Charles  le  Temeraire  of  Burgundy,  were  to  be  assigned 
to  France,  and  the  King  r,was  to  be  set  at  liberty  upon  delivering  as 
hostages  for  the  execution  of  these  oppressive  conditions  his  two  elder 
Sons,  or  the  Dauphin  only  with  twelve  of  his  most  considerable  Nobles, 
to  be  selected  at  the  Emperor's  pleasure. 

On  the  evening  before  Francis  assented  to  this  Treaty,  he  disingenu- 
ously protested  against  its  validity,  by  secretly  lodging  a  formal  docu- 
ment in  the  hands  of  notaries,  in  which  he  stated  that  his  consent  was 
involuntary,  and  extorted  solely  by  his  necessities.  The  ratification  at 
length  was  received  from  France,  whence  the  Queen  Regent,  subduing 
domestic  affection  to  her  sense  of  the  public  good,  wisely  despatched  the 
Dauphin  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  instead  of  the  former  only,  and  the 
twelve  substitutes  who  were  required  for  the  younger  Prince.  u  The 
Kingdom,"  she  said,  "  can  suffer  nothing  by  the  absence  of  a  child,  but 
must  be  left  almost  incapable  of  defence  if  deprived  of  its  ablest  States- 
men and  most  experienced  Generals*."  On  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
Bidassoa,  which  separates  the  two  Kingdoms,  Francis  was 
awaited  by  Lautrec  with  a  guard  of  horse  equal  in  number  March  18. 
to  that  of  Alarcon,  who  had  escorted  him  thither.  The 
strictest  etiquette  was  observed  in  regulating  the  passage  of  the  river. 
The  King  and  his  children  embraced  for  a  moment  in  a  vessel  anchored 
in  the  midstream,  and  when  he  reached  the  opposite  shore  he  leaped  on 

*  Robertson,  Charles  V.,  vol.  ii.  p.  361. 


504  ASSAULT  OF  ROME  AND  DEATH  OF  BOURBON.  [cH.  XX. 

an  Arab  caparisoned  for  his  reception,  and  galloped  at  full  speed  through 
St.  Jean  de  Luz  to  Bayonne,  waving  his  hand  joyfully  oyer  his  head, 
and  shouting,  "  I  am  once  more  a  King ! "  At  the  last-named  town  he 
was  received  by  the  Queen  Mother  and  her  Court,  and  congratulated  on 
his  release  from  a  captivity  which  had  endured  for  a  year  and  twenty- 
two  days. 

Fetes,  banquetings,  and  gallantries  atoned  for  the  tedium  of  his  long 
restraint,  and  it  was  almost  immediately  after  his  return  that  he  took 
into  /avour  a  Mistress,  who  exercised  great  influence  over  his  future 
conduct,  Ann  de  Pisseleu,  whom   he   subsequently  created  Duchess 
d'Estampes.     All  his  acts  manifested  unwillingness  to  perform  the  con- 
ditions to  which  he  had  sworn  at  Madrid.     An  Assembly  of  the  Nota- 
bles, summoned  at  Cognac,  declared,  in  the  presence  of  Lannoy,  who  had 
come  in  person  to  claim  the  fulfilment  of  these  engagements,  that  it  was 
not  in  the  power  of  a  King  of  France  to  dismember  his 
May  22.     Monarchy,  and  an  alliance  concluded  at  the  same  place 
with  the  Venetians,  with  Francesco  Sforza,  and  with  Pope 
Clement  VII.  (from  the  accession  of  which  last  party  it  received  the 
customary  name  of  the  Holy  League),  stipulated  for  arrangements  in 
Italy  disadvantageous  to  the  Emperor,  and  for  the  redemption  of  the 
French  Princes  at  an  equitable  ransom.     Francis,  however,  was  most 
tardy   in  his  movements,  and  seemed  anxious  to  reap   the  fruits  of 
faithlessness  without  exposing  himself  to  any  hazard  of  war  for  their 
attainment.     The  Pope,  after  having  seen  his  Capital  pillaged  by  his 
turbulent  rivals  the  Colonnesi,  and  having  found  that  little  dependence 
was  to  be  placed  upon  his  tramontane  ally,  sought  accommodation  with 
the  Emperor,  which  although  obtained,  nevertheless  did  not 
a.d.  1527.    free  him  from  the  subsequent  hostilities  of  Bourbon.     That 
General  was  greatly  embarrassed  by  the  destitution  and 
consequent  want  of  discipline  which  prevailed  among  his  troops ;  and  in 
spite  of  his  knowledge  of  a  Treaty  which  Clement  had  concluded  with 
Lannoy,  he  was  induced,  perhaps  by  many  mixed  motives,  to  attempt 
an  enterprise  which  his  times  considered  most  impious — the  attack  and 
pillage  of  the  Apostolic   City.     For  that  purpose  he  penetrated   the 
Apennines  by  hasty  marches,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  fifth  of  May 
sat  down  under  the  walls  of  Rome.     The  assault  on  the 
May  6.     following  morning  belongs  only  incidentally  to  our  narra- 
tive ;  nor  would  it  be  related,  if  it  did  not  involve  the  death 
of  one  who  has  hitherto  been  distinguished  in  its  course.     At  a  critical 
moment,  at  which  his  troops  were  giving  way,  Bourbon  leaped  from  his 
horse,  seized  a  scaling  ladder,  and  began  to  mount  the  breach  against 
which  he  had  planted  it.     A  musket  ball  from  the  ramparts  struck  him 
in  the  groin,  and  he  perceived  ^on  the  moment  that  the  wound  was 
mortal.     Requesting  to  be  wrapped  up  in  his  cloak  in  order  that  his 


A.D.  1528.]       FRANCIS  CHALLENGES  CIIARLKS  TO  SINGLE  COMBAT.       505 

followers  might  not  detect  the  loss  of  their  General,  he  expired  at  the 
foot  of  the  walls,  while  the  assault  was  yet  raging,  without  receiving  any 
assurance  of  victory  to  cheer  his  last  moments.  In  licentiousness  of 
pillage  and  in  brutal  effusion  of  blood,  no  event  in  the  History  of  civi- 
lized Europe  is  to  be  compared  with  the  sack  of  Rome  which  suc- 
ceeded. 

These  disasters  of  the  Pope  must  in  a  gTeat  measure  be  attributed  to 
the  tardiness  of  the  Kings  both  of  France  and  of  England,  who  had 
deceived  him  by  promises  of  active  co-operation  which  they  had  never 
intended  to  realize  ;  and  the  general  voice  of  Christendom  induced  them, 
upon  the  fall  of  Rome,  to  enter  into  a  new  alliance,  the 
main  object  of  which  was  to  be  the  deliverance  of  Clement.     May  29. 
Charles  V.  indeed,  perceiving  the  danger  which  he   must 
encounter  if  he  once  became  ranked  as  an  aggressor  against  the  Spi- 
ritual Head  of  the  Church,  hastened  to  disavow  the  act  of 
Bourbon.     But  Lautrec  had  already  been  ordered  to  ad-     Aug.  7. 
vance  in  Lombardy,  and  before  the  conclusion  of  the  year      Dec.  — 
the  Notables  voted  a  large  subsidy  for  War,  and  declared 
their  King  to  be  unshackled  by   the  oaths  which  he  had  taken  at 
Madrid. 

It  was  only  by  success  the  most  dazzling  that  attention  could  be 
diverted  from  the  stain  of  perfidy  with  which  Francis  thus 
allowed  himself  to  be  contaminated.     Yet  so  ill  were  his   a.d.  1528. 
measures  concerted,  or  so  shattered  was  his  spirit  by  the 
remembrance  of  former  ill-fortune,  that  Lautrec,  after  penetrating  to  the 
centre  of  the  Neapolitan  dominions,  was  left   to   perish 
miserably  unsupplied  and  broken-hearted.     A  wanton  insult     Aug.  — 
also  offered  to  the  jealous  honour  of  Andrea  Doria,  upon 
whose  choice  of  service  maritime  superiority  was  wholly  dependent, 
induced  that  veteran  to  renounce  alliance  with  France,  to  enter  upon 
new  and  opposite  engagements  with  her  enemy,  and  to  persuade  his 
Genoese  Countrymen  to  adopt  the  same  cause. 

The  King  of  France,  indeed,  had  chosen  an  unprecedented  method  of 
clearing  his  reputation.  Instead  of  pursuing  the  slow  formularies  of 
State  correspondence,  he  overleaped  at  a  single  bound  all  the  restraints 
of  diplomacy,  by  defying  the  Emperor,  not  to  continuance 
of  a  Paper  War,  in  which  their  Chancellors  were  the  lead-  March  28. 
ing  champions,  but  to  a  personal  combat  in  any  field,  and 
with  any  weapon  which  should  be  adjusted  between  them.  If  Charles 
asserted,  or  should  hereafter  assert  that  the  challenger  had  acted  other- 
wise than  as  a  Gentleman  to  whom  honour  was  most  dear,  the  lie  direct 
was  conveyed  to  him  in  the  broadest  terms,  but  with  strict  adherence  to 
the  regulations  of  Chivalric  courtesy.  This  Cartel,  so  ill  adapted  to  the 
manners  of  the  times  as  to  partake  much  more  of  the  ludicrous  than  of 


506  PEACE  OF  CAMBRAY,  OR  [CH.*XX. 

the  heroic,  produced  some  correspondence  between  the  Heralds  of  Paris 
and  of  Burgos,  and  some  audiences  given  to  them  in  the 
Sept.  10.     respective   Courts,  but,  as  may  be  supposed,  terminated 
inconclusively. 
A  fresh  army  in  the   North  of  Italy,  commanded   by  Francis   of 
Bourbon,  Count  of  St.  Pol,  was  as  much  neglected  as  had 
a.d.  1529.    been  its  predecessor  under  Lautrec.     The  General,  incom- 
petent to  his  post,  rash,  headstrong,  and  unwary,  allowed 
June  21.      himself  to  be  surprised  near  Landriano,  by  Antonio  de 
Leyva,  the  ferocious  but  able  Spanish  Governor  of  Milan, 
and  such  of  his  troops  as  escaped  from  being  taken  prisoners  together 
with  him,  dispersed  among  the  mountains,  and  sought  refuge  in  their 
native  Country. 

Peace  had  by  this  time  become  requisite  for  each  of  the  contending 
parties,  since  the  treasuries  of  both  France  and  the  Empire  were  equally 
exhausted,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  wealth,  the  patience,  and  the  fertility 
of  even  Italy  herself,  which  had  glutted  the  avarice  of  all  her  invaders 
by  turns,  of  French,  of  Germans,  of  Swiss,  and  of  Spaniards,  began  to 
manifest  unequivocal  symptoms  of  decay.  Francis,  moreover,  notwith- 
standing his  reverses,  still  possessed  extensive  territory  and  powerful 
allies  in  that  Country.  The  Pope,  whom  he  was  chiefly  bound  in  honour 
to  protect,  had  already  made  a  separate  and  advantageous  Treaty.  The 
troubles  of  Religion  had  not  as  yet  given  birth  to  the  seeds  of  Civil  War 
in  the  bosom  of  France,  while  in  Germany  every  new  Diet  witnessed 
some  new  dispute  between  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant  Electoral 
Princes.  The  rival  Monarchs,  therefore,  eagerly  extended  to  purposes 
of  general  negociation,  a  Conference  which  the  Queen  Mother  Louisa, 
and  her  sister-in-law  Margaret  of  Austria*  (widow  of  Philibert  II. 
Duke  of  Savoy,  to  whom  her  brother  the  Emperor  had  confided  the 
government  of  the  Netherlands),  held  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  pro- 
longing the  neutrality  of  those  Provinces.  Both  the  Princesses  were 
women  possessed  of  vigorous  understandings,  and  of  profound  know- 
ledge of  affairs  of  State.  They  lodged  at  Cambray  in  adjoining  houses, 
between  which  they  established  a  private  communication,  and  so  dili- 
gent were  their  labours,  and  so  unbroken  was  their  mutual 
Aug.  5.  confidence,  that  in  less  than  a  month  they  signed  a  Peace, 
known  in  History  either  by  the  name  of  the  Town  at  which 
it  was  concluded,  or  on  account  of  the  sex  of  its  negotiators,  as  La  Paix 
des  Dames.  The  Treaty  of  Madrid  was  taken  as  its  basis,  with  the 
modification  of  certain  conditions.  The  ransom  of  the  children  of 
France  was  fixed  at  two  millions  of  crowns  of  gold,  the  cession  of  Bur- 

*  Margaret  had  been  brought  up  at  the  court  of  France  as  the  future  wife  of 
Charles  VIII.  She  died  in  1530,  without  having  forgiven  the  affront  which  she 
had  received  by  being  rejected  by  Charles  VIII. 


A.D.  1529.]  LA  PAIX  DES  DAMES.  507 

gundy  which  had  been  the  chief  object  of  contest  was  remitted,  and  the 
County  of  Charolois  alone,  after  belonging  to  Margaret  herself  and  then 
to  Charles  V.  for  life,  was  in  the  end  to  revert  to  France.  Francis 
abandoned  all  connection  with  Italy  and  all  claims  which  he  had 
asserted  upon  its  various  States  ;  and  while  the  Emperor  renewed  his 
stipulations  in  behalf  of  the  partisans  of  the  deceased  Bourbon,  the 
King  of  France  dishonourably  abandoned  the  allies  whom  he  had  in- 
volved in  war.  Far  from  mediating  in  favour  of  Venice  or  of  Florence,  he 
engaged  to  join  his  arms  with  those  of  the  Emperor,  in  case  the  first 
should  not  tender  her  submission  within  four  months,  and  the  second 
should  hesitate  to  surrender  all  the  conquests  which  she  had  made  in 
Naples. 


END    OF    PART     THE    FIRST. 


LONDON: 

Printed  by  William  Clowes  and  Sons, 
Stamford-street. 


BINDING  SECT,    j\)i  4    1968 


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